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4:00
achieved by the Western allies.
4:03
And I think the Cold War exacerbated
4:05
the feeling that somehow because
4:07
Stalin was a wicked man,
4:11
that the achievements of the
4:13
Red Army were somehow less
4:15
significant than the extraordinary
4:18
resolution shown by those
4:20
on the Western front.
4:23
My own view is that in
4:25
broad terms that when
4:28
I say Stalin won the war, it
4:30
was Stalin's armies that broke the back
4:32
of the Wehrmacht. I
4:35
believe that Stalin would have
4:37
broken Hitler's armies regardless
4:41
of the intervention of the West,
4:43
but it would have taken much longer. And
4:47
that the importance of what was
4:49
achieved on the Western front following
4:52
D-Day, people have been referring
4:54
to D-Day as the breakthrough
4:56
turning point. It wasn't a turning
4:58
point. It was a very significant,
5:01
important event, which in fact in
5:03
the long run helped
5:05
secure Western Europe for freedom and
5:08
for democracy. Heaven
5:10
knows what would have happened had
5:12
Stalin's armies prevailed. And
5:15
maybe we don't know. And this is the
5:17
speculation historians don't like entering. But
5:19
here I go. It
5:21
could have been a deal
5:23
between post Hitler, German fascists,
5:27
Stalin controlling a very uncomfortably large part of Europe.
5:29
Yeah, this is all fascinating stuff because one of
5:31
the strengths of the book is that you do
5:34
link it to contemporary events
5:36
and you very much emphasize
5:38
the political element in the
5:41
grand military strategy. There's
5:44
a very, very large political, almost
5:46
a dominant political element in
5:48
what's happening both in the East and the
5:50
West. We'll talk about that a bit later
5:52
on. Now, I think you're absolutely right about
5:54
D-Day not being a turning point or hinge
5:56
moment, which is the sort of current
5:59
sort of trendy phrase. But
6:02
where would you say that
6:04
turning point was on the, it clearly came
6:06
on the Eastern front, but
6:08
when and where did things start
6:10
swinging, the pendulum starts swinging back
6:12
the other way? I think that
6:15
you can go right back and my
6:17
book that you referred to before this
6:19
one, Barbarossa, subtitled How Hitler Lost the
6:21
War. I think there's very
6:24
persuasive evidence that took
6:27
all extent that matters. Hitler
6:30
could not have won the
6:32
war after being balked at
6:34
Moscow in the late autumn
6:36
of 1941. After
6:39
that, because it was Hitler we're dealing
6:41
with, we're not dealing with a
6:44
rational, say, military leader looking at
6:46
what was the least worst way
6:48
of solving a problem. He believed
6:51
that he could go further east. So you
6:53
had the huge, I think, I think
6:56
Antony Beever called Stalingrad
6:59
the psychological breaking
7:01
of the Nazis,
7:03
of the Wehrmacht. Whereas he,
7:05
I think, goes along with the
7:08
thought that it was Moscow that
7:10
was the military breaking. And then
7:12
you had the long retreat from
7:15
Stalingrad. I'm rather against turning points
7:17
because I think it's evolutionary war.
7:19
It's slow, grinding, horrible. There's no
7:22
sudden moments of elixirs that say,
7:24
ah, now we've done it. The
7:27
Russians certainly never said, now we've done it.
7:29
They knew exactly what they wanted to achieve,
7:32
however. Yeah. So by
7:34
the spring of 1944, the Germans are, by and
7:36
large, in
7:38
retreat. There's the odd counter attack, but
7:41
that's really just sort of a holding operation. When
7:44
do you actually see the
7:47
big pushback being formulated and
7:49
what are its basic elements
7:51
and who are the authors of
7:54
it? After the recovery
7:56
of TIEF, P.F. as it
7:58
then was, in the same managing
12:00
things you might say, with
12:02
disastrous consequences. But Stalin is
12:04
actually giving his marshals their
12:07
heads and his senior generals their
12:09
heads. Tell us that wonderful story
12:12
you've got in the book about
12:14
how Rokosofsky stands
12:16
up to him, something that this is a
12:18
man who's actually been through the purges. He
12:20
survived the purges, yet he's still got the
12:22
guts to stand up to
12:24
the great leader.
