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0:00
This is a word. a podcast
0:02
from Slate. I'm your host Jason
0:04
Johnson. Criminal gangs have the nation
0:06
of Haiti in their grip. crushing
0:08
efforts to build a stable government
0:10
and a path that a future.
0:13
While the American government turned away
0:15
desperate refugees, american guns are fueling
0:17
the violence and unrest, we can
0:19
not save he from this level
0:21
of violence if there isn't a
0:23
caress of work gets taken out
0:25
in the Us and curb ownership
0:27
over the fact that we are
0:30
literally. Arming death dealers to the
0:32
teeth. the latest on efforts to
0:34
bring him back from the brink.
0:36
Coming up on a work with
0:38
me Jason Johnson stay with us.
0:41
Hi I'm Josh Levine My.
0:44
Podcast The Queen. Tells.
0:46
The story of When The Tail
0:48
She was a con artist, a
0:50
kidnapper, And maybe even or
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murder. He was also given the title
0:54
the Welfare Queen. And. Her story
0:56
was used by Ronald Reagan to justify
0:58
flashing a to the war. Now.
1:01
It's time to hear her real story.
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Over the course of four episodes, you'll
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find out what was done to lend
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a tailor when she did to others
1:11
and what was done in her new.
1:13
The great lesson of this for me
1:15
is that people will come their own
1:18
conclusions based on whether prejudice or subscribe
1:20
to the Queen on Apple podcasts or
1:22
wherever you're listening right now. Welcome
1:28
to warrant a podcast about race
1:30
and politics and everything else. I'm
1:32
your host, Jason Johnson. The nation
1:34
of Haiti has learned from one
1:36
crisis to another for decades. Currently.
1:39
After a series of assassinations and
1:41
collapse regimes, the country has fall
1:43
under the control of criminal gangs.
1:46
There's only symbolic structural government. Beyond
1:48
that, Many. Roadways are crowded
1:50
with brief street battles, and everyday
1:52
life is shadowed by the threat
1:54
of rape. Kidnapping. and
1:57
murder thousands of haitians are tried to
1:59
escape the can't fleeing to the neighboring
2:01
Dominican Republic and beyond. Those
2:03
who make it to the United
2:05
States face the prospect of apprehension
2:07
and expedited repatriation. This
2:09
is an election year, and there's little
2:12
political support or interest in direct
2:14
American action in Haiti, despite the
2:16
outsized US influence over events there.
2:18
They are our neighbors. Now,
2:21
even those who have long resisted the
2:23
idea of international intervention believe that such
2:25
a force could be the last best
2:28
chance for peace and stability in
2:30
Haiti. Among them is Patrick
2:32
Gaspard. He's a former ambassador to South
2:35
Africa and the current president and chief
2:37
executive officer of the Center for American
2:39
Progress. Ambassador Gaspard, welcome back to a
2:42
word. Jason, thanks for having me.
2:44
It is always great to be in dialogue with
2:46
you. For the folks
2:48
who really haven't been following the news, let's
2:51
just do a general catch-up. What
2:53
has led to the current
2:56
crisis in Haiti over the last
2:58
several months, and how has that
3:00
affected just regular citizens living in Haiti? Well,
3:02
Jason, first let me express some gratitude for
3:04
the fact that you keep lifting up Haiti
3:06
and including it in the conversation about consequential
3:11
global crisis and opportunities
3:14
to build resilient democracies around
3:16
the world. Your listeners will
3:18
remember, Jason, that the previous
3:20
president of Haiti was assassinated
3:22
over two years ago. That
3:24
was Jejuv Ministrieship
3:48
and acts as a de facto
3:51
president as well, unelected,
3:53
no constitutional mandate,
3:55
no electoral mandate.
3:58
The United States The
4:01
French, Canadians, the
4:03
leaders of the Caribbean nations known
4:05
as CARICOM all started to engage
4:08
in broad stakeholder conversations about what
4:10
transitional governance could look like. But
4:13
it was clear that there was resistance
4:15
from Prime Minister Unrui to engaging
4:18
with civil society, with other
4:20
political parties, with a
4:22
very large group called the
4:24
Montana Okora that came together
4:26
across sectors to put out
4:28
a framework for what democratic
4:30
governance could look like in
4:32
the country after a significant
4:34
stalling. The gang crisis in
4:36
Haiti spiraled out of control
4:38
beyond the ability of the
4:40
de-capacitated Haitian police to contend
4:42
with. Prime Minister Unrui put
4:44
out a call to the
4:46
United Nations and to the U.S.
