Episode Transcript
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0:00
The Chinese government and the Russian government have
0:02
a lot of resources devoted to pushing their
0:04
message out there and the US government doesn't
0:07
Right liberalism doesn't US government sits back and
0:09
says, you know from an Olympian remove And
0:12
it's like I am the overall mighty hegemon
0:14
of information And so I'm going to let
0:16
all these tiny little actors play it out
0:19
You know and then one of those
0:21
tiny little actors is the government of China
0:23
a country four times the size of the
0:25
United States With you know arguably a higher
0:27
GDP in the United States Welcome
0:36
to Bankless where we explore
0:38
the case for authoritarianism. What
0:41
did I just say what get into that? This
0:43
is Ryan John Adams. I'm here with David Hoffman
0:45
and we're here to help you become more Bankless
0:48
now, I want to make it clear before we
0:50
get into this episode both of our guests today
0:52
do not want Authoritarianism to
0:54
win 21st century. Okay quite the opposite
0:57
quite the opposite I think both have
0:59
dedicated their lives in various ways to
1:01
pursuing anti-authoritarian ideas and a
1:03
Vitalik's case technologies So today's episode
1:06
is more of a steel man The
1:08
question is if totalitarianism outcompetes free
1:11
societies and wins the 21st century's
1:14
how might it win? And
1:16
what if the information anarchy of the
1:18
internet spells the downfall of liberalism? This
1:20
is a fascinating conversation with Noah Smith who
1:22
is an economist and Vitalik Buterin who you
1:25
know from crypto I would call
1:27
this topic a non crypto topic today But
1:30
actually game theorizing on how the authoritarians might beat
1:32
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2:24
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2:26
of Bankless, you know that at the end
2:28
of the crypto rabbit hole comes conversations on
2:30
how do we structure society and
2:33
which structures do better than others and how
2:35
should we prepare for unfavorable structures like authoritarianism
2:37
and how can we prevent that in the
2:39
first place. And with this episode, we kind
2:41
of skip straight to the bottom of the
2:44
rabbit hole talking about how technology is changing,
2:46
society is changing and how that's gonna impact
2:48
the way that society is organized. So without
2:50
further ado, let's go ahead and get right
2:52
into the conversation with Vitalik Buterin and Noah
2:54
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6:00
Welcome back to Bankless. Hey, great to
6:02
be back. We also have Vitalik Buterin.
6:04
He is a philosopher, I would say,
6:06
in the context of today's conversation and
6:08
probably know him as a co-founder of
6:10
Ethereum. Vitalik, welcome to Bankless as well.
6:12
Thank you. Good to be back. So
6:14
we are doing this episode on a
6:17
post, an argument that Noah put out
6:19
on his sub-stack. And the title of
6:21
that post is, How Liberal Democracy Might
6:23
Lose the 21st Century. And
6:25
I want to provide some context for why
6:27
we're having a Bankless episode on this. Isn't
6:30
Bankless a crypto podcast? This is certainly a
6:32
crypto adjacent topic, but I guess
6:34
I'll give some framing for this. You know,
6:36
when I read Noah's article, I was kind of
6:38
a know your enemy type of reaction for me
6:40
because Bankless listeners will know we are very much
6:43
a friend of liberalism in lowercase L.
6:46
You know, civic rights, free speech, free markets,
6:48
private property. We want that to succeed. I
6:50
mean, we have a horse in this race.
6:52
And I think in order to help
6:55
it succeed, you have to understand the
6:57
points at which it will fail, liberalism,
6:59
that is. So in the past,
7:01
I think especially in the way that I was
7:03
brought up, I've been guilty of a blind faith
7:05
in liberalism. You know, like it'll obviously win. I
7:07
think I'm sort of a maybe a victim of
7:09
just like a child in the US, like growing
7:11
up in the 90s. And
7:13
I don't want to live in a blind
7:16
faith of like liberalism will always win. I
7:18
want to live in an actual reality. And
7:20
I think that's why Noah's article was so
7:22
instructive. And so Noah
7:24
has this argument for
7:26
how authoritarianism might actually
7:29
outcompete Western liberal democracies.
7:31
And Vitalik, I think you called his argument.
7:33
I saw a Farcaster tweet about this, the
7:37
strongest case for authoritarianism. So
7:39
I think you thought it was a pretty good
7:41
case. I know you have some takes here. So
7:43
that's what we're going to do in today's conversation.
7:46
Number one, we want to just frame out the
7:48
argument. So have Noah explain it. Maybe Vitalik have
7:50
you help? And then two,
7:52
we want to talk about maybe the counterpoints to
7:54
this argument. And then three, we want to finish
7:56
off with where do we go from here? Does
7:58
that sound good? Amazing, I'm
8:00
getting thumbs up. All right, so let's start
8:02
with you Noah. So let's frame this up
8:05
because I think we need some background. Can
8:07
you just explain what we mean by liberalism
8:09
and why so many of us have this
8:12
blind faith in it? I can't be the
8:14
only one. So explain liberalism and why it
8:16
just feels like everybody thinks that liberalism
8:18
has won already, at least in the
8:20
West. Well, so when people
8:23
say liberalism, there's really, I think, three
8:25
things that they mean. The first thing
8:27
is markets, your right to basically buy
8:29
and sell stuff if you want. The
8:31
second is an own stuff, et cetera,
8:33
property rights, all that. The second is
8:35
democracy, your ability to elect your leaders.
8:37
And the third is kind of civil
8:39
rights, your ability to kind of do
8:41
whatever you want, you know, as
8:44
long as it doesn't hurt anybody else, of course that's always
8:46
being, who knows what that really means. But
8:48
those are sort of the three things people mean when
8:50
they say liberalism, your ability to elect your
8:52
leaders, live your life the way you want to
8:54
and buy and sell stuff and own stuff.
8:57
Noah, why, you start the article this way,
9:00
why were we raised in this age, and
9:02
you say you were raised in this age
9:04
of liberal triumphalism, like the sense that liberalism
9:06
has won already? Right, in the 20th century,
9:08
at the beginning of the 20th century, we
9:11
were just in the middle of the industrial revolution,
9:13
the really fastest part of it. And people kind
9:15
of didn't know how society was gonna be organized.
9:18
There were a lot of different ideas about how
9:20
we were gonna organize an industrial society and nobody
9:22
really knew what that was gonna look like. And
9:25
varieties of socialism from
9:27
evolutionary socialism, which
9:30
is basically what Sweden looks like
9:32
now, to revolutionary socialism, which
9:34
is basically, I don't know what North Korea
9:37
or something, Cuba maybe looks like now. And
9:39
then of course you had various other things, social
9:42
Darwinism and various kind of racial
9:44
supremacy theories. And then you had,
9:47
in the United States, the big idea that everyone was
9:49
pushing was that both free enterprise,
9:51
which is what we now call economic
9:53
liberalism, free enterprise and democracy
9:55
were both good things. And that was
9:57
the best way to organize society American
9:59
society. So there were sort of all these hats
10:01
on the ring of what society is going to
10:04
look like once we move from farms to factories
10:06
and offices. And I think
10:08
that by the end of the 20th century,
10:10
that question had been answered in favor of
10:12
liberal democracy by most people. In
10:15
China, which was still a
10:17
lot poorer than America at that time, they were
10:20
experimenting with various ways to liberalize the
10:22
society and people were
10:25
experiencing many kind of new
10:27
freedoms, new personal freedoms and
10:30
economic freedoms and sort of personal freedoms if
10:32
not democracy. They didn't have democracy, but you
10:34
could certainly do a Mao impersonation as a
10:36
joke in 2004 or something. And
10:38
lots of people did this professionally, these Mao impersonators,
10:40
they were women by the way, who would dress
10:42
up as Mao. And so in China. And
10:45
of course, Russia had the Yeltsin period and even in
10:47
the early Putin period, people thought like, oh, Putin's going
10:49
to be a liberal, blah, blah, blah, because he had
10:51
the support of educated sort of liberal thinking elites in
10:54
the city. And so by the end of the 20th
10:56
century, by the 1990s and early 2000s, I think that
10:58
people generally thought, okay, this is
11:00
what works. It was Francis Fukuyama's thesis, the
11:02
end of history, blah, blah, blah. And
11:05
so I think that now it's the strength
11:07
of China that's really challenging that.
11:09
And not just the strength of China, but
11:11
the weakness of the United States. So the
11:14
United States has looked remarkably
11:16
weak since at least 2008. In
11:19
the war on terror period, the United States looked kind
11:22
of angry and pissed off about 9-11,
11:24
was becoming less liberal. But then
11:26
in 2008, the United
11:28
States economic model sort of appeared
11:30
to have collapsed, the kind of
11:32
financialized capitalism that we had. And
11:34
then after the election of Trump
11:36
and the divisive rise
11:39
of social media movements, I would
11:41
say, people started asking, okay, is
11:43
this society just total chaos? And
11:45
then after that, we started discovering
11:47
all these things that our society
11:49
had seemingly lost the ability to
11:51
do, like build housing or build
11:54
trains or build literally
11:57
anything. And so America got this. images, the
11:59
build nothing country. And China almost seemed a
12:01
mirror image of that. Whereas in China, you
12:03
could build anything you want because the government
12:06
just says, do it and you do it.
12:09
And, you know, China was economically growing and
12:11
strong. And then if you go to their
12:13
cities, you see giant glittering new malls and
12:15
massive train stations and beautiful
12:17
high-speed trains. They can take you anywhere really fast.
12:20
And you see, you know, LEDs on all
12:22
the buildings, right? And then drones delivering stuff,
12:24
right? You're a doorstep, I don't know, or
12:26
a little delivery robots anyway. And so then
12:28
all of these things, I think have caused
12:30
people to question, was Fukuyama not
12:33
just wrong, but the opposite of right? Is
12:35
China style authoritarianism actually gonna win
12:37
now? Is that the
12:40
model that works now? And
12:42
so I was trying to think, okay, how could that be
12:44
true? You know, of course it's possible
12:46
that there's no model that really works and it's
12:48
all just contingent in the fact that China happens
12:50
to be this really big country that has historically
12:52
authoritarian instincts and happens to be only at a
12:54
third of American per capita GDP anyway. And,
12:57
you know, it's sort of in its rising phase and
13:00
it just happens to be really big. And it's all
13:02
just this big illusion and they put LEDs on the
13:04
buildings, but actually they don't really look that nice. But
13:06
I wanna steel man the idea that authoritarianism is gonna
13:08
win in the 21st century. I
13:11
thought, okay, so how do I do that, right?
13:14
And I thought, what was the strength of liberalism?
13:16
Why did we think it might've succeeded in the
13:18
20th century? And why might that strength
13:20
turn into a weakness now in the 21st century?
13:22
And the only thing I could think of was
13:24
the internet. That's the only thing that's different now.
13:27
Like people aren't different very much, right? We
13:30
have less lead poisoning maybe, I don't know.
13:32
But like industry isn't that different. Like there's
13:34
a few different things. The main thing that's
13:36
different now, between now and 1992 is the
13:39
internet. And
13:42
so I was thinking, how could the
13:44
internet have totally changed the game in
13:46
terms of whether liberalism or, you know,
13:48
sort of, I don't know, authoritarian totalitarianism,
13:50
whatever, naturally is stronger. And so
13:52
I thought, well, the internet's all about
13:54
information. So what's the strength of
13:57
liberalism with regard to information? The strength of
13:59
liberalism... regard to information, everybody will tell you,
14:01
Friedrich Hayek will tell you, and a lot
14:03
of people tell you, it's to aggregate information.