12:27
Rokosofsky, amongst always extremely
12:31
effective generals, was
12:33
always regarded as the gentleman
12:36
Soviet Red Army commander. He
12:39
had been, as you say, he had been tortured,
12:41
he'd been threatened with death, he'd
12:43
been imprisoned in 1938 during
12:46
Stalin's purges, accused of subversion
12:48
or any other outrage that
12:51
Stalin's paranoia had detected. And
12:54
he was just then told to go back to the front.
12:57
No, no apology, nothing, go back to the front. And
12:59
he was very important in
13:01
the sense of Moscow, he was
13:03
very important at Stalingrad.
13:06
And he was in
13:09
command of the first Belarusian
13:11
front, which was the
13:13
lead of the four Belarusian fronts
13:16
that were going to go
13:18
into Belarusia, a total of more than
13:20
two million men. He commanded
13:22
one of them. And he had convinced
13:24
himself because of the difficulties
13:26
they'd had during March and April, which
13:29
I touched on earlier, it's a sort
13:31
of suppressed in Soviet history. He
13:34
said, we can't take this town
13:36
city. It was called Bobruisk. There
13:39
were four that had to be
13:41
taken, which were being defined by
13:43
Hitler as fortress places.
13:46
And they were instructed the
13:48
Army Group Centre as the
13:51
other army groups to hold
13:53
those places at all cost.
13:56
In some extraordinary belief from
13:58
my perspective, Ryan
17:00
Reynolds here for Mint Mobile. With the price
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per month. Slows. Full terms at mintmobile.com. Belarusian
22:00
village, for example, in
22:02
that period, 4344, when
22:05
you have absolutely no security,
22:07
you have no one who's
22:10
actually interested in you staying alive,
22:12
you'll pray to all sides, including
22:14
it, has to be said, the
22:16
partisans. Yeah, the partisans played an
22:18
important, some historians have underestimated, my
22:20
view, the role of the partisans.
22:23
The partisans, there were, in the
22:25
spring of 1944, around 140 plus
22:27
thousand partisans, Soviet
22:32
partisans or Allied partisans against
22:34
the Nazis. They were
22:36
in conflict often with each other. In
22:39
order to survive, they went
22:41
into villages pillaging visits, where
22:43
now inside Nazi
22:45
German territory, right? And
22:47
they're pillaging the villages. If any
22:50
villager is thought to have collaborated
22:52
with the Germans, they were too
22:55
often executed, fathers, mothers,
22:58
and children. Conversely,
23:01
when the Germans went in, the SS
23:04
went in, if they thought that
23:06
the villagers had been collaborating, and
23:08
where it took them to look, or
23:10
indeed a suspicion that you might be Jewish,
23:13
for you to be similarly executed
23:16
as a summary warning. And
23:19
this was official German policy. Patel,
23:21
who was the commander
23:23
in chief of the Wehrmacht,
23:25
he actually issued an order
23:27
saying that for every one
23:29
German soldier who was killed,
23:31
10 civilians must
23:33
be slaughtered as well. That
23:36
was an order. And then this reaps
23:38
its appalling apotheosis, of course, when you
23:40
get to what happened in Warsaw and
23:43
what happened in Budapest later in the
23:45
year. Now, if you actually
23:47
look at it on paper, Jonathan, the Red
23:49
Army should have won. It's got a huge
23:51
overmatch in all departments, in
23:53
armour and artillery, in men, in
23:55
aircraft. But having said
23:57
that, we shouldn't take away from them. skill
24:00
of the operation and of the
24:02
plan, and particularly the Maskirovka aspect of
24:04
it. Now, this is something that the
24:07
Russians did have a tradition
24:09
of. But in total, I'll list
24:12
something about the ruses,
24:14
the sort of the tricks
24:16
that the planners got up to in
24:18
order to wrong foot the Germans. It
24:20
was absolutely extraordinary.