4:49
for some kind of international peacekeeping
4:51
force that could come and intervene.
4:53
In Haiti, the UN General Assembly
4:56
ratified such a peacekeeping force,
4:58
the United States and other nations pledged
5:00
to give resources for it. Ariel
5:03
and we went to Kenya to sign an
5:05
accord with the Kenyans and during that moment
5:08
gangs overran the capital, overran the
5:10
airport, made it clear that the
5:12
Prime Minister could not return. And
5:15
in that moment a number,
5:17
including myself, went to
5:19
Kingston, Jamaica as part of official
5:21
delegations to negotiate with parties
5:24
in Haiti and to stand
5:26
up some form of transitional
5:28
government that could eventually lead
5:31
to elections in the country
5:34
and the ability to
5:36
reinstitute the parliament of
5:38
Haiti, the judiciary of
5:41
Haiti and to move
5:43
forward with significant challenges
5:45
around the economy, healthcare
5:47
and most especially and acutely
5:50
security in the country. What
5:53
is the status of the Haitian government now?
5:55
Who's actually running the country because if the
5:58
Prime Minister can't come home? who's
6:00
actually maintaining the
6:03
government day to day? Or is no one doing that
6:05
at this point? Yes,
6:07
the Prime Minister has actually officially
6:10
stepped down. As Prime Minister,
6:12
he is no longer in
6:14
official governance in Haiti. There
6:17
is a transitional presidential council made
6:19
up of seven entities
6:22
plus two observers that
6:25
have the immediate responsibility to
6:27
select amongst themselves a
6:29
president of that council or a chair
6:31
of the council and then an interim
6:34
prime minister for the
6:36
country. And then that
6:38
interim prime minister has to stand
6:41
up some kind of a technocratic cabinet
6:43
to work on all the issues that
6:45
I delineated before. So
6:48
in Kingston, Jamaica, through
6:50
the auspices of the Caribbean
6:53
heads of state, a
6:56
transitional presidential council was
6:58
self-selected amongst disparate political
7:00
actors and civil society
7:03
actors in the country
7:05
and has begun to deliberate on
7:07
the next steps. As you can
7:10
well imagine, Jason, in
7:12
an environment, this fraught environment,
7:14
this polarized and this militarized,
7:16
there have been already clear
7:19
disagreements amongst the council
7:21
members about how to proceed with
7:23
their main mandate. There
7:25
are many questions that are coming from
7:27
both Haitians in Haiti and Haitians in
7:29
the diaspora, which I'm proud to be
7:32
a member of, about what
7:34
the length of governance will be
7:36
for this council, how they will
7:38
manage a kind of rotating leadership
7:40
structure to make it as democratic
7:42
and as inclusive as possible for
7:44
a body that is unelected and
7:48
whether or not there are aspects of
7:50
constitutional reform that can be taken up
7:52
in this interim period that can shore
7:54
up the scaffolding of institutions
7:57
in Haiti that really have.
8:00
not recovered from the 2010 earthquake
8:03
and the human shocks that
8:05
have followed since then. One
8:08
of the things that we found sort of prepping
8:11
for the show is that somebody who can be
8:13
said to be in charge on the ground is
8:16
this current gang leader who's
8:18
a former police officer who
8:20
goes by the nickname barbecue. Can
8:23
you tell us a little bit about this man,
8:25
how he came to power and
8:28
how he holds power throughout the streets of Haiti
8:30
right now? Yeah, so this
8:32
is a subject that infuriates me. I
8:34
will tell you Jason that much
8:37
of the coverage around this individual
8:39
in a way romanticizes
8:43
and valorizes his
8:45
assent and he's been given legitimacy
8:47
in too many quarters. Let's
8:50
put it as simply as we possibly can here
8:52
Jason. Sometimes, some years
8:54
ago, Haiti started devolving into
8:57
a mafia state. What do
8:59
I mean by that? There are
9:01
factions that we call gangs that
9:03
are all tied to and associated
9:05
with some political
9:08
actors or some oligarchic
9:10
business actors in
9:12
Haiti. Every single one of the most
9:15
prominent gangs in the country
9:17
are just a kind of Trojan horse
9:20
for a set of politics or a set
9:22
of muddied interests that are acting against the
9:24
will of the popular will of the people
9:27
in this country. This barbecue character
9:29
is simply a criminal.