14:05
So briefly, Hayek's theory is that a market
14:07
aggregates information about costs and preferences, and that
14:10
you know what to produce. Producers know what
14:12
to produce because they know what people want
14:14
to buy, and they know what their costs
14:16
are going to be, and consumers
14:18
know what to consume because, you know, they know what
14:20
the producer's costs are going to be. And so analogously,
14:23
you can think of democracy as revealing information about what
14:25
voters want, and you can think
14:27
of civil society as revealing information about how
14:29
people want to live, right? People argue about
14:31
whether they like this or that music, I
14:34
don't know, or whether they think gay marriage
14:36
is okay. So then you aggregate this stuff
14:38
with public debate, the marketplace of ideas. So
14:40
you can think of liberalism as this giant
14:43
information aggregator. Now, how does the
14:45
internet change that? Well, the internet
14:47
makes information aggregation much easier, right?
14:50
So we can get information much
14:52
more easily. Maybe that actually
14:55
reduces the benefit of liberalism
14:57
because an authoritarian state can
15:00
get much better data about what to produce,
15:02
what to tell people to produce. And,
15:05
you know, an authoritarian state can get much
15:07
better information about whether the citizenry is angry
15:09
and you need to respond to what they
15:11
want. And you can get much
15:13
better information about what kind of things, what kind of
15:15
behaviors you can restrict with only pissing off a few
15:18
people versus what kind of
15:20
behaviors you would piss off everybody by restricting.
15:22
And so authoritarian states can get all this
15:24
information from the internet, especially with AI, especially
15:26
with sort of universal surveillance, kind of that
15:29
your phone is like a surveillance device that
15:31
tells you everything about what everything you do
15:33
in your whole life can send to a
15:35
central party apparatus or some authoritarian organ and
15:38
tell you everything about you. And so now
15:40
maybe that information gathering has gotten so easy
15:42
for authoritarian states. Now, that doesn't mean I
15:45
think they're better at it because of technology,
15:47
but maybe they're less bad. Maybe they'd still
15:49
have a disadvantage, but it's ameliorated, right? It's
15:51
less bad than it used to be. Meanwhile,
15:53
maybe there were some advantages that authoritarian states
15:56
always had over liberal states that have
15:58
gotten more pronounced in the age of the
16:00
internet. So for example, disadvantages of liberalism that
16:02
were always there that have been exacerbated by
16:04
the internet. And so I was thinking,
16:06
okay, well, in the internet, we spend all our time
16:08
on Twitter just arguing and the smartest people in the
16:10
world are wasting their time arguing on Twitter, like
16:13
with complete idiots who think that like, you know,
16:15
they're like, but did you adjust the inflation adjusted
16:17
graph for inflation? And like, how many times, like,
16:19
is it worthwhile to have the highest IQ people
16:21
on the planet sitting there explaining once again that
16:24
yes, inflation adjusted means you have adjusted for inflation.
16:26
Thank you very much. And so that's, you know,
16:28
giant waste of time. And so when I look
16:31
at financial capitalism, I look at, you know, Elon
16:33
Musk literally had to drive himself nuts to just
16:35
to get enough funding to build some cars. Whereas
16:37
the people who run BYD did not in China,
16:39
right? They did not have to drive themselves nuts.
16:41
Maybe they're nuts anyway. I've never met them, but
16:43
you know, Elon had to basically break himself with
16:45
stress over the model three rollout, raising money to
16:47
do this thing because the funding wouldn't give him
16:49
the money just, you know, because like, oh, cars
16:52
cool. And like, maybe this is
16:54
analogous to a lot of things in financial
16:56
capitalism. The idea that fundraising for
16:58
long-term projects is so goddamn hard
17:01
because everybody's out there saying, it'll never work.
17:03
It'll never work. And the people that
17:05
will work, you know, or just bullshitting, pumping
17:07
and dumping and blah, blah, blah, blah. That
17:10
in order to keep the fickle market
17:12
focused on providing capital for a very
17:14
long-term project for a large public company,
17:16
maybe that's just not possible. And that's
17:18
why GM and Ford and all these
17:20
old line companies seem so unresponsive is
17:23
because everything is just quarterly earnings. And
17:25
it's this information tournament. You know, if you really
17:27
want to invest for the future, you've got to
17:29
spend inordinate excessive amounts of
17:32
time, you know, on the internet
17:34
and yelling that you're good. And
17:36
so maybe this was always a problem with financial
17:38
capitalism. I think it probably was, but now that
17:40
the internet allows massive real-time dissemination of
17:42
bullshit information, like all the people who said the model
17:44
three would never work and would break Tesla and Tesla
17:46
would die. And it would never, nobody would buy it
17:48
and it would never succeed, right? There are all those
17:50
people and they're like, says it's going to fail. And
17:52
then, you know, that is required. Elon
17:55
Musk to drive himself nuts fundraising. So
17:57
I think of this as an information tournament. You've
18:00
got people yelling bullshit and you've got people
18:03
yelling truth and truth does not automatically drive
18:05
out bullshit because bullshit is very easy and
18:07
cheap to generate. It's really
18:09
easy to make a misleading graph. You
18:11
know, it's hard to make a graph that teaches you something. It's
18:13
easy to make a graph that if you decide on your point
18:16
ahead of time, you just want to bullshit. It's
18:18
easy to make that graph. It's easy to make bullshit
18:20
arguments from an ideological standpoint. It's like ideology is like
18:22
a muscle suit. So everybody just herps
18:24
their derp as I would love to say.
18:27
And so everybody just throws their ideology, you
18:29
know, into the ring and it just becomes
18:31
this giant shouting match. And so meanwhile in
18:33
China, they're just like, okay, there's just one
18:35
ideology. It's Xi Jinping thought. What is Xi
18:37
Jinping thought? Well, it's not really anything interesting.
18:39
It's just this one dude and he's sort
18:41
of a boomer conservative. And he's like, let's
18:43
make some cars. Der, let's not
18:45
make internet stuff. The internet stuff is
18:48
not real innovation. Let's make cars instead.
18:50
Der, and that's not optimal, right? You
18:52
haven't really optimized, but maybe that's less
18:54
bad than having a bunch of people
18:56
screech that like, you know, arise in
18:59
the price of literally anything is because
19:01
corporations are profit gouging and the, you
19:03
know, the evil corporations are hoarding all
19:05
the stuff. And you know, like maybe
19:07
obviously we're dealing with many very flawed
19:09
systems here, there's no perfect system, but
19:12
maybe in the age of the internet,
19:14
the internet helps authoritarians get real information,
19:16
you know, for all his authoritarianism, Xi
19:18
Jinping was also able to see the
19:20
white paper protests and COVID lockdowns and
19:23
know really early, really quickly
19:25
through the internet, when to cancel zero COVID,
19:27
right? As soon as people started getting a
19:29
little bit upset, there were like a few
19:31
hundred people at those protests and still it
19:34
moved national policy. So maybe authoritarianism has become
19:36
more responsive in the age of the internet
19:38
while liberalism has been paralyzed by
19:40
people shouting disinformation and bullshit all day. That's
19:42
a great articulation of it. And I want
19:44
to continue to steel man this. Eventually Vitalik
19:47
want you to kind of weigh in and
19:49
try to articulate what Noah is saying here,
19:51
but no, let's continue to steel man the
19:53
argument. Cause you made a whole bunch of
19:56
connections that I just want to reinforce, but
19:58
your basic idea is that totalitarianism. might be
20:00
better adapted to this world that we find
20:02
ourselves in the 21st century. And
20:05
the core reason why is because, as
20:07
you say, the internet or the
20:09
cost of information has gotten
20:12
very cheap, right? Is whereas
20:14
in the 20th century, maybe the
20:16
cost to produce information was a
20:18
lot higher. And so
20:20
this technological shift of cheap
20:22
information has really possibly
20:24
given totalitarian authoritarian regimes a fitness
20:27
advantage, like kind of in this
20:29
Darwinian struggle of which society is
20:31
going to produce the most economic
20:34
output. And so let's just
20:36
reinforce that a little bit. This
20:38
idea that liberal democracies are
20:40
information aggregators. I think bankless listeners
20:42
will be more familiar with the
20:45
idea of capital markets as
20:47
information aggregators. You know, there's that clip
20:49
that Milton Friedman pencil clip, where he
20:51
talks about how it's from the 1980s
20:53
and we'll include a link in the
20:55
show notes. But he basically holds up
20:57
a pencil and he says, you
20:59
know, no single person knows how to
21:01
make this pencil from scratch. And then he
21:04
goes through all of the different components of
21:06
the pencil, you know, the graphite inside, the
21:08
rubber, all of it sourced from
21:10
different places in the world. And
21:12
he makes the point that all of these
21:14
things require specialized skills and labor. And so
21:17
something as mundane as a
21:19
pencil is really this unique creation of
21:21
capitalism. And isn't it great that we
21:23
can all coordinate around price systems and
21:25
have market signals, we could do this
21:27
without war, you know, we could do
21:29
this in a peaceful way. And
21:32
so that is kind of like information
21:34
aggregation theory as applied to capital. But
21:37
what about applying that to democracies?
21:40
So what about the idea that
21:42
I think is core to your
21:44
argument here, that liberal democracies are
21:46
information aggregators? And so they have
21:48
a superiority in their ability to
21:51
aggregate information effectively, like leading to
21:53
better decisions and like more buy
21:55
in and public goods. That
21:57
wasn't necessarily clear to me going into
21:59
this episode. Could you steel man that
22:01
a little bit? Why are democratic liberal
22:03
democracies information aggregators and why have they
22:05
in the 20th century had an advantage
22:08
there? Right. So I would direct
22:10
you to Bruce Bueno de Musquita's Selectorate theory, which is
22:12
a really interesting theory. The idea is in
22:15
a democracy, right? So we have the same
22:17
understanding of how markets aggregate information. But let's
22:19
talk about democracies also aggregate information just a
22:21
different way. Say you have two
22:24
parties, right? And one party's like, I'm going to raise your taxes, I'm
22:26
going to lower your taxes. And the other party says, I'm going to
22:28
lower your taxes. And the party says,
22:30
I'm going to raise your taxes says, okay, I'm going to raise your
22:32
taxes and I'm going to buy you health care with that. Right. And
22:35
the other party is like, no, I'm going to lower your taxes and you can
22:37
go buy your own health care if you want, you can buy whatever you want.
22:40
And so those are the two ideas on offer.
22:42
And so the question is, what are the masses want? Right?
22:45
Then you have people vote based on that.
22:47
This is an incredibly simplified, stupid model, obviously.
22:50
But this is the first model you learn
22:52
in public economics because it's just illustrative, right?
22:54
It's an illustrative example. And
22:56
so then you have people vote on which of these they
22:59
like better. And so you do like the
23:01
high tax, high services candidate, do you like the low tax, low services candidate
23:04
better. And then you vote on them. And if
23:06
more people want high tax, high services, they'll vote
23:08
for that candidate and less people want
23:11
it, they'll vote for the other candidate. And so
23:13
then by voting, you aggregate information about what people
23:15
want about people's preferences. And
23:18
by the way, this is called the median voter
23:20
theorem. You've heard of it. And so that's the
23:22
idea of the median preference gets into policy because
23:24
then the candidates do what
23:26
they say they're going to do and everything works nice.