24:22
Maskirovka essentially means deception. In
24:25
principle, it's not unlike Operation
24:27
Fortitude, which was designed to
24:30
persuade the Germans we
24:33
were going to attack the Paducale rather
24:35
than where we did attack. It
24:37
was very effective. But the scale
24:39
is what was so extraordinary. Because
24:42
the Germans were so outnumbered, the
24:44
more they keep German defenses on
24:46
the move, trying to fill
24:48
a gap here, trying to fill a gap there, the weaker
24:51
the Germans were becoming. And it
24:53
was hugely successful from Ukraine in
24:55
the early 1944, right
24:58
the way through to Bagration. And
25:01
it was a combination of
25:03
things. They did the usual
25:05
little standard techniques of dummy
25:07
tanks, airplanes flying noisily to
25:09
persuade the enemy that they
25:12
were there, and false intelligence,
25:14
radio signals with false stations,
25:16
false orders. But they also
25:18
had scores of thousands
25:20
of men who believed they were going
25:23
to be fighting at the front, taken
25:26
in opposite direction from the one that
25:28
actually they were the armies were going
25:30
to be fighting for. Meanwhile, they were
25:33
bringing up from the rear hundreds of
25:35
thousands of men. And in
25:37
the case of Bagration, the
25:39
Germans never saw it. Their
25:41
intelligence got as far only as
25:43
saying it could be that there is a
25:46
attack that might be launched here. This was
25:48
only days before. It was, it was, it
25:50
was a sort of for me, a sort
25:52
of parallel of how starting refused
25:55
to acknowledge that Operation Barbarossa was going to
25:57
start on despite all the intelligence. They
25:59
were dumped. orders, the trains,
26:02
moving people, moving soldiers and
26:04
weaponry, they would come up
26:06
in the daytime with fake
26:08
weapons and then remove them
26:10
again at night back on the trains.
26:13
They almost totally would wait until
26:16
it was too late, the German
26:18
defences. And that is, it wasn't
26:20
just one operation of Mascarevska. It
26:22
happened all the way through. In
26:25
Ukraine itself, there were 10 offences
26:27
in the spring of 1944. And
26:31
each of those had Mascarevska,
26:34
all different. So it was
26:36
incredibly well planned and coordinated.
26:38
And it goes back exactly
26:40
to your point. It was
26:42
not just force of weapons.
26:44
Of course, that super abundance
26:46
of weaponry and men was
26:48
very important. And one should
26:50
say, too, enormously helped in
26:52
particular areas, particularly by American
26:55
lendlies support of weapons
26:57
and particularly some kinds of technology.
27:01
But the Mascarevska effect,
27:04
it was regarded as a cinequine
27:06
known. You could not. It was
27:09
built into battle plans, Mascarevska. And
27:12
one or two of the great
27:14
previous historians this period have written
27:16
an entire books about Mascarevska
27:18
and how deception won the day
27:20
on the Eastern Front. Just as
27:22
I found that most people didn't
27:25
know what Bigracean meant, my peers
27:27
are peers. Actually, no one
27:29
knew what Mascarevska
27:31
meant. And indeed, until I discovered it, actually
27:33
discovered it when I was writing about Barbarossa.
27:35
But it was a, then
27:37
it wasn't much use because they were on
27:39
the retreat all the time. This is a
27:41
strong element of revenge in
27:44
behind Bigracean. I'll
27:46
pronounce it your way, Allefroncet.
27:51
We may be assaulted by
27:53
outraged Georgians, but we
27:55
might have to link to Mikaar Woons. what's
28:00
happened. This has been a war
28:03
without mercy on the
28:05
German side. And then of course, when it's
28:07
time to exact revenge, it's
28:09
done so very bloodily. But beneath
28:12
that, there's a strategic imperative,
28:14
isn't there, which is related,
28:17
which is that we cannot
28:19
allow a post-war
28:21
situation in which there
28:23
can be another barbaros, so there can be a
28:26
hostile Germany to
28:29
our West. And so we've got
28:31
to establish a political landscape which
28:34
prevents this from happening again. And
28:37
this, of course, lays the foundations for the
28:39
Cold War, doesn't it? So this is very
28:42
much an element in your book. I
28:44
think it's fundamental. We should not shy away
28:46
from the fact that the
28:48
revenge was as hideous
28:52
as the German Nazi
28:55
horrors perpetrated on the Eastern Front
28:57
were, not on the same scale,
28:59
but just as hideous. Anger,
29:02
hatred, the kind that just
29:04
was not there on the Western Front. And
29:09
the first of these was Nemelsdorf,
29:11
which was blown up
29:13
into a huge exaggerated account
29:15
by Gurdles, which happened
29:17
in the early New
29:20
York of 1944. But
29:23
after that, as it
29:25
happens, as Anthony Bieber has described so
29:27
incredibly powerfully in his book Berlin, the
29:30
kind of things that happened were awful. And
29:32
there was a sort of indifference to it.