9:32
He's come into power because
9:34
he had more guns and
9:36
more gang members than
9:38
others did. He has the
9:40
sophistication to take up a set
9:43
of strategies and tactics to get
9:45
command and control infrastructure
9:47
in the nation's capital. But
9:49
he does that through absolute
9:51
violent means, not through political
9:54
means at all. At
9:56
some point, this individual, When
9:58
there is a. The shit
10:00
Multilateral force. When the Haitian police
10:03
that capacity again this person needs
10:05
to be dealt with as the
10:07
criminal that he is and not
10:10
as a political act or so.
10:12
If you hear up some emotion
10:14
from the in this a fearsome
10:17
dismissive this for me this you
10:19
would be like right or in
10:21
sensing both because it troubles me
10:24
deeply. Dad a rank criminal murderer.
10:27
Someone who's serve forces have
10:29
use. A rape or as
10:31
a to and an instrument of
10:33
terror in the country is kind
10:36
of held up as some kind
10:38
of a credible force you to
10:40
for change or credible voice for
10:42
the people. He is neither of
10:44
those things. He is a butcher
10:47
connected to troubling and toxic political
10:49
forces. Who's. Backing this
10:51
individual who's making sure because you
10:53
tube you sort of way. Now
10:56
that all of these gang leaders
10:58
are are just proxies. Either
11:00
forbid businesses or their proxies for
11:02
are people who want to grab
11:04
power bother me to behind him
11:06
because that may also explain why maybe
11:09
the press gives him the sort
11:11
of robin Hood image. Why internationally he's
11:13
be viewed as someone of of
11:15
of. Potential. Care to retains
11:17
maker who's behind it. I
11:20
would say this chase and
11:22
or the United States, Canada,
11:24
France, And other partner
11:26
nations have leveled aggressive sanctions against
11:28
our political actors and some business
11:31
actors are in Haiti. Some of
11:33
them are tied directly to previous
11:35
sub prime minister or in Haiti
11:38
launch the My Dad. Some of
11:40
them have been tied directly to
11:42
a former President Michel Martelly. In
11:45
Haiti there are so cool or
11:47
in old family businesses are in
11:50
Haiti whose children or agitated the
11:52
Us or or France we have
11:54
homes or in those countries and
11:57
the sanctions against those in the
11:59
ritual ah actually create a space
12:01
or to were helpless. Arrive at
12:04
this point of side code transition.
12:06
I'm being a very careful and
12:09
not just kind of throwing out
12:11
wild accusations, but I think that
12:13
if you just follow the list
12:16
of sanctions you'll understand exactly who
12:18
is a cream this instability in
12:20
the nation at this moment and
12:23
standing up the gang leaders. A.
12:27
Lot of Americans are like to pretend that
12:29
we don't have any responsibility for the crisis
12:31
in Haiti. But. You
12:34
suggested that Us guns are really integral
12:36
to the violence down there and I
12:38
want. I want to put this in
12:40
context. I think this is important. There's
12:42
a similar problem that we haven't United
12:44
States. as far as a game. While
12:46
into Mexico, the entire country of Mexico
12:49
only have four gunshots, so all the
12:51
don't probably have there are primarily because
12:53
of stolen guns were smuggled guns from
12:55
the United States. It's a similar situation
12:57
in Haiti. Tough. Little bit
12:59
more about how the guns are getting into
13:01
Haiti and in the failure on the part
13:04
of the United States to do anything about.
13:06
So. And between two thousand
13:09
and twenty and two thousand and
13:11
twenty two thousands of weapons so
13:13
were were seized in Haiti and
13:15
raised. Eighty percent, Eighty
13:18
percent of the weapons that
13:20
were seized increase in Haiti.
13:22
That two year period where
13:24
either directly manufactured in the
13:26
Us or were traced back
13:28
to gun ownership in the
13:30
U. S. Easy percent.
13:32
And that whole not just for
13:34
those two years of tools for
13:36
this moment now holds the period.
13:38
Before then, there's not a single
13:40
gun, There's not a single bullet.