23:28
You get your high tax, high service, Denmark, or you
23:30
get your low tax, low service, I don't know, Hong
23:33
Kong, whatever it got. I know they didn't
23:35
really have a democracy, but like, anyway,
23:37
you can't use the United States for that
23:39
anymore because we're not that anymore. The UN
23:41
Singapore is way different. There's no real libertarian
23:43
example I can use versus that, but this
23:46
is how people used to talk about this. So that's how democracies
23:49
aggregate information. Now, are democracies perfect
23:51
information aggregators? Well, no, but neither
23:53
are markets. There's reasons why this
23:55
information aggregation fails. And so
23:58
the idea that democracy is the least bad.
24:00
system, you know, which is a famous Winston
24:02
Churchill quote, this idea came from the idea
24:04
that well, when you have a totalitarian state,
24:06
when you have, you know, Nikolai
24:08
Chachisku is in charge, right? You know, he's like,
24:10
oh, I'll ban abortion. I'll do these other things
24:12
that he like thinks are right because he and
24:14
his buddies think that all the guys around him
24:17
are like, that sounds legit. Let's do that. Then
24:19
the normal people don't like it. And he's
24:21
like, oh, well, okay, they bitch and moan, but
24:23
it's just a few loud people, blah, blah, blah.
24:26
But because you don't have the aggregation, because they
24:28
can't vote for Chachisku and you can't see him
24:30
punished at the polls. You can't see him thrown
24:32
out, you know, in favor of some other leader,
24:34
blah, blah, blah. The leadership just doesn't realize what
24:36
the people really want. And so does things that
24:39
the people don't want and then gets thrown out
24:41
violently via revolution, which causes chaos in society, which
24:43
leads to problems. Although maybe in the long term,
24:45
it's good, but then, you know, it's better if
24:47
you can throw the bums out with
24:50
an election than throwing them out by hanging them
24:52
from a gas station and by burning the Capitol.
24:55
And so that's the idea of democracies, agreeing
24:57
information about what voters actually want. Vitalik, you
24:59
put this into a pretty interesting metaphor that
25:01
I kind of want to bring up in
25:03
this point of the conversation on Warpcaster, which
25:05
is where we saw your interest in this
25:07
article. You say, this might be the
25:09
strongest case for authoritarianism. And then you link to Noah's
25:11
article. Basically, the war for people's
25:13
hearts and minds has no stable equilibrium except
25:16
local hegemony of one dominant elite, much
25:18
like and for the same reasons as what
25:20
Hobbes points out for regular war. And so
25:22
this is Thomas Hobbes Leviathan concept that I
25:24
think you're alluding to. And you're saying Hobbes
25:27
alludes to this idea that first, there's a global
25:29
state of anarchy, and then there's
25:31
a war against all, which suppresses the anarchy,
25:33
which leads to a governing elite with a
25:35
monopoly on force, which is kind of like
25:37
how we have the stable equilibrium of countries
25:40
to this day. And you allude to the
25:42
fact that this produces a same pattern with
25:44
instead of a state of physical anarchy, you
25:46
have a state of information anarchy. And
25:49
I think, again, alluding to the fact that
25:51
like putting out a tweet is so cheap
25:53
these days. And so the same pattern exists
25:55
where like, if we want truth, we kind
25:58
of need a governing elite of a monopoly
26:00
of memes is kind of how you say
26:02
it. Maybe you could also just like add
26:04
to this illustration of just like what happens
26:06
when like information markets and capital markets interact
26:08
with each other and how they can kind
26:10
of get distorted and overall just how you
26:12
resonated with Noah's article. Yeah. And so I
26:14
think you definitely gave a pretty good introduction
26:16
to, I guess, the thesis
26:18
already, right? But basically, if
26:20
you think of like what the
26:23
public discourse game is, and like
26:25
you imagine the most pessimistic possible
26:27
interpretation of the public discourse game,
26:29
there is basically no truth seeking.
26:31
And instead, what you have is
26:34
you have multiple tribes. And
26:36
each of these tribes
26:39
basically fires off a type
26:42
of missile or warship
26:45
or a tank or
26:47
whatever. That could be a meme
26:49
or it could be an article,
26:51
could be a tweet or a
26:53
video or whatever. And often, you
26:55
know, these million of these infomissiles
26:57
fired at you would have some
26:59
common themes. And so you
27:01
have one group that's like basically trying
27:04
to essentially have their memes colonize your
27:06
brain. And then you have a different
27:08
group that's also trying to have their
27:10
memes that are completely different memes go
27:12
and colonize your brain. And
27:14
so you basically have this like zero-sum
27:17
conflict, right? It's like, you know, if
27:19
we say, you know, one side is
27:21
pushing capitalism, the other side is pushing
27:23
socialism. Or if
27:26
let's say, you know, it's a foreign
27:28
policy issue and like, let's say, you
27:30
know, Greenland and Sweden are
27:32
at war. And you know,
27:34
you have one group saying, you know,
27:36
support Greenland and the other saying support
27:39
Sweden. These are just like very zero-sum
27:41
things. So like you have people pushing
27:43
in one direction, you have people pushing
27:45
in the other direction. And it basically
27:47
all kind of roughly stums up to
27:50
zero. And you just have like a
27:52
huge amount of wasted effort, huge amount
27:54
of stress, a huge amount of people
27:56
not getting literally killed, but you know,
27:59
like definitely getting like much
28:01
worse, you know, life's emotional experiences than
28:03
they otherwise would. And so you basically
28:06
ask the question of like, okay, so
28:08
you have this war of all against
28:10
all that looks very similar to a
28:12
war between two armies to conquer territory,
28:14
except instead of it being two armies
28:16
battling over a forest, you have two
28:18
meme armies battling over each and every
28:20
person's brain. And you ask
28:23
like, what is the equivalent
28:25
of a peace treaty,
28:27
right? And the equivalent
28:30
of a peace treaty is so
28:32
basically in the Yahubzian case, like
28:34
you have local territorial monopolies, right?
28:36
And then after that, you know,
28:38
you had things like the
28:41
treaty of Westphalia, which like formalized a
28:43
lot of this, and then they skipped
28:45
going further and further from there, basically,
28:47
you know, saying that, okay, you know,
28:49
we have this notion of territory, and
28:52
within each territory, then,
28:54
you know, you have a local
28:56
monopoly. And actually, the Westphalia example
28:58
is interesting, right? Because I think
29:02
that was also when the concept of
29:04
a coyos regio, a s relegio, right?
29:06
Like who has the region has the
29:08
religion came about, right? Basically,
29:10
yeah, that one of the ideas
29:12
is that kind of the local monarch
29:15
would also have the ability to choose
29:18
the religion of the country. So it's
29:20
an interesting example to harken back to
29:22
you, because we're basically saying like, even
29:24
back then, it kind of, you know,
29:27
like recognize that like this concept of
29:29
thing, like one person
29:31
having hegemony over a piece of territory,
29:33
and then different people having hegemony over
29:36
different pieces of territory is something that
29:38
applies to a physical war. And it's
29:40
also something that can, in
29:42
the same way, apply to information war, right?
29:45
And so the way that this works in,
29:47
you know, the space of information war is
29:49
basically like, okay, yeah, you know, you have
29:51
one country, and, you know, in the cell
29:53
one country, you're supposed to, you know, the
29:55
only memes that are allowed to spread are
29:57
the Xi Jinping thought memes, and you other
29:59
country and then in that other country the
30:01
only memes that are allowed to spread are
30:03
some different memes. In the third country you
30:06
have some different memes that are
30:08
allowed to spread. You
30:11
have this equilibrium where
30:14
basically you don't have at least
30:17
as much zero-sum mimetic warfare
30:19
because for every country there is
30:21
one dominant elite that has a
30:23
reliable hold over the meme war.
30:25
There might be other groups that
30:27
want to get their memes out
30:30
into the meme war but they're
30:32
just so much less powerful than
30:34
the dominant party. It's like the Asia-ISU-S
30:37
governments versus a random cultist syntax or
30:39
whatever. The second group has no chance
30:42
and so most of the time they
30:44
don't try and so there's no bloodshed.
30:46
That's the analogy
30:49
that I made between
30:53
authoritarianism though it's a very
30:55
related concept. Info-hegemony
30:57
as opposed to infohigeminy might be
30:59
one of the ways to think
31:01
about it and how
31:03
things ended up turning out with
31:05
physical warfare. One of the things
31:07
that this thesis then implies is
31:09
that if there is
31:12
this analogy then if we
31:14
want to argue that infohigeminy is
31:16
something that's actually better than infohigeminy
31:18
then we might
31:20
want to look for deep and
31:23
enduring reasons why physical
31:25
war and meme war actually are
31:27
different from each other. Okay so
31:29
Vitalik you were just framing things
31:31
in this Hobbesian world where we
31:33
have this anarchy of information because
31:35
the cost to produce information has
31:37
been very cheap and the only
31:40
remedy is that we have some
31:42
sort of centralized monopoly on information
31:44
almost like a ministry of truth.
31:46
That's the force that will bring equilibrium and
31:48
cure the anarchy and so that's the idea
31:51
here. Noah could you make
31:53
the jump for us because I'm still not clear
31:55
on the jump between you said the internet may
31:58
have possibly brought this about. And
32:00
so the cost of information, the
32:02
price to create information has maybe
32:04
plummeted or the cost to distribute
32:06
information has plummeted. Why
32:09
is the cost to distribute,
32:11
propagate information going down? Why
32:13
does that help totalitarian types of
32:16
regimes and ministries of truth? That
32:18
link is not quite clear, I think, in the
32:21
case we've made so far. All right. So there's
32:23
a cell phone maybe in your pocket or
32:25
close to you right now. Unless
32:28
you've taken extraordinary precautions, that
32:31
cell phone records information about your entire
32:33
life. Everything you do, everything you buy,
32:36
everything you search for, everyone you talk
32:38
to, everything you say to people online.
32:40
Maybe in real life too, if it
32:43
is sneaky enough, but certainly online,
32:45
where you are day to day,
32:47
minute to minute, that cell phone,
32:49
that little brick knows everything about
32:51
you, right? And so what can
32:53
that tell someone? Well, if you're
32:55
a large corporation or if
32:58
you're a government who owns a bunch of large
33:00
corporations or a government, it can tell
33:02
you what you'd like to buy. You know, it
33:04
can mine your data and say, oh, you know, I think
33:07
this guy really likes broccoli now, maybe
33:09
I'll go produce some broccoli. So
33:12
that can aggregate information about what you
33:14
want. Right. Of course, it
33:16
can do it in the Hayekian way. Right. In
33:18
Hayek you need prices. Right. How do you know
33:20
whether people like broccoli? You look
33:22
at price data. If the price of
33:24
broccoli goes up, that means maybe people
33:27
like broccoli more now. But
33:29
on your phone, you can see exactly who liked broccoli,
33:32
when they bought broccoli, what they were doing, when they
33:34
bought broccoli, whether they were talking about broccoli, whether they
33:36
searched for broccoli, blah, blah, blah. You get a lot
33:38
of information about that. And that information
33:40
that you couldn't get in 1957. That's
33:43
information you couldn't get in 1995. And
33:46
that's information that's now available. Noah, can I just
33:49
like regurgitate that just to make sure I totally
33:51
understand the way that I wasn't trained in as
33:53
an economist like you were, but just like as
33:55
a meme, I always understood like, why did communism
33:57
fail? Oh, because like central planning
33:59
is. inefficient, right? It just doesn't have
34:01
the information that a free
34:04
capitalistic market has. But I think what you're
34:06
saying is like, there's such a strong centralization
34:08
of information due to modern technology that all
34:10
of a sudden, like central planning, perhaps has
34:12
a lot more of information that it previously
34:14
would not have had thanks to technology. I
34:16
think that's just like what you're saying in
34:18
a short way. Right. And the hypothesis here
34:21
is that it's gone from being, say, 20%
34:23
as good as free markets
34:25
to being 60% as
34:28
good as free markets. It's still significantly
34:30
worse, but the disadvantage is less. And
34:33
perhaps that disadvantage is now small enough where it
34:35
can be more than compensated for by advantages and
34:37
other domains. And that's the hypothesis. Of
34:39
course, I think that personally, you know,
34:41
I was briefly a finance professor and
34:43
I think, you know, about capital allocation, things
34:46
like that. Personally, obviously, whether people want
34:48
to buy broccoli or not, that's the
34:50
classic example. Right. But if you think about
34:52
productive efficiency, each companies are best. Right.