29:34
And Zhukov, I think, a post, he was
29:36
a deputy chief of staff at Stalin, was
29:39
much easier about it. And some commanders were
29:41
saying, go on, indulge yourselves. Go on. There
29:43
are women there. Take them if
29:46
you want them. And that was
29:48
taken literally. Revenge, anger, lust. But
29:52
you're absolutely, importantly right.
29:55
The imperative, the political strategic
29:57
imperative from Stalin, Stalin's point
30:00
of view was to secure
30:02
the Soviet Union as then
30:05
was from any
30:07
threat of western succulent
30:09
another defeat. That was
30:12
paramount and Churchill
30:14
recognised this, Roosevelt recognised it
30:17
quite openly. The problem
30:19
was, the strategic problem from the
30:21
western allies point of view is that in this really
30:23
you have to go to Tehran if I may in
30:25
December 1943 where this was defined. The
30:29
real decisions strategically in diplomatic and
30:32
political terms were made at Tehran,
30:34
not at Yalta in February. Yalta
30:36
was a sort of codicil. There
30:38
was these secret agreements at Tehran,
30:41
quite extraordinary reading and
30:43
after Tehran the gain had been given away
30:45
from the western point of view. Recognition
30:47
of Stalin couldn't be stopped going as far
30:50
west as he wanted to therefore you had
30:52
to somehow negotiate with him to make sure
30:54
he didn't go too far and
30:57
Roosevelt was very much more at
30:59
ease about Stalin. His relationship with
31:02
Stalin was far better than Churchill's
31:04
relationship with Stalin. Churchill was
31:07
saying in sort of by May 1944
31:09
was saying to Anthony Eden,
31:11
Foreign Secretary, I fear the
31:13
very great evil is that they
31:16
will descend upon the world as
31:18
the Russian tide sweeps westward. Roosevelt
31:20
was entirely, entirely
31:23
at ease with this because he
31:25
believed that he and Stalin with
31:27
the support of Churchill and the
31:30
Chinese involved as well would police
31:32
the world so that independent nations
31:34
would be free of spheres of
31:36
influence, free of great powers. That
31:38
was his deeply held rather naive
31:40
view and very
31:43
telling phrase that Churchill reflecting
31:46
on what happened at the
31:48
Tehran conference said
31:50
there was I and I realised for
31:52
the first time what small country Britain
31:55
was. There on the right
31:57
was the great American Bison and on my
31:59
left left was the great Russian
32:01
bear and there was I in the middle,
32:03
a little British donkey.
32:07
He did not carry clout. Roosevelt
32:10
left to him the problem
32:12
of Poland. If you go from
32:14
the origins of the Second
32:16
World, well not the deep origins but
32:19
the immediate proximate origins of the Second
32:21
World War from Britain's perspective through to
32:23
the Cold War, it began, the
32:26
ostensible Karsus Belli was
32:28
Poland. Churchill spent
32:30
more time from Tehran
32:33
onwards trying to
32:36
persuade Stalin to yield Poland
32:38
to independence and self-determination politically
32:41
and then he did not
32:43
any other issue. Churchill
32:46
was not supported by Roosevelt who
32:48
stood on the sidelines and
32:51
you go forward to the point
32:53
where Stalin yielded nothing. The
32:57
Polish communists led
32:59
by a man called Berut were
33:01
basically satraps. They were Stalin's
33:03
gophers. The prime
33:06
minister in exile recognized
33:09
initially by all the big three
33:12
was living in London and
33:14
Michalayczyk his name was and
33:17
he was not able to
33:20
yield anything. Churchill had suggested
33:22
and had been agreed by
33:24
Stalin and had been
33:27
endorsed quietly by Roosevelt that
33:29
the Polish border with the Soviet
33:31
Union should shift roughly 200 miles
33:34
to the west, two steps left as
33:36
Churchill put it and that
33:38
the western border of Poland should
33:41
shift 200 miles further
33:43
into Germany and that is actually
33:46
what happened. Churchill tried to persuade
33:48
the exiled Poles that
33:50
they had to accept that and
33:53
that if they did they would
33:55
be able to get political freedom.