13:43
That. Is manufactured in Haiti or
13:45
anywhere in the region. About
13:47
some or two months ago,
13:50
Jason had conversations with. a
13:52
civil society human rights leader in
13:54
haiti who works very very very
13:57
closely with some non corrupted post
13:59
police actors in Haiti who maintain
14:02
their anonymity because too many of
14:04
their own leadership has been corrupted
14:06
by the gangs. And they detail
14:09
to me the actions of several
14:11
arms dealers who are in the
14:14
country who have shipments that come
14:16
directly, directly from ports in Miami,
14:19
to ports that they have seized in
14:21
Haiti. They described armored
14:23
vehicles arriving from the United
14:26
States, Keflon
14:28
body suits for gang
14:31
members coming directly from
14:33
Miami. They described guns
14:35
and ammunition that gets
14:38
constantly reloaded in
14:40
what is known as the Iron River from
14:43
the U.S. All of this is
14:45
coming from Miami. So ironically enough,
14:47
Jason, between the
14:49
U.S., the Dominican Republic,
14:53
between the British who
14:55
have their own islands that
14:57
they govern in over
15:00
in the Caribbean, they have
15:02
altogether set up means to
15:04
keep Haitians in Haiti, to prevent Haitians
15:06
from being able to migrate, to leave
15:09
the country, to come across any of
15:11
our borders. We all witness what happened
15:13
in the border of Del Rio, Texas,
15:16
when H.D. some horseback and
15:18
their crops were chasing Haitians
15:21
like wild animals through the field.
15:23
So we have the sophistication to
15:25
prevent Haitians themselves from being able
15:27
to leave the island. But apparently,
15:30
apparently have no means to interdict
15:32
all of the vast weapons that again
15:35
are not manufactured anywhere in the Caribbean
15:37
from being able to leave U.S. ports
15:40
in Miami down into Haiti
15:43
during this extraordinarily volatile moment.
15:45
It's a traumatic thing for
15:47
them, but they are
15:49
very, very, very clear about the origins
15:51
of these weapons. In the U.S., we
15:53
are very clear about the origins of
15:55
these weapons, and more needs to be
15:58
done by our Congress to provide the
16:01
law enforcement resources to interdict
16:03
that and stop that because we
16:05
are raining death on
16:08
Haiti through our arms trade
16:10
while instead spending all of our resources
16:12
to try to help people
16:14
who are fleeing, to try to prevent people
16:17
who are fleeing violence that we help to
16:19
create from being able to
16:21
get peace and safety in our
16:23
shores. It is a hypocrisy that
16:26
is stunning and alarming and we all
16:28
need to speak out about it. We're
16:31
gonna take a short break we come back
16:34
more on the crisis in Haiti. This is
16:36
a word with Jason Johnson. Stay tuned. The
16:45
next generation of influential black voices
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delicious ice cold taste of Dr. Pepper has
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a lasting effect on people. Lindsay from Sacramento
17:58
said... Pro tip, 40 degrees is the perfect
18:00
temperature for an ice cold Dr. Pepper. Why
18:02
is 40 degrees the perfect temperature for Dr.
18:04
Pepper? We brought in Sue from Duluth, Minnesota to
18:07
tell us. Oh yeah, I know a thing or two
18:09
about cold. Oh, that right there is the
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perfect kind of ice cold for Dr. Pepper. Mmm,
18:14
I'd share that with my friend Nancy. She likes
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Dr. Pepper too, you know. My coldest... Alright, that'll
18:18
be all, Sue. Having a perfect temperature for
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your Dr. Pepper? It's a Pepper thing. Inspired
18:22
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18:30
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at slate.com. Thank you. You're
18:50
listening to a word with Jason Johnson. Today
18:52
we're talking about the state of the crisis
18:55
in Haiti with Patrick Gaspard, the Center for
18:57
American Progress. Let's
18:59
talk a little bit about the latest international
19:01
intervention. What's the level of forces that
19:04
Kenya is providing to
19:06
help stabilize Haiti? And are
19:09
they even trained to deal with these kinds of problems
19:11
there? Most people, if they think
19:13
of international forces coming in, they hate, you know, Kenya is
19:15
not usually the first place people think of. I
19:18
never thought, you know,
19:20
anyone who knows anything about me, my public
19:22
statement, my record
19:25
as an activist, how I
19:27
feel generally about interventions
19:29
overseas, I never thought that I'd arrive at
19:32
a moment where I would
19:34
actually be calling for military intervention
19:36
of any kind into Haiti.
19:39
That is something that I am
19:41
just kind of like constitutionally resistant
19:43
to. There's a history of interventions,
19:45
including a U.S. Marine
19:47
intervention in the 1930s that came
19:50
to Haiti in a way that was
19:52
corrupting of the politics and caused a
19:55
tremendous amount of harm. And
19:57
that legacy, unfortunately, continues to this
19:59
day. through the constitution that Haiti
20:01
is governed under. So I have never
20:03
been one to call for this. But
20:05
as I said, Haiti has devolved into
20:07
a mafia state and gangs
20:10
run by people like that
20:12
character, barbecue that you made. You know what, let's
20:14
not even use his nom de guerre. Let's call
20:16
him, you know, his name is Jimmy Chirézia.