34:55
Suppose you have one country where the government is
34:57
allocating money to companies and saying, okay, you can
34:59
have this much funding. You can have that much
35:01
funding. And another country where how much
35:03
funding you get is based on, you know, a
35:05
whole bunch of investors deciding what's priced to value
35:07
your stock at and what interest rate to charge
35:10
you in the bond market. Right. And then in
35:12
the other one, you just have some banks which
35:14
are owned by the government saying, okay, we think
35:16
you're going to have good opportunities or you get
35:18
money, you get investment capital. And so
35:20
the internet can provide the people doing,
35:23
you know, loan evaluation or whatever with
35:25
massively more amounts of information about both
35:27
who's buying their products and how their
35:29
stuff is organized and what their technology
35:31
is like and all these things about
35:33
a company that you just couldn't get
35:35
that information in 1995, even if you
35:37
like. And I know because the Japanese
35:39
bureaucracy really tried and they
35:42
weren't, they, you know, Mitty was constantly behind the
35:44
curve on this and they were the best of
35:46
the best. Back in the 90s, they were just
35:48
racking up one L after another doing this. And
35:50
of course, when the Japanese economy thrived, it was
35:52
often, you know, kind of because people just
35:54
went around Mitty. You
35:56
know, sometimes Mitty did have some big success, but that's another
35:59
topic. And that was most earlier, but then, so
36:01
I guess the idea is that maybe
36:03
the internet, when we say the internet, we don't
36:05
just mean like people arguing on Twitter, right? We
36:07
don't just mean people podcasting like
36:09
we're doing now. We also mean things
36:11
like the massive data collection. So the
36:13
amount of data about, you know, buying
36:15
behaviors and demand and what people are
36:17
doing with their workday, you know, and
36:19
whether people are productive and all these
36:21
things and about who has what technology
36:24
in their company. The amount
36:26
of information is vastly greater. We store massive
36:28
amounts of information. So databasing is really the
36:30
thing here. And so databasing and then
36:32
the fact that it's all networked means that you can
36:34
transmit it easily, but you know, you can run regressions
36:36
on it too. We have much better
36:39
information. I'm sorry, much more, I don't know whether it's
36:41
better, much more information about what companies are doing, how
36:43
they do it, and what they might be able to
36:45
do in the future than we did 20 years ago,
36:47
30 years ago. And so an
36:50
authoritarian state might be able to use that to allocate
36:52
capital, say that before they were only 20% as
36:55
good at allocating capital as a, you know,
36:57
market economy. Let's say now they're 60% as
37:00
good at allocating capital as a market
37:02
economy. Well, that has significantly eroded their
37:04
disadvantage. You know, there's still disadvantage. Maybe
37:06
markets are still the best, you know,
37:08
and Hayek's still formally right. But the
37:10
difference has shrunk to the point where
37:13
authoritarian states as other strengths that were
37:15
always there can now shine through more.
37:18
That's the worry. You know, I don't think
37:20
this is true necessarily. I just think it's
37:22
worth thinking and worry about. I don't think
37:24
any of this is true. You know, I'm
37:26
making a case here. I'm being a bit
37:29
of a lawyer for this idea because I
37:31
don't really strongly believe that this is right.
37:33
And I also think that like, you know,
37:35
I fervently hope that in 20 years we'll
37:38
be saying, well, that's why Xi Jinping's, you
37:40
know, regime collapsed because, you know, obviously liberal
37:42
democracies are much better. I
37:44
hope we're saying that. I want to be able to say
37:46
that in 20 years, but I don't know standing right here.
37:48
I don't know what's going to happen. And so I'm sort
37:50
of pushing this scary idea so that we can think about
37:52
it. This is the hypothesis.
37:54
Okay. So Vitalik, if you remind, have we
37:57
sufficiently explained the argument that no, is. making
37:59
or would you add anything else? I know,
38:01
Noah, you touched upon information tournaments a little
38:03
bit and kind of like the drive by
38:05
explanation, but you know, like maybe we could
38:07
touch upon that. Or just like in general,
38:10
do you think we've articulated the case he
38:12
was making in his article, Vitalik? Or what
38:14
would you add? Yeah, I mean, I think
38:17
I would only add one small thing,
38:19
which is like, you know, we talked
38:21
about info Hobbsianism, but there's definitely a
38:23
kind of generalized, you know, Hobbsianism that
38:25
you can talk about and like, to
38:28
the extent that you can model aspects
38:30
of finance as a war against all then
38:33
like, fine, you know, throw that in there.
38:35
Like, you know, if you
38:37
think about like, some like billion dollar
38:39
hedge funds, and like using, like high
38:41
leverage to try to like attack and
38:43
like break particular companies positions and like
38:46
if you interpret that as a zero
38:48
sum behavior, then like, you could
38:50
kind of squint and make a
38:53
case for like putting up financial
38:55
walls to protect against that, then
38:57
you know, you can apply similar
38:59
ideas to potentially,
39:02
yeah, offline,
39:05
internet things potentially to the
39:08
biospace, like basically, yeah, it's
39:11
a pretty generalizable argument. And so
39:14
you can try to like apply
39:16
it issue by issue to like
39:18
different kinds of things and basically
39:20
see them and like is that
39:22
say, zero sum game that's like
39:25
analogous to physical warfare in the
39:27
right ways. And that it
39:29
feels like it has the same equilibrium and like
39:31
if it feels like it doesn't then you know,
39:33
you can like actually look like dig into the
39:36
specific example and explore the reasons why. Yeah, one
39:38
example that Noah gives maybe this gets into the
39:40
idea of like wasteful information tournaments that might be
39:42
going on in like Western liberal democracies is the
39:44
idea of an election. And you
39:47
know, you competent that the average US
39:49
politician spends about 30 hours of their
39:51
work week actually just trying to raise
39:53
funds, raise capital in order to what
39:55
in order to go get elected again.
39:57
And it's like which leaves you the
39:59
question of how much of their time
40:01
is actually spent on governing. And the
40:03
question of, well, is this just wasteful,
40:05
right? It's like, will a regime that
40:08
does not need to have elections, will
40:10
that regime just out-compete, maybe govern more
40:13
and spend the 40 hour work without
40:15
actually governing, not wasting all this capital
40:17
on getting elections? So is
40:19
part of the idea here, Noah, that we have
40:21
this waste going on in liberal
40:23
democracies? And how would you pattern match that
40:26
with what we've discussed so far? Let's think
40:28
about why Congress people are out there fundraising
40:30
their entire time. If you're holding national office,
40:32
what do you use money for? Use
40:35
it for television advertisements, use
40:37
it for internet advertising, use it for
40:40
ads, right? So now suppose
40:42
the other side also raised a bunch
40:44
of money and uses that for ads,
40:46
okay? Now, television isn't the
40:48
internet, but the fact that the
40:50
internet makes it very easy to
40:52
spread misinformation. So for
40:54
example, we've seen a lot of
40:56
people spread, misinformation about
40:58
how good the economy is doing. Often
41:01
in order to discredit Biden, but sometimes
41:03
to defend Biden too. We've
41:05
seen people use alternative methods of inflation
41:07
that are just absolute terrible methodology, but
41:09
broadcast that with scary, scary charts or
41:12
numbers to like a whole bunch of
41:14
gullible people. We've seen people
41:16
do charts where you adjust one of the
41:18
lines for inflation, the other isn't to show
41:20
that people's purchasing power is collapsing when actually
41:22
it's not, because you've just inflation adjusted the
41:24
wages and you didn't inflation adjust the prices.
41:27
Those are just a couple of things I encounter in my daily
41:30
life on the internet arguing, massive disinformation
41:32
and these memes take hold, and a
41:34
lot of people believe them, right?
41:37
And so how do you counter them? How
41:39
do you counter these memes? As a politician, if someone
41:41
shows a viral chart showing that wages
41:44
are flat and prices are way, way up, and
41:46
it's because they adjusted the wages for inflation. So
41:48
the wages only increased slowly while they didn't adjust
41:50
the prices for inflation. So the price, you know,
41:52
and so they show this chart and it goes
41:54
around and now you're a politician and you've actually
41:56
done a good job and wages have
41:59
gone up adjusted for inflation. You know,
42:01
real wages have gone up and you've done a good
42:03
job and now you have to counter that message that
42:05
it's as easy to misunderstand that chart. Like
42:08
it always goes viral because it looks really dramatic
42:10
at total fucking disinformation bullshit. Like
42:13
I know you should adjust the inflation
42:15
for both. You adjust both time series for inflation if
42:17
you're going to compare this. You
42:20
know, this is not an ambiguous case, right? This is
42:22
just a mistake. And often it's an intentional mistake. People
42:24
intentionally do this just to get clicks. I could do
42:26
it tomorrow. I could just show you
42:28
how it's done. Right. But I'm
42:30
not going to. But you can and people do
42:32
it all the time. The Wall Street Journal did it by
42:34
accident once and had to like retract it. So
42:36
what I'm saying is how do you counter that? Well,
42:38
perhaps you can pay to put your own message out there.
42:41
Actually, real wages went up and you know, you can pay to
42:43
do TV ads saying real wages went up. You know, wages went
42:46
up by this much for the cost of living only one. But
42:48
that costs money, money, money, money. And
42:50
you have to be out there fundraising
42:53
for that money all day long while
42:55
someone else, you know, a 27 year
42:57
old staffer does the job of governing.
42:59
So the cost to create misinformation is
43:01
just like very cheap. And it takes
43:03
a very high cost to sort of
43:05
validate or verify that information is true
43:07
or not. Right. So in all
43:09
of this, I'm curious, Vitalik, you called this like sort
43:11
of what we're up against.
43:14
You seem to find Noah's argument
43:16
that he's making pretty compelling as
43:18
to why totalitarianism, maybe let's call
43:20
it, could dominate and beat the
43:23
idea of like Western civil liberties.
43:26
And this is all very ironic, I think,
43:28
because it would be sort of defeating a
43:30
device that was supposed to propagate democracy
43:34
and liberal values, let's say, which is like
43:36
the Internet. And so the idea that a
43:38
tool of liberal democracy creation
43:40
could actually be used by totalitarian
43:42
regimes to beat them at their
43:45
own game is somewhat counterintuitive. So
43:47
why did you call this argument
43:50
sort of what we're up against?