20:20
Calling him barbecue kind of gives him this
20:22
weird romanticized elevated status. He's just
20:25
a criminal named Jimmy Chirézia.
20:28
So individuals like that have
20:30
taken over all the institutions and
20:33
all the spaces of commerce in
20:36
the capital of the country and beyond the
20:38
capital. And we have to restore some stability,
20:40
some peace, and an opportunity
20:42
to create democratic pathways for the
20:45
future of the country. So there
20:47
is a need to increase
20:49
the capacity of the Haitian police that
20:51
has been radically, radically depleted. There are
20:53
only a few hundred police officers that
20:56
remain on the force at this moment,
20:58
and they are under fire. Some of
21:00
their leadership has been compromised. And
21:04
there's a need in the first instance to
21:06
kind of push back and beat
21:08
back some of these gangs. So
21:10
the United Nations, at the request
21:12
of the then de facto prime
21:15
minister, president of Haiti, Aria Lanli,
21:17
has approved this peacekeeping force. Kenya
21:19
will be the point of the
21:21
spear, so to speak, on this
21:23
force. But I want to be
21:26
very, very clear, Jason. There are
21:28
no Kenyan troops on the ground
21:30
right now in Haiti.
21:32
There are assets that have
21:34
been deployed into Haiti to
21:37
receive those troops. There's
21:39
equipment that's arrived in Haiti,
21:42
but the Kenyan personnel have not
21:45
yet arrived. The
21:47
US government has approved
21:49
a $300 million investment to
21:53
stand up the multinational security
21:55
support mission to
21:57
reinstate some orders of the United Nations. in
22:00
the country. Tranche of that $40
22:03
million worth has moved forward now.
22:05
Your question about training is important.
22:08
We all know that there have
22:10
been instances in Kenya of rights
22:12
abuses by those forces against their
22:15
own population. So
22:17
there is an investment that's
22:19
being made to help them
22:21
socialize in this environment. There's
22:23
clarity that's being laid out
22:25
by this transitional presidential council
22:27
that will have a security
22:29
leadership component to it that lays
22:31
out exactly what the rules of engagement are.
22:34
As you know, Kenya is an English
22:36
speaking African nation, not a Francophone nation.
22:39
The Kenyans are going to
22:41
be joined by French speaking
22:43
soldiers from Benin and
22:46
a number of other nations to
22:48
make sure they're able to establish
22:50
a rapport with Haitian leadership and
22:52
Haitian citizenry. There has to be
22:55
clarity about some of the terms
22:58
of reference for the Kenyan forces.
23:00
The Kenyans themselves announced they
23:02
were coming to secure institutions
23:05
in Haiti. They were not going to be involved
23:07
in politics and they don't
23:09
intend to be engaged in street level
23:11
fighting with Haitian gangs. Getting
23:14
some clarity on what is intended
23:17
by the protection of institutions,
23:19
getting clarity on what it
23:21
means for Kenyan soldiers, the
23:23
Kenyan military multinational force to
23:26
partner with a reconstituted Haitian
23:28
police force and
23:30
also understanding very clearly when
23:33
this intervention is expected to come
23:35
to an end because Haiti has
23:37
to move to
23:39
elections. The Haitian constitution says that
23:41
those elections should
23:43
take place in November of the
23:46
calendar year, so that would be
23:48
November of 2025. We
23:52
hope and expect that governance
23:54
is in such a place that it's
23:57
possible to do that, but elections
24:00
in Haiti without some aspect
24:02
of security. Every
24:04
election in Haiti going back
24:06
20 years now has had
24:08
some kind of multi-national security
24:10
force attending to it. So
24:13
the transition from interim governance to
24:16
permanent government will need to be accompanied
24:19
by some kind of a force, and
24:21
I suspect that the
24:23
Kenyan footprint will continue through that
24:25
period. One of
24:27
the things that always happens, I mean, is every
24:30
single sort of international intervention. You always
24:32
have mission creep, right? It starts off,
24:34
we're protecting the water plant, but
24:36
then to protect the water plant, you get attacked,
24:39
and then you got to shoot it out. You
24:41
come there to protect the hospital. You
24:43
know, this sort of domestic
24:46
gangster, Jimmy Shiraziyeh, has
24:48
said, go ahead, bring the Kenyans.
24:50
They're going to get tired in a couple months. They're
24:52
going to go home anyway. With all
24:54
the gang situation on the ground, is there
24:56
any reason to believe that Kenya may not
24:58
have the capacity to handle this past a couple
25:00
of months, that if there is a shootout in the street,
25:03
that leadership in Kenya might be like, all right, you know
25:05
what, this is getting bloody, we got to go home? So
25:08
here's the funny thing about the gangs,
25:10
Jason. We call
25:12
them gangs because they are gangs. They
25:14
are not a standing army, right? So
25:16
there's this assemblage of all the gangs
25:18
right now that Jimmy Shiraziyeh is sitting
25:20
on top of, but they are
25:22
not a standing army. They're not
25:25
a trained military force. What they
25:27
are are mostly very,
25:29
very, very young men, many
25:31
who are in their teens, who
25:34
don't have pathways of opportunity
25:36
in the economy of
25:38
Haiti, who don't
25:40
have formal training, who are no longer
25:43
in school at all. And a lot
25:45
of them are scared kids. We have
25:47
seen in the last three
25:49
months, Jason, that every single
25:51
time the Haitian police is
25:54
able to rally and marshal its
25:56
forces and push back in communities
25:58
like the Mu'a'at-Tisa. community
26:01
in Port-au-Ponce. Those
26:03
teenagers, because they're teenagers, fall
26:05
back quickly and
26:08
abandon the spaces that they
26:10
were holding. We
26:12
believe, just as was the experience
26:15
in 2004, the
26:17
last time we had this kind of intervention in
26:19
Haiti, we believe that
26:21
the same will occur when an
26:23
actual, trained, multilateral
26:26
military presence is on
26:29
the ground in Haiti. These are young kids.
26:31
They are not looking to be in firefights
26:34
with soldiers. It was
26:36
easy enough for them to victimize
26:38
a population that had no means
26:40
of fighting back. It's an altogether
26:42
different equation when you're talking about
26:44
an actual army. So the gang
26:46
leaders will huff and puff in
26:48
this moment and just make all
26:50
these pronouncements, but they will be
26:52
the first ones who will be
26:55
trying to negotiate amnesty, who will
26:57
be looking for a way
26:59
into legitimate political spaces. We
27:01
need to make sure that
27:04
there's actually instead a space
27:06
for transitional justice in the
27:08
new government in Haiti that holds these
27:11
gang leaders accountable and that there are
27:13
a set of investments that are being
27:15
made beyond the military intervention that
27:17
will create economic
27:20
opportunity so that
27:22
these scared young men are
27:24
putting down their weapons and
27:26
instead getting opportunities in education
27:29
and to work, whether it's
27:32
textile plants
27:34
or other opportunities that
27:37
will exist. We're
27:39
going to take a short break and we come
27:42
back more about the crisis in Haiti with Patrick
27:44
Gaspard. This is a word with Jason Johnson. Stay
27:46
tuned. With
28:00
local democracy might just be
28:02
too much voting about how
28:04
some environmental actually squash green
28:06
energy development. And. About
28:08
how maybe the big demographic
28:11
question of the day overpopulation
28:13
and population. My. New
28:15
show called good on. It. Questions
28:17
will be really know how popular narrative
28:20
with a new guest every Tuesday. Find
28:22
in follow good on paper from the
28:24
Atlantic wherever you get your podcasts. In.
28:28
Nineteen Seventy Eight Gay people in
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Six The Rigs: Initially, the teaching
28:35
profession is riddled with the homosexual
28:38
elements. John Brooks is gonna fire
28:40
every Gay and lesbian school teacher
28:42
in the state of California. I'm
28:46
Christina Ricci. This season on
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Slow Burn will explore how
28:50
a nationwide backlash against gays
28:52
and lesbians lead to a
28:55
massive showdown in California officials.