43:52
And maybe you consider it a
43:54
good argument against liberalism in the
43:56
21st century. I think the idea
43:58
of like info war as. a
44:01
zero sum game is one of
44:03
those ideas that's like at
44:05
the top of a lot of people's minds. It's
44:08
definitely something that is concerning a lot
44:10
of people. And it's definitely something where
44:12
if you just go and look
44:15
out onto the Twitter verse
44:17
yourself, you can very clearly
44:19
see evidence for it. I
44:22
think also just one of the interesting
44:25
things about the being in the
44:27
crypto space is that in
44:29
a lot of ways, we get to be a
44:31
couple of years ahead to some of these trends.
44:34
There is definitely huge
44:37
amounts of zero sum info
44:39
warfare that's happening between
44:41
Ethereum and Bitcoin maximalists,
44:43
Ethereum and the XRP
44:45
army, Ethereum and Solana,
44:47
Ethereum and whoever. At
44:50
least between the more hawkish
44:52
and maximalist factions in each
44:54
of which, under
44:57
the surface, there's a lot of
44:59
devs that actually get along quite well. That's
45:02
not visible if you just look at Twitter. But
45:05
the info war of all against all layer
45:07
is definitely a
45:09
layer that exists. We
45:12
see how all of these
45:14
info wars are coming out
45:16
and we see the
45:18
obvious need for some kind
45:20
of better
45:22
way of actually
45:24
doing this function of aggregating
45:27
and eliciting a lot of different
45:30
people's wisdom and thinking power and
45:32
information. A lot of what we
45:35
have today is just not actually meeting
45:37
that. It is worth thinking
45:40
about basically, what is the worst
45:42
case scenario? I would evolve this
45:44
and the worst case scenario definitely
45:46
seems to be an
45:51
outcome where all of these problems don't get solved
45:53
at all. It turns out the more serious versions
45:58
of all the problems actually. are
46:00
true and actually will continue
46:03
to be true and like basically
46:05
nothing survives aside from essentially
46:09
islands of various sizes that are
46:11
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46:13
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the largest Ethereum communities. Yeah,
49:19
isn't the worst case scenario what
49:21
Noah pointed out, which is basically
49:23
like liberal democracies are on their
49:25
way out? So in a similar
49:27
way that agricultural societies disrupted hunter-gatherers
49:29
and like, you know, industrialization kind
49:31
of like beat out the monarchies,
49:33
then maybe information tech just, you
49:35
know, spells the end of
49:37
liberal democracies. Isn't that the worst
49:40
case scenario for fans of liberalism? Yeah,
49:42
yeah, I think it absolutely is. Well,
49:44
I hope that that's not true. Maybe
49:47
we can get into how this argument
49:49
could be wrong. And
49:52
I'll throw this over to Noah to
49:54
start. So you've put forth the argument,
49:56
which is, you know, the cost to
49:58
create information as it plummets. Maybe
50:00
it gives an advantage to totalitarian
50:02
regimes and disadvantage is liberalism and
50:05
the idea of liberalism and these
50:07
totalitarian regimes just outcompete liberal democracies
50:09
in the 21st century. So
50:11
let's talk about how this argument could be
50:13
wrong. And I just want to maybe throw
50:15
this to you Noah. So we've had technologies
50:18
in the past that have brought the cost
50:20
to propagate information like down to zero. Like
50:22
one of those technologies was the printing press,
50:25
right? And so it did not
50:27
lead to totalitarian regimes kind of
50:29
taking charge and winning. More or
50:31
less led to renaissance, more or
50:33
less led to the splintering
50:36
and forking of sorts of
50:38
different religions, Protestantism sort of
50:40
had its way with the
50:42
introduction of the printing press.
50:45
So it seems like we've had technologies
50:47
like the internet in the past and
50:49
it bred more liberalism, it bred
50:52
more freedom. Like why is that
50:54
not the case here? I'm asking you to
50:56
maybe argue with yourself. Do you think that's
50:58
a compelling reason for why this thesis might
51:00
be wrong? Well good. So I think that
51:02
that's basically something
51:04
about lowering information costs made liberalism
51:07
strong in the 19th century and
51:09
then really in the 20th century.
51:12
And maybe in earlier centuries too, you know, you
51:14
can make an argument that the 30 years war
51:16
was won by the less illiberal side and they're
51:18
both pretty illiberal, but you could make an argument
51:20
that the protestant states at least, you
51:22
know, didn't have the overarching and at the
51:24
time quite corrupt Catholic church and that made
51:26
them more liberal and that the Habsburgs were
51:28
really in some sense the bad guys. But
51:31
so you can make that argument. But I think
51:33
to make the argument that I'm making, you need to look
51:35
at non-linearities, right? You need to look at a U curve.
51:39
The idea is that as information becomes
51:41
cheaper, it becomes possible to aggregate
51:43
information with mechanisms like markets more easily. With
51:45
the printing press, you can have people on
51:47
the telegram and all this stuff. You can
51:50
send information about prices farther and faster and
51:52
this allows you to get, you
51:54
know, aggregate information through the price mechanism
51:56
faster. Same with like voting. It's easier
51:59
to get information about what the candidates
52:01
actually want. Of course
52:03
you had plenty of disinformation there too at the
52:05
time, but still you can make this argument that
52:08
information aggregation becomes easier with just a
52:10
little bit of reduction of information aggregation
52:13
costs, but then that plateaus over time.
52:16
You know, so you have this thing where at
52:18
first a little bit of information technology like the
52:20
printing press and the TV and the radio make
52:22
it easier to aggregate preferences, but
52:25
then the internet doesn't necessarily make it
52:27
much easier on top of that to,
52:29
you know, figure
52:31
out what people want to buy and
52:33
stuff like that for the market, say,
52:36
to aggregate information about preferences, democracy. It
52:38
doesn't make it much better. And then
52:40
let's say that the disadvantages might
52:42
be a concave function like this, right? They
52:45
might be an upward bending function where
52:48
the social resources that you waste on
52:50
information tournaments might simply
52:53
increase a lot. And so
52:55
you have this crossover point, right? At
52:57
first your information tournament cost is only
52:59
increasing slowly while your information aggregation benefit
53:02
is increasing very quickly. And here's where
53:04
liberal democracy wins. But then when they
53:06
cross over here, here's where a liberal
53:09
democracy starts losing because the costs keep
53:11
growing and growing and growing while the
53:13
benefits asymptote or let's say decline in
53:15
its convex or I
53:18
mixed up concave and convex, but it's
53:20
whether the set under it anyway, but
53:22
the curve go up. So convex costs,
53:24
right? Or in concave utility is
53:26
the whole idea here. And you get this
53:28
pattern with a lot of things, right? You get
53:30
this pattern with like investment in the solo
53:32
model of growth, right? You have diminishing returns
53:34
to capital, but you have straight line depreciation costs
53:37
or even increasing depreciation costs as you build
53:39
more and more capital. And so eventually there's
53:41
some crossover point where building more capital hurts you
53:43
instead of helps you. It's like, do you
53:45
need one more bridge? Do you need one
53:47
more office building? At
53:49
some point the balance flips, right? So to get
53:51
this argument, you need to get an argument where
53:54
you have this crossover and this flip. And
53:56
the idea is that when information costs get,
53:58
you know, They start out very high because
54:00
you're just like Grog the caveman running around
54:03
your club. And then as you get better
54:05
technology, you get information costs gets lower and
54:07
lower because people learn how to write and
54:09
things like that, and printing press and television
54:11
and radio, blah, blah, blah, and liberal democracy
54:13
better and better and better. And then you
54:15
hit some crossover point with the internet where
54:18
suddenly your benefits have really just
54:20
asymptoted out while your costs continue to
54:22
explode from information tournaments. So in order
54:24
to make this argument, you need to
54:26
make an argument for a nonlinearity. You
54:29
can't just say more information equals more
54:31
good or or more liberal or right.
54:33
That's straight line thinking. Right.
54:36
So you have to think non-linearly and have some
54:38
crossover point in order to make this argument. I'm
54:40
wondering if you could give your perspective. I'll pull
54:42
in a metaphor from the AI safety people of
54:45
just like, what do you think your like P
54:47
doom is when it comes to like
54:49
totalitarian structure being the most fit as
54:51
a result of the curves that Noah
54:53
is illustrating. You talk about in your
54:55
warp cast, just like some reasons about
54:57
why this argument could be wrong. Maybe
55:00
you can like, give us some assurances
55:02
about why this is a thought experiment
55:04
and not reality. Well, I mean, I
55:06
think one thing that we
55:08
have to kind of nail down first is
55:10
the difference between being the best fit and
55:12
winning, right? Because one
55:15
property that a lot
55:17
of like systems that are organized
55:20
in a very centralized way have
55:22
in practice is that like economies
55:25
of scale and extraction are higher
55:27
than economies of scale in actual
55:29
production. And so even
55:32
if they're kind of less fit in
55:34
some utilitarian sense of
55:36
improving human flourishing, like it's
55:38
really could easily still ends
55:40
up like extracting more and
55:42
succeeding more in zero sum
55:44
conflicts for various reasons. So
55:46
that's like one big caveat
55:49
that's really important to make,
55:51
right? But yeah, I mean, in terms of like,
55:53
P totalitarianism or
55:55
P whatever, I think,
55:58
what are the challenges of giving this number? that
56:00
it's so hard to define what all of
56:02
these terms are even going to mean 50
56:05
years from now. Because we're
56:08
talking about transitions through some
56:11
pretty massive technological changes, whatever
56:13
AI is going to do, whatever
56:16
that's going to do with the
56:18
global economy, whatever advances in biotech
56:20
are going to do, whatever advances
56:23
in other kinds of digital technology
56:25
are going to have. The
56:28
concept of something like
56:30
private property, in some
56:33
sense, becomes less and less meaningful with
56:35
every passing year as things become more
56:37
and more digital. And
56:39
as we're just basically turning
56:41
into everything being network effects.
56:44
It's hard for me to
56:46
give percentages because
56:49
there's definitely a case to
56:51
be made that if you took someone from 150
56:54
years ago and you woke them up today
56:56
and you showed them how any modern society works,
56:58
then they would say, obviously, totalitarianism has won.
57:02
What do you mean? You can't legally hire someone
57:04
without filling in a whole bunch of forms and
57:06
giving them 40. It's the
57:08
most totalitarian thing out there. It's
57:11
difficult to make a numerical comparison
57:13
for even just some of the
57:15
reasons. Maybe
57:18
just to start going into the
57:21
counter arguments a bit. Yeah,
57:25
I think basically if
57:28
we go back to the
57:30
info Hobbesian thesis, which basically
57:32
says that the info war
57:34
of all against all, one
57:36
is a war, meaning it's
57:38
a negative sum game rather than zero or
57:40
a positive sum. Two,
57:45
it does not have stable equilibria that
57:47
are not physical borders. And
57:50
three, it does have stable equilibria
57:52
that are physical borders. I
57:54
think those are the three claims. I
57:57
think you can ultimately attack each one of them
57:59
in the future. And, you know, we
58:01
can start from the end, right? No, it
58:04
does info Hobbesianism even have equilibria that
58:06
are physical borders, right? Well, go on
58:08
Twitter. And one of the
58:10
first things that you see is, you
58:13
know, you'd still see people from,
58:15
and like, or bots of different
58:18
countries that are very hostile toward
58:20
each other, that are still
58:22
fighting the memoir against each other in all
58:24
kinds of different contexts, right? Even
58:27
if they have a very strong
58:29
censorship internally, like, you know, the memoir
58:31
continues, right? Like, that's one question, right?