28:57
Tens of thousands of pissed
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29:01
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29:04
With. So much at stake. Young people
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activists became leader. Slow
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burn. Season Nine. Gaze again
29:22
spread. Out
29:25
know wherever you listen, Fearless
29:28
Work Which Johnson today. We're talking
29:30
about the crisis in Haiti. were
29:32
Patrick Gas parts of the Center
29:35
for American Progress? There's a substantial
29:37
he's an American population United States
29:39
including what? Our press Secretary: how
29:42
was the community seer? in
29:44
the us being mobilized water communities
29:46
board and communities in d c
29:48
in new york in baltimore what
29:50
whether be doing what are the
29:52
rally or the sending money or
29:54
they just trying to to raise
29:56
awareness by calling their members of
29:58
congress what's happening here Shout
30:01
out to my sister, Corinne Jean-Pierre. So I'm
30:03
glad that you mentioned Corinne as an example,
30:05
because we are at a place, Jason, where
30:08
there is a maturation that's occurred
30:11
for Haitians who are in the diaspora, Haitians
30:13
who are in America. We are now in
30:16
positions where we
30:18
are leading significant institutions, where
30:20
many of us have been
30:23
elected into government, local governments,
30:25
federal government as well, leading
30:27
key agencies, so we
30:29
can not only give voice to a set
30:31
of concerns, but we're in a position to be
30:33
able to act. There
30:36
is a broad, deeply
30:39
connected set of networks, diaspora
30:45
networks in all the places where
30:47
there is a density of our
30:49
population, whether it's in Brooklyn or
30:51
Miami or Boston, Chicago,
30:54
in Atlanta, et cetera, et cetera.
30:56
In all these places, we have
30:59
come together in person or
31:01
using the power of virtual connectivity
31:07
to share intelligence, understand
31:10
exactly what the circumstances are on the
31:12
ground, and here's the key, because the
31:15
diaspora in the past has
31:17
not only acted in a diffuse manner, but
31:20
I will say that the diaspora has acted
31:22
in an arrogant manner, in a way that
31:24
has not listened closely to
31:27
the leadership of Haitian civil society in Haiti itself.
31:31
So the diaspora in this moment not only
31:33
has real agency, but is being humble about that
31:35
agency, listening to some of the
31:37
actors who created the Montana Accord in
31:41
Haiti, listening to people who have
31:44
been leaders of political
31:46
parties in Haiti, feminists in
31:48
Haiti, young activists who
31:50
came together courageously to
31:52
create something called the Petro-Carib Challenge
31:55
to push back against the corruption
32:00
in government in Haiti, putting their own
32:02
lives on the line. So we're deferring
32:05
to them, we're listening to them and
32:07
picking up their advocacy in
32:09
Washington, D.C. I am
32:12
proud of people like J.P.
32:15
Austin, who is a doctor in
32:18
Florida, has had a
32:20
history of helping to
32:23
organize for Democrats in Florida
32:25
as well. But in this moment,
32:27
he has put all of his
32:29
eggs in the basket
32:32
of diaspora organizing, of
32:36
21st century advocacy that
32:38
takes advantage of the elite access that
32:40
some of us have to decision makers
32:42
in the State Department, in
32:45
the Pentagon, in
32:47
the United Nations, in CARICOM, but
32:50
also investing in local activism
32:54
and organization as well, that puts out
32:56
the four questions that
32:58
you've raised, Jason, about the
33:01
contours of a multilateral security
33:03
force to make absolutely sure
33:05
that the interests of the
33:07
Haitian people themselves, directing and
33:10
informing those interventions, putting
33:12
out the four questions of economic
33:15
governance through this interim period, how
33:17
aid is being used and allocated
33:19
and distributed, and also
33:22
thinking very clearly about
33:25
what it means to reform the Constitution
33:28
in Haiti and to restore jurisputants
33:30
in the nation as well. There's
33:32
an important outstanding question, Jason, as
33:34
to whether or not the diaspora
33:37
will have an opportunity to vote
33:39
directly in the Haitian
33:41
elections once those are finally organized.
33:43
I'm a big advocate for that.
33:46
We know many instances where diaspora
33:48
are still able to be
33:50
involved in Haitians in their home
33:54
countries. I think Haiti would
33:56
benefit from that, particularly since we know
33:58
there has been a massive brain drain
34:01
in the last many years
34:03
from Haiti of some of
34:05
our best-trained, most capable citizens
34:08
who have been forced to go elsewhere for
34:10
their safety and for a connected opportunity. What
34:14
would you have the Biden administration
34:16
do that they haven't done
34:18
already? And do you think it's
34:20
likely that they'll make any major moves
34:24
to the benefit of Haiti given that it's an election year?
34:27
So Jason, I think anyone
34:29
who follows me on social media knows
34:31
that I don't hesitate to criticize
34:34
my own leadership, my own clinical
34:36
party leadership, and I've done
34:39
so on Haiti. I will say in
34:41
this moment, especially since I
34:43
had the benefit of spending time
34:45
with Secretary Blinken, who pulled
34:47
away from the crisis in the
34:49
Middle East to go to
34:52
Jamaica to participate in the negotiations around
34:54
the transition in Haiti and who has
34:57
personally invested his intellectual
34:59
resources and the material resources
35:01
of his department in this
35:03
transition. At this moment, this
35:05
administration is properly focused and
35:08
engaged on these issues. I
35:10
will give a
35:12
particular commendation to a member
35:15
of Congress, Congressman Gregory Meeks
35:17
from New York, who is
35:19
the ranking Democrat on foreign
35:22
affairs, who has always
35:24
kept Haiti at
35:26
front of the center, top of
35:29
file. So right now, the
35:31
United States is the single largest humanitarian
35:33
donor to Haiti. On March
35:35
15th, USA announced their intention to provide
35:37
an additional $25 million adjacent in
35:41
humanitarian assistance. This
35:44
is building on additional funding
35:46
directly from the State Department
35:49
on humanitarian help on
35:52
food supplies as well.
35:55
And it's also clear, based on the conversation that
35:57
I was fortunate to have in the State just
36:00
last week that the US
36:02
is already intending to invest
36:04
significant resources in standing up
36:07
the Independent Artoral Council in Haiti
36:09
through this period of transition. I
36:11
will say the one space where
36:13
I think we need more focus
36:15
is on this question of the interdiction
36:18
of these weapons that are flowing
36:21
into Haiti. The Bureau of International
36:23
Narcotics and Law Enforcement has allocated
36:25
about $190 million to
36:28
develop and professionalize leadership to counter
36:30
gang violence. That's all well and
36:32
good, but we need resources applied
36:36
strategically to
36:38
stop the flow of guns and
36:40
ammunition from the United States, from
36:43
Miami specifically, that is making it
36:45
possible for the citizens of Haiti
36:47
to be absolutely terrorized. So
36:50
I want to see more investment there, more focus
36:52
there, in addition to
36:54
the humanitarian relief and in addition to
36:57
the support for the international intervention. Usually
37:01
at the end of the show, I'll say, oh,
37:03
how can people help or how can people participate
37:05
or be involved? But I want
37:07
to ask you something, a different ambassador to
37:09
GASWORD. It
37:12
was less than a year ago that
37:14
you were on our show, on a
37:16
word, and we were talking about violence
37:18
and unrest in Haiti. What
37:21
is the one thing that's
37:23
got to happen so
37:26
that we're not having this same conversation in
37:28
another year? What's the one
37:30
thing, if you could wave a magic wand,
37:33
that needs to happen so that we're not having this conversation a
37:35
year from now? You know, there are
37:37
things that some of us are doing
37:40
to create transitions in Haiti to disempower
37:42
bad political actors. We cannot save Haiti
37:44
from this level of violence and the
37:46
violence that you and I discussed a
37:48
year ago if there isn't aggressive work
37:51
that's taken on in the U.S. and
37:53
a kind of ownership over
37:55
the fact that we are literally
37:57
arming death dealers to the teeth.
38:00
with the means to eradicate the population. If
38:02
we don't do that, then
38:05
you and I will absolutely be having
38:07
the same conversation again. So we have
38:09
to have targeted sanctions against political actors
38:11
who are sitting on top of the
38:13
gangs, but then we have to
38:15
stop the flow of weapons to them. And
38:17
not a single one of these weapons is
38:19
produced in Haiti, and we
38:21
have the means to stop that flow
38:24
in the U.S. Question is, do we
38:26
have the political will to hold ourselves
38:28
accountable on this river of death that
38:30
we are transporting to this nation? Patrick
38:34
Gaspard is the former U.S. Ambassador to South
38:37
Africa and the President and CEO of the
38:39
Center for American Progress. Thank you so much
38:41
for joining us today on The Word. Thank
38:43
you, Jason. And
38:45
that's A Word for this
38:48
week. The show's email is
38:50
awordatslate.com. This episode was
38:52
produced by Christy Tywoe Macinjula. Ben
38:55
Richmond is Slate's Senior Director of
38:57
Podcast Operations. Alicia Montgomery is the
38:59
Vice President of Slate Audio. Our
39:02
theme music was produced by Don
39:04
Will. I'm Jason Johnson. Tune in
39:06
next week for Word.
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