58:33
And then, you know, we kind of
58:36
joke about how, like, oh, you know,
58:38
the only names that you're allowed to
58:40
spread are, you know, the local governments,
58:43
and like approved thought or whatever. But I
58:45
feel like actually go to like any one
58:48
of these countries, and possibly
58:50
with the exception of North Korea, though,
58:52
like, probably even there, like, it's not
58:54
actually like that at all, right? And
58:56
like, it's actually, you know, the meme
58:58
ecosystem is still actually quite
59:01
porous in practice. So that's like the
59:03
first question, right? Like,
59:05
basically, in a
59:07
digital environment, then, look, is
59:09
the natural equilibrium even like
59:11
national borders, or is
59:14
it the case that like, oh, well, actually,
59:16
the only equilibrium that makes sense from
59:19
a Hobbesian perspective is one where
59:21
there's basically a single elite that dominates the entire world. Right?
59:24
That, in some ways, is like an
59:26
even scarier thought, right? Because we're not
59:28
even talking about hegemony within
59:31
one country. We're talking about like a
59:33
single hegemonic actor that just takes over
59:35
the entire world. And at that point,
59:37
even if they're completely unfit, there's like
59:39
basically, yeah, no pressure that can effectively
59:41
unseat them, right? Like, world government is
59:43
deeply scary in a way that national
59:46
government does not. Then the
59:48
question is like, well, if that's
59:50
actually the case, then like maybe,
59:52
yeah, there's enough people around
59:54
the world to just find that kind of
59:56
scenario as horrible as I do that they'll
59:58
actually start fighting again. against it. So
1:00:01
that's the first thing that I think
1:00:03
is worth being skeptical about. Are there
1:00:06
actually equilibria that don't involve or that
1:00:08
do involve borders? And then the second
1:00:10
one is, are there
1:00:12
equilibria other than war that don't
1:00:14
involve at least physical borders? And
1:00:18
I think here what's interesting
1:00:20
is this is where a lot of
1:00:22
the differences really start to shine. And
1:00:25
this is, I think, something that's
1:00:27
very second nature to the crypto
1:00:29
space. Which is basically that the
1:00:31
possibilities for defense exist in the
1:00:34
digital world that just do not
1:00:36
exist in the physical world. Theoretically
1:00:39
in the physical world, people can
1:00:41
wear body armor. But in practice,
1:00:43
body armor is super inconvenient. It's
1:00:45
sweaty. It's incredibly annoying in a
1:00:48
whole bunch of ways. It's unfashionable.
1:00:50
I'll say that. Yeah, it's not
1:00:52
cute. Yeah. I mean, you can
1:00:54
stick body armor into suits if
1:00:56
you want. But these days, even
1:00:58
suits are becoming more and more
1:01:00
lame. But then in the digital
1:01:03
world, if you think about your Internet
1:01:05
experience using HTTPS in
1:01:07
2024 versus your Internet
1:01:09
experience using HTTP in
1:01:12
2009, do
1:01:14
they feel different? Obviously, the
1:01:16
applications feel different. But does the difference
1:01:18
between HTTP and HTTPS feel like anything?
1:01:20
And I think the answer is
1:01:22
currently no. Now, that's a
1:01:25
bit of us, I think, somewhat
1:01:27
of an artificially unreasonable example,
1:01:29
right? This gets into the
1:01:31
divide between what I
1:01:33
call cyber defense and what I
1:01:36
call info defense in my big,
1:01:38
long, techno optimist manifesto from last
1:01:40
year. Right. And basically, it's
1:01:42
like, cyber defense is the
1:01:44
type of defense where every reasonable person can
1:01:47
agree who the bad guy is. And
1:01:49
info defense is when there is room
1:01:51
for an interpretation. But even in
1:01:54
the case of info defense, right, you know, you
1:01:56
can ask things like, what even
1:01:58
are the physical world equivalent? What
1:02:02
are the physical world equivalence of
1:02:04
prediction markets? Or to even go
1:02:06
low tech, what even are the
1:02:08
physical world equivalence of different
1:02:11
groups of people being able to be on different social
1:02:13
medias and be on group chats, right? One
1:02:18
of the kind of lines of skepticism
1:02:20
that I think you can really legitimately
1:02:22
raise against inferring the extents to which
1:02:24
the in-house fears of war of all
1:02:26
against all on Twitter is basically that
1:02:28
Twitter is the worst of it that
1:02:31
you see, and it's the worst
1:02:33
of it precisely because you can see it. If
1:02:36
you think about private group chats, for
1:02:38
example, private group chats consistently maintain higher
1:02:40
levels of quality and high levels of
1:02:42
productive discourse. Smaller social media platforms, whether
1:02:44
it's Farcast or whatever else, they maintain
1:02:47
higher levels of discourse. Actually,
1:02:55
Noah even wrote an article about
1:02:57
how the internet wants to be
1:02:59
fragmented. The
1:03:01
counter argument is, what if this
1:03:04
vision of the global water cooler that
1:03:06
we all got addicted to in the
1:03:08
2010s just happens to be the worst
1:03:10
possible version of all of this from
1:03:13
an info warfare being negative, some perspective.
1:03:16
And now we actually are learning and we
1:03:19
actually are adapting and the internet is already
1:03:21
in a whole bunch of smaller
1:03:23
and larger ways reconfiguring itself to
1:03:26
already starts to become
1:03:28
less warlike in ways
1:03:30
that have no equivalence again in
1:03:32
the physical world because the
1:03:35
mechanics of constructing digital walls and constructing physical
1:03:37
walls are just so fundamentally different. So I'll
1:03:39
stop here. Noah, what do you think of
1:03:41
those arguments against the thesis here that Vitalik
1:03:43
just made? I like
1:03:45
the observation about the internet becoming more
1:03:48
fragmented. That will reduce information
1:03:50
tournament costs, as in we
1:03:52
don't spend all our day arguing on Twitter. We
1:03:54
spend our day talking to people in Discord who
1:03:56
have useful information for us and who... are
1:04:00
not just some angry jerk blowing off
1:04:02
steam by talking bullshit, and then everyone
1:04:04
else has to jump in and refute
1:04:07
that bullshit. And then
1:04:09
we just talk to interesting people with interesting ideas, and maybe
1:04:11
we lose a tiny bit of that long tail of
1:04:13
information because maybe there's some totally random person
1:04:15
who'll pop up and tell you a little
1:04:18
bit of extra information you didn't
1:04:20
know that wouldn't have been invited to your Discord. But
1:04:23
now, at least we've reduced the information
1:04:25
tournament. So I think that's that
1:04:27
point I really like, the idea
1:04:29
that perhaps there's some natural
1:04:31
self-equilibration mechanisms in the marketplace of
1:04:34
ideas. I like that idea. The
1:04:36
analogy to Hobbsianism, I think we
1:04:39
shouldn't lean too hard on that analogy
1:04:41
to show why this idea is wrong.
1:04:44
I think, yes, the idea of
1:04:46
information tournaments has some superficial similarity
1:04:48
and some real similarity to
1:04:50
Hobbsianism, but it's not a complete analogy. And
1:04:52
I think saying, okay, here's
1:04:54
why, if we make everything seem exactly
1:04:56
like Hobbs's, Leviathan, if we
1:04:58
just make a one-to-one analogy between these
1:05:00
concepts, and then we show how the
1:05:02
classic sort of assumptions of Hobbs don't
1:05:04
hold, well, then we've disproven the information
1:05:06
tournament thesis. I think we shouldn't do
1:05:08
that. We shouldn't lean too
1:05:10
hard on that analogy. And so, for
1:05:13
example, one idea is
1:05:15
that the analogy of information competition
1:05:17
to violence. If
1:05:19
two people meet in a town square and
1:05:21
have a physical fight, right? One
1:05:23
knocks the other, like if Ryan and David
1:05:25
meet in the town square with clubs and
1:05:27
go at it, and then one
1:05:30
of them will bounce the other with a club, and
1:05:32
then he falls over unconscious, and then you're done, right?
1:05:35
But then in information, quote unquote warfare,
1:05:37
yes, there's a competitive thing, but it's
1:05:39
like, imagine if both people had infinitely
1:05:41
powerful suits of armor and were just
1:05:43
wailing on each other, like in some
1:05:46
Marvel movie. So I can yell correct
1:05:48
information, someone else can yell disinformation, or
1:05:50
we can yell two competing forms of
1:05:52
disinformation, right? I can tell you, so
1:05:55
suppose that you tell me that the job
1:05:57
market is terrible under Biden, was amazing under
1:05:59
Trump. And I tell you that the job market
1:06:01
was terrible under Trump and is amazing under Biden. Well,
1:06:03
those are both wrong because it has been great under
1:06:06
both. Like the job market
1:06:08
has been great throughout both of those president's terms.
1:06:10
And so that's the truth. But suppose we have
1:06:13
competing disinformation, right? And we just wail on each
1:06:15
other and wail on each other and wail on
1:06:17
each other. Physical violence, you
1:06:19
know, naturally ends in one person winning and
1:06:21
the other person getting clubbed to death. I
1:06:23
mean, yes, I know World War One lasted
1:06:26
a long time. It's not always quick victory.
1:06:28
But then information warfare can go on forever.
1:06:30
You know, that's just one difference between real
1:06:32
violence and, you know,
1:06:35
disinformation war. And so
1:06:37
the cost of disinformation war, there may
1:06:39
be no natural resolution. So the thing
1:06:41
about Hobbes, the idea is that everyone's
1:06:44
always running around trying to fight everyone.
1:06:46
And so you need this Leviathan, right?
1:06:49
That's similar to the idea that maybe
1:06:52
having information, you know, filtered through some
1:06:54
monopolist at the New York Times and
1:06:56
CBS News in like 1960, maybe
1:06:59
that was actually good. That's the analogy there.
1:07:01
But there's other dimensions in which the analogy
1:07:03
breaks down. For example, borders, right? Do we
1:07:05
really need to have information
1:07:07
hegemon? Do we really
1:07:09
need information to stop and start
1:07:12
at national physical borders? No,
1:07:14
we don't. So yes,
1:07:16
we have Twitter and you go on Twitter
1:07:18
and you see people from all countries, right?
1:07:20
But the Chinese government and the Russian government
1:07:22
have a lot of resources devoted to pushing
1:07:24
their message out there. And the US government
1:07:26
doesn't, right? Liberalism doesn't. US
1:07:29
government sits back and says, you know, from
1:07:31
an Olympian remove and is like, I am
1:07:33
the overall mighty hegemon of information. And so
1:07:36
I'm going to let all these tiny little
1:07:38
actors play it out, you know. And then
1:07:40
one of those tiny little actors is the government
1:07:43
of China, a country four times the size of
1:07:45
the United States with arguably a higher GDP in
1:07:47
the United States. And so that's
1:07:49
one of the tiny little atomistic actors. And so
1:07:51
the rest of us are these tiny little guys
1:07:53
having to run up against that behemoth, having to
1:07:55
run up against Russia, who has less resources, but
1:07:57
still a lot more than your average American. and,
1:08:00
you know, it has a little bit more practice
1:08:02
pushing up bullshit to Americans. And
1:08:04
so I'm having to fight those guys
1:08:06
every day on Twitter and
1:08:08
in the information space and they're much better
1:08:10
resources than I am. And there's no physical
1:08:13
border there, right? There's a physical border for
1:08:15
where those armies can go, but there's not
1:08:17
a physical border for where their information things
1:08:19
go. And so you can have cross
1:08:22
border information warfare in a way that it's
1:08:24
very difficult to have cross border physical warfare.
1:08:27
And that's a structural difference between the two things
1:08:29
that makes the analogy break down a little bit,
1:08:31
I think. And so the idea that, okay, well,
1:08:33
information is borderless and therefore you're not going to
1:08:35
get a Hobbesian situation. Well,
1:08:38
but information warfare is borderless in
1:08:40
a way that violent physical warfare
1:08:42
is not. And so I
1:08:44
think that that means that the analogy can't, you know,
1:08:47
we can't just lean too heavily on that analogy and
1:08:49
say, well, since information doesn't have borders, you're not going
1:08:51
to get a Hobbes situation. Well, yeah, but Russia and
1:08:53
China are going to continue to just
1:08:55
use their resources to push out their
1:08:57
messages to everywhere. And if you look
1:09:00
at, I think as an apple bomb
1:09:02
had a great article in Atlantic recently that shows that
1:09:04
the combination of Russian message crafting
1:09:06
and Chinese money around the
1:09:09
world is actually proving a fairly effective
1:09:11
propaganda tool. So for example, this idea
1:09:13
that there were all these secret bio
1:09:15
labs in Ukraine, you know, that's made
1:09:17
up by the Russians, secret American bio
1:09:19
labs in Ukraine. And that's why Russia
1:09:21
had to like go invade Ukraine. There's
1:09:23
made up other Russians, but it is
1:09:25
being spread in, you know, poor
1:09:27
country and developing countries and in developed countries,
1:09:29
but people in developing countries are buying it
1:09:32
a bit more because they don't have that
1:09:34
as robust a counter information ecosystem. You
1:09:36
know, it is being spread by Chinese networks and
1:09:39
China really picked this up and ran with it
1:09:41
and distributed this and China's commercial connections to the
1:09:43
world allowed it to do this. Ryan and David,
1:09:45
have you ever heard the Ukraine bio labs idea?
1:09:48
I have not. No. Okay. But
1:09:50
talk you for that one. Yes, I have. Right.
1:09:53
And it's borderless, but these well-resourced states
1:09:55
that have borders for the collection of
1:09:57
taxes and, you know, and borders
1:09:59
for the enforcement. of crime and borders for where
1:10:02
their army goes, do not have borders for where
1:10:04
their information goes. And yet they in some sense,
1:10:06
raise the information cost to the rest of us
1:10:09
because I'm sitting there battling whole governments
1:10:11
on Twitter. Yeah, okay. I mean,
1:10:13
I think I get the feeling that, Noah's
1:10:16
somewhat disagreeing with me, but actually agreeing with quite
1:10:19
a lot of, I mean, like what I said,
1:10:21
right? Which is that like, one
1:10:23
is that it's like a major
1:10:26
difference between physical warfare and internet
1:10:29
warfare is definitely the internet
1:10:31
war is significantly,
1:10:34
like much less of like actually
1:10:36
war like, and I mean, like,
1:10:38
especially once you get off Twitter
1:10:41
and like that's a place where the analogy fails.
1:10:43
But I think on the first one of like the
1:10:46
issue of borders, that's one
1:10:49
thing that's kind of valuable to disentangle there,
1:10:51
I think is like the
1:10:53
idea of like info hegemony as this
1:10:55
abstract concept, right? Which can exist at
1:10:58
any level of a stack, right? Like
1:11:00
you can have info hegemony in a
1:11:02
country, you can have info hegemony inside
1:11:04
one of the one Musk's companies, you
1:11:07
can have info hegemony in your family
1:11:09
or in your cult or across the
1:11:11
entire world. And then there is kind
1:11:14
of this very,
1:11:17
like much more specific ideology
1:11:19
that like really emphasizes the
1:11:21
idea of national sovereignty and
1:11:24
basically treats info hegemony as
1:11:26
being one part of national
1:11:29
sovereignty alongside like physical military
1:11:32
hegemony was in a local area, right? I
1:11:35
think these kind
1:11:37
of disanalogy is between or
1:11:40
like the breakdown in the analogy
1:11:42
between like physical and info Hobbesianism,
1:11:44
like it basically, yeah, to me,
1:11:46
it definitely suggests that specifically
1:11:49
the nation state bound version
1:11:51
of all of this is
1:11:54
one that's less likely to be a
1:11:56
long-term stable equilibrium, which could mean something
1:11:58
good or it could mean something bad.
1:12:01
The good thing that it means could
1:12:03
be that we find some kind of
1:12:05
better approach and some kind of better
1:12:07
equilibrium that's not involved,
1:12:10
like basically unlimited info
1:12:13
hegemony that any particular person
1:12:15
is subjected to. Or
1:12:17
it could also mean something worse.
1:12:19
And the something worse is basically
1:12:21
info hegemony at an actually worldwide
1:12:23
level. And so the question to
1:12:25
basically think about is, if you
1:12:27
have all of the different
1:12:31
actors, and we can think of
1:12:33
them as being nations, or in
1:12:35
some cases, there are meme plexus
1:12:37
that have partial overlap with nations.
1:12:39
Sometimes there are meme plexus that
1:12:41
overlap collections of nations or even
1:12:44
parts of nations. If
1:12:46
you are one of these meme plexus,
1:12:48
what to do is the ultimate safety.
1:12:50
The ultimate safety is basically banishing all
1:12:52
competing meme plexus from the world
1:12:54
forever. Because if they're not from the world, then
1:12:57
wherever they're not banished from, they can come back.
1:12:59
And so this is the
1:13:02
bigger risk, which is basically going
1:13:04
out even into the long, long term, into
1:13:08
a time when even the
1:13:11
words like democracy and
1:13:13
totalitarianism and United States
1:13:15
and like Russia and
1:13:18
so on are long forgotten. What is
1:13:21
the long term equilibrium? And
1:13:23
is that a global
1:13:25
info hegemon? And is that
1:13:28
a situation that eventually we
1:13:30
fall into and once we fall into, it's super hard to get
1:13:32
out of? Yeah, I think
1:13:35
basically, the porousness of borders
1:13:37
and the way in which digital borders
1:13:39
are much weaker than physical borders, it's
1:13:42
both a blessing and a curse
1:13:44
in that exact way. It's like
1:13:46
the blessing is basically that it
1:13:48
enables other possibilities and the curses
1:13:50
that there's
1:13:53
definitely something worse than nation
1:13:55
scale authoritarianism that might be
1:13:58
looking at it. eventualism.
1:14:00
Yes. So in other
1:14:02
words, right now we're seeing
1:14:04
so-called sharp power by China reach
1:14:07
into many areas of the
1:14:09
rest of the world. We're seeing companies
1:14:12
censor what they say in their own
1:14:14
home markets because China threatened to
1:14:16
cut off access to the Chinese market. And
1:14:19
various actors basically, China's conditional
1:14:21
opening saying, well, dangle the promise of this giant
1:14:24
Chinese market, which usually does not materialize, but let's
1:14:26
say we can dangle it and once in a
1:14:28
while it will, for anyone who's just willing to
1:14:30
go push our message back in your own countries,
1:14:33
blah, blah, that's called sharp power. And
1:14:35
so we're seeing the effects of that across borders.
1:14:37
The question is, so what's the scenario? I guess
1:14:40
my question, again, I don't really strongly believe in
1:14:42
this thesis, right? It's just an idea I had.
1:14:44
I'm not going to be like, yes, liberal democracy
1:14:46
is going to fail. I'm not that guy, right?
1:14:49
I think that there's a good chance that
1:14:51
everything I'm saying here is overblown and that
1:14:53
this is not even a good way of,
1:14:55
and that liberal democracy has other advantages. In
1:14:58
addition, like a feeling of inclusiveness and
1:15:01
public goods provision, those are other arguments
1:15:03
for why liberal democracy is good. Maybe
1:15:06
those are more important and I just haven't even
1:15:08
considered them. Maybe the information tournament problem isn't actually
1:15:10
that big. And what looks like all these people
1:15:12
wasting these resources is actually just people having fun.
1:15:14
Well, actually, we're just as good at getting information
1:15:16
as we ever were, which never was really great,
1:15:19
but we're just watching people have fun shouting each
1:15:21
other for consumption purposes. And that's how we're using
1:15:23
our leisure time. And it looks like we're, in
1:15:25
actuality, you go back to like 1950 and
1:15:28
the average person was worse informed than now. And
1:15:30
that the actual amount of time and effort we
1:15:32
spent was maybe about the same because now we're
1:15:34
just consuming, we're just having fun. So these are
1:15:36
counter arguments that I can make to this, right?
1:15:38
I can make counter arguments to everything I just
1:15:40
said, but I think it's
1:15:43
worth asking if this
1:15:45
thesis, if the scary theory is
1:15:47
wrong and if the new totalitarianism
1:15:49
is going to lose, you know,
1:15:51
if Xi Jinping is going to
1:15:53
lose, what's the scenario by
1:15:55
which it loses? And so I think economically
1:15:57
the scenario by which it loses is that.
1:16:00
Well, China still does not nearly as rich
1:16:02
as the West. And as this Chinese state
1:16:04
gets more controlling of the Chinese economy, it's
1:16:06
going to get worse and worse. It's already
1:16:09
slowing down much faster than
1:16:11
other developed countries did back in their
1:16:13
day. It's slowing down early and China's just, you know,
1:16:16
yeah, they can produce a bunch of EVs, but they're
1:16:18
all going to rest in the parking lot. And,
1:16:21
you know, unless they're massively subsidized and in the
1:16:23
end, all we have to do, you know, is
1:16:26
wait and maybe they'll be Soviet Union too.
1:16:28
And so that's economically, I think that's the
1:16:30
argument politically. The argument is eventually
1:16:32
when the economy slows down and when people
1:16:34
realize that Xi Jinping isn't that competent and
1:16:36
he's like been around for like 20 years
1:16:39
and people get really restless, you're going to
1:16:41
see the same pressures you saw in Korea
1:16:43
and Taiwan, you know, for democratization, blah, blah,
1:16:45
blah. So those are the
1:16:47
counter argument. The counter arguments are just like, just
1:16:49
wait, bro. Like people said that totalitarianism was going
1:16:51
to win in the 30s. They
1:16:53
said it was going to win in the 70s. They
1:16:55
were full of shit both those times and they're full
1:16:57
of shit now. Just wait, you know, wait and like
1:16:59
do the normal thing. But
1:17:02
in terms of the marketplace of information
1:17:04
with the massive messaging apparatus
1:17:06
of China and to some degree Russia,
1:17:09
which are now coordinating hegemonizing
1:17:11
the American Internet with bullshit
1:17:14
and the European Internet with bullshit and the
1:17:16
Latin American in and the Middle Eastern with
1:17:19
bullshit, you know, how do we beat
1:17:21
that? Like, what's the scenario? So this is
1:17:23
my question to Vitalik. What's the scenario
1:17:25
where that loses and how does it lose?
1:17:28
So I think one of the
1:17:30
sets of arguments that we haven't talked
1:17:33
about at all is just the possibly
1:17:36
very large benefits of
1:17:38
inflow pluralism in a
1:17:40
context where when people are sharing info, they're
1:17:42
doing something other than fighting each other. Right.
1:17:45
I think one of
1:17:47
the best things that you can
1:17:50
have in an ecosystem
1:17:52
is not just having like
1:17:54
one group that has a
1:17:56
tight internal consensus where they
1:17:58
all agree. with each other on
1:18:00
everything and then they just kind
1:18:02
of veer off
1:18:04
in their own direction and assume that
1:18:07
each other are right, have perfect confidence
1:18:09
in each other. And instead
1:18:11
actually have an ecosystem where
1:18:13
you have different groups that actually
1:18:16
have some form of competition with
1:18:18
each other. This
1:18:20
is something that the world
1:18:22
as a whole definitely
1:18:24
has as a unit. This is
1:18:26
something that the US as a
1:18:29
country definitely has quite
1:18:31
a bit of that as
1:18:33
a unit. You can identify
1:18:35
sub bubbles in a bunch
1:18:38
of ways. You have the reds and the
1:18:40
blues, you have the East Coast and the
1:18:43
intellectual cluster, then you have Silicon Valley,
1:18:45
you have people who care about different
1:18:48
branches of tech. And there's
1:18:51
lots of these subcultures that
1:18:53
actually have the ability to
1:18:55
actually take their ideas and
1:18:57
actually push them forward to
1:18:59
their conclusions and start executing
1:19:01
on them. This is something
1:19:03
that I
1:19:06
think the better crypto ecosystems
1:19:08
tends to actually have. And
1:19:11
the ones where it actually
1:19:13
literally is just a call
1:19:15
to personality around one
1:19:18
guy calling the shots or
1:19:20
the ones that pretty quickly
1:19:23
tends to fail. Sorry, Craig.
1:19:26
So the benefits of
1:19:29
actually having this pluralistic environment
1:19:31
where you actually have different
1:19:33
groups and where each of
1:19:35
those different groups actually has
1:19:37
enough breathing room that it
1:19:39
can actually take a couple
1:19:42
of steps and actually start
1:19:44
pushing its ideas forward
1:19:46
to some kind of conclusion. That feels
1:19:48
like something that it's very
1:19:50
plausible to believe that it's something that has
1:19:53
massive benefits and you just can't really come
1:19:55
up with good ideas without it. I
1:19:58
think what's interesting about that is that
1:20:00
the kind of world where there's
1:20:03
one leading dictator
1:20:06
and you can't get anywhere if you
1:20:08
disagree is obviously the exact opposite of
1:20:10
that. But then the
1:20:12
world water cooler is also the exact
1:20:15
opposite of that. So both the dictator
1:20:17
and the world water cooler are actually
1:20:19
not infoporalism. And so actually
1:20:22
figuring out how do we
1:20:24
optimize for infoporalism, which basically
1:20:27
means both pluralism existing and
1:20:29
at the same time the
1:20:32
interaction between the different groups
1:20:34
actually being not just
1:20:36
competitive but also you don't
1:20:38
want like folk kumbaya, you want some
1:20:40
kind of healthy mixture of competitive and
1:20:42
cooperative. So the answer of how do
1:20:45
we beat the info Leviathan of China
1:20:47
and Russia, the answer is we hide
1:20:49
from it. That it is very powerful
1:20:51
in the town square and rules the
1:20:53
town square. So we go to our
1:20:55
houses and talk in whispers to each
1:20:57
other where the monster cannot get us.
1:21:00
Well, there's this famous infographic or comic or
1:21:02
whatever you call it that got it that
1:21:04
was in a gasoline store code exposed. I
1:21:06
think it was actually the one on that
1:21:09
community that this dice this and civilization where
1:21:11
basically, you know, someone starts off making a
1:21:13
garden and then the garden expands and then
1:21:15
the garden expands. And then the fence kind
1:21:18
of eventually stretches out across the entire world.
1:21:20
And then at some point, you know, the
1:21:22
garden becomes the new reality. Yeah, so I
1:21:24
think I'm not advocating for
1:21:26
kind of like, you know, like
1:21:29
people constantly playing cat
1:21:31
and mouse games and expanding a
1:21:33
lot of energy running. I'm basically
1:21:36
advocating for developing the
1:21:38
tools to make the
1:21:40
internet landscape one
1:21:42
that actually is friendly
1:21:45
to multiple groups
1:21:47
that are not hegiments that
1:21:49
actually are able to. And
1:21:52
where the actual incentives aligned for them to
1:21:55
interact in ways that are more productive. I mean, I
1:21:57
think I know if there's a yeah.
1:22:00
But you can never get 100% of the way there, right? And
1:22:04
there will always be there to stay
1:22:06
crazy things and fight zero-sum games against
1:22:08
other people who are saying the opposite
1:22:11
crazy thing. But
1:22:13
you can clearly go much further than zero,
1:22:15
right? The world water cooler is
1:22:17
probably the closest to zero that we can have.
1:22:19
And then the question is like, well, even
1:22:22
if you look at the early
1:22:24
internet architecture, right? You
1:22:26
had a lot of blogs, you had a lot of forums, and
1:22:29
it did not look like anyone running and
1:22:31
hiding from a single main thing. But
1:22:33
it did look like something that produced a lot of
1:22:35
productive output, right? That's a great
1:22:38
point. What we're really running and hiding
1:22:40
from is maybe the inefficiency of centralized
1:22:42
information marketplaces rather than the
1:22:44
fact that Russia and China are in there trying to
1:22:46
do their thing. Right. I
1:22:49
mean, ultimately, again, the info
1:22:51
ecosystem has a mechanism by
1:22:53
which it's vulnerable to the
1:22:57
internet. And it's
1:22:59
also going to be vulnerable to the Democratic Party, and it's
1:23:01
also going to be vulnerable to the Republican Party. So
1:23:04
to a lesser extent, because we do
1:23:06
have more avenues to push on those
1:23:08
actors to be nicer, but to some
1:23:10
extent still, right? And so I
1:23:13
think there's an extent to
1:23:15
which those two things are similar
1:23:17
problems. And
1:23:20
to me, the ideal outcome is not
1:23:22
having healthy info ecosystems in
1:23:24
a particular subset of
1:23:28
countries that we label liberal democracies, and
1:23:30
then they can prosper and everyone else
1:23:32
goes to dust. The ideal outcome is
1:23:34
the world becomes a healthy
1:23:37
information ecosystem, right? Where a
1:23:39
pretty wide diversity of different
1:23:41
actors can participate, which inevitably
1:23:43
means a some that have
1:23:45
quite crappy intentions, but we
1:23:48
still figure out how to
1:23:50
model through and make that
1:23:52
work reasonably well. So here's my
1:23:54
question, and I have to go fairly
1:23:56
soon here, but you guys are
1:23:58
all fans of Block of
1:24:00
course. And so maybe blockchain
1:24:03
can help here because maybe so Americans
1:24:05
don't necessarily need blockchain to talk to
1:24:07
each other. I know there's there's Farcast
1:24:09
or whatever but maybe Chinese people do
1:24:11
or Russians maybe there are ways
1:24:14
for people to completely secretly talk to each other so
1:24:17
obviously you can use signal to just do
1:24:19
encrypted but then someone can like maybe raid
1:24:22
the office of signal or you know
1:24:24
kill anyone who's signal on their phones
1:24:26
I don't know but maybe are there
1:24:28
ways technologically for blockchains to help Chinese
1:24:31
people talk to other Chinese people about what they
1:24:34
don't like about Xi Jinping and for Russian people
1:24:36
to talk to other Russian people about what they
1:24:38
don't like about Putin etc etc have you seen
1:24:40
freedom tool no this interesting group
1:24:42
it's this company beta I think
1:24:45
based out of Kiev and
1:24:47
they have like people from a
1:24:49
bunch of ex-Soviet countries the
1:24:52
company is called Raramo and they
1:24:54
built this thing called freedom tool
1:24:56
it's so with I believe it
1:24:58
was a like pussy riots connected
1:25:00
lawyer Mark Fagan and basically what
1:25:02
it does is that if you
1:25:04
have a Russian passport then you
1:25:06
can digitally prove using I mean
1:25:08
like zero knowledge proof technology that
1:25:11
you're a Russian citizen without revealing
1:25:13
which one you are and then
1:25:15
if you can like go and basically participate
1:25:18
in an online vote and the results of
1:25:20
the online voter like visible and they're guaranteed
1:25:22
to be tamper-proof right so
1:25:24
basically yeah it is an anonymous
1:25:26
voting system that basically lets us
1:25:28
you know have like shadow votes
1:25:30
among the you know shadow Russian
1:25:32
nation and like actually yeah at
1:25:34
least they don't create consensus of
1:25:36
like you know like what to
1:25:39
Russian people actually think it's
1:25:41
very clearly that's kind of like a version
1:25:43
of the one the beta thing in a
1:25:46
lot of ways right but it's
1:25:48
interesting because to me
1:25:50
one of the big debates
1:25:52
that you sometimes get around the discussion
1:25:54
of like internet anonymity is basically like
1:25:56
the 1990s idea is like Freedom
1:26:00
comes from the fact that on the internet, nobody
1:26:02
knows you're a dog. But
1:26:04
then you have this debate of
1:26:06
either you're verified, but then if you're verified, people
1:26:08
know who you are, they can go after you.
1:26:11
Or you're anonymous, but if you're anonymous, then
1:26:13
no one has any need to trust you.
1:26:15
Unlike these days, it's pretty much impossible for
1:26:17
you to distinguish yourself from a bot. And
1:26:20
so the question is, can we actually
1:26:23
solve both of those two things at the same
1:26:25
time? And can we actually have through on
1:26:28
privacy and at the same time
1:26:30
various forms of trustworthiness, whatever that
1:26:32
means in a particular concept
1:26:34
and have those things together? And
1:26:37
it actually feels like this current
1:26:39
batch of zero
1:26:41
knowledge proof technology. And
1:26:44
there's a couple of blockchain
1:26:46
use cases in there
1:26:48
too, especially for making
1:26:50
these votes censorship resistant.
1:26:53
It feels like that batch of things
1:26:55
actually manages to solve both of those
1:26:58
problems. And so the frontier for creating
1:27:00
an info sphere that is at least
1:27:02
guarded against, shall we say both centralized
1:27:05
and decentralized cyber attacks
1:27:08
is actually better than ever in some
1:27:10
ways. So I think it's,
1:27:13
yeah, in this way, it's an exciting
1:27:15
time. We actually get to see
1:27:17
some of these things go live and see how they work. So
1:27:20
there's a partial answer for you there, Noah. We're
1:27:22
making some progress on that front. Guys, this has
1:27:24
been a fantastic conversation. I've really enjoyed to kind
1:27:26
of the interplay between the two of you. I
1:27:29
guess as we sort of bookend this,
1:27:31
maybe I'll read a quote. So even
1:27:34
if your thesis is right, Noah, you
1:27:36
still think it's a good idea to
1:27:38
continue fighting for liberal democracy. You say
1:27:40
this, we should continue fighting for liberal
1:27:42
democracy and hope that technology and human
1:27:44
nature allow for its continued victory. Maybe
1:27:47
that's a place to end this episode and
1:27:49
we appreciate both your time. Thanks so much. I've
1:27:51
muted himself, but I'm sure he's saying thanks as well. I
1:27:54
think he is as well. Thankless nation. We
1:27:57
will include a link to Noah's article that
1:27:59
we discussed throughout the day. duration of today's
1:28:01
episodes called how liberal democracy might
1:28:03
lose. We of course hope it doesn't.
1:28:05
And we are betting that crypto is
1:28:07
part of the solution and
1:28:09
part of the reason why it does not lose.
1:28:12
Of course, got to remind you, even though we
1:28:14
didn't discuss crypto today, it is risky. None of
1:28:16
this has been financial advice. You
1:28:18
could lose what you put in, but we are headed
1:28:20
west. This is the frontier. It's not for everyone, but
1:28:22
we're glad you're with us on the bankless journey. Thanks
1:28:24
a lot.
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