33:58
First of all they refused to
34:00
accept the refused to accept it,
34:02
Mikolajczyk eventually resigned because he couldn't
34:04
persuade his peers. Churchill
34:06
was tearing his hair out. If
34:09
you read the exchanges between him
34:11
and Mikolajczyk, which I have quite
34:13
extensively in the book, the
34:16
language he's using to Mikolajczyk in
34:18
desperation, to no doubt in my
34:20
mind he deeply and genuinely wanted
34:22
Poland to at least secure a
34:25
real measure of political independence, is
34:28
language that you can hardly believe
34:30
the politicians would use to one
34:33
another in extensive conversations. It's
34:35
all there. It was all recorded in those
34:37
days. And
34:39
Stalin smiled, sneered,
34:43
and never moved an
34:45
inch. The result, to
34:48
what I said at the very beginning of this passage, the
34:52
result was the total
34:54
gradual dismemberment of
34:56
Polish independence by
34:59
1947. And if
35:01
you like, Poland therefore being the cause
35:03
of the Second World War is also
35:05
the focus for what
35:08
became the Cold War. It was
35:10
what happened to Poland that finally
35:12
persuaded the Americans, now
35:14
with Truman, that I'm slightly oversimplified
35:16
to make the point that
35:19
Stalin was not a man of his word.
35:21
He could not be trusted. Churchill
35:24
never believed that he could be trusted.
35:27
The struggles after D-Day
35:29
between the Americans and the British,
35:32
because Churchill had never been
35:35
an enthusiast for D-Day. He'd
35:37
always feared huge
35:39
numbers of deaths in D-Day
35:41
itself, and subsequently he
35:44
wanted to attack through
35:46
the Balkans, from Italy up through
35:48
the Balkans, and encircle the Nazis
35:50
that way, and also stop the
35:52
Russians, the great Russian tide. And
35:54
the Americans would have none of
35:57
it. And it was very, very
35:59
bitter. the conversations
36:01
between Washington and London at
36:03
this point. We're talking now in the
36:06
summer of 1944 when the
36:08
Americans are insisting that they
36:11
do not go to Balkans, they will not provide
36:14
troops for the Balkans. He was
36:16
resisting all the way through. Churchill
36:18
wanted a different approach from
36:20
the one that eventually prevailed
36:23
and successfully so, mercifully. So
36:26
the idea that the big three
36:28
were all charms, simply not
36:30
true. And the idea that
36:33
Churchill and Roosevelt were always at
36:35
one with another, equally untrue, but
36:37
as Churchill himself said, he was
36:40
a little donkey. That's right.
36:42
And that becomes apparent, doesn't it? At
36:44
the beginning, he's in what appears to
36:46
be a partnership of equals with Roosevelt,
36:48
but with the passing of time very
36:50
rapidly, that changes. Just
36:53
before we finish, Jonathan, a
36:56
couple of things. One is you
36:58
very skillfully link the experiences
37:00
of 1944 with the Russian
37:02
mindset today, if you want
37:04
to put it like that.
37:06
Here we are celebrating or
37:08
commemorating D-Day on one side,
37:11
and I'm sure the Russians
37:13
are doing the same for
37:15
Bagration and their successes. But
37:17
what we take away from it is
37:20
very different, isn't it? We're saying this
37:22
is a great moment in human history, really,
37:24
where the forces of light start
37:27
to overcome the forces of darkness. If you like,
37:29
it's very much a sort of mannequine story.
37:33
On the Russian side, long before
37:35
the anniversary, throughout the Ukrainian crisis
37:38
and invasion and all the dreadful things
37:40
that have happened there since, they
37:42
keep harking back to the Second World War,
37:44
to the Great Patriotic War, as they call
37:46
it, and using it really
37:49
as, I think it has two uses. One
37:51
is there's not very much they can be
37:53
proud about in their recent history, and this
37:55
is something that they
37:58
take enormous pride in simply because... it's
38:01
something they can cling on to, to
38:04
reinforce their self-esteem. But they also
38:06
use all the historical aspects of
38:09
it to justify what they're doing.
38:12
And you say this eloquently in your book, can you
38:14
just explain your thinking to
38:16
the listeners? I do think there
38:18
is a chain between 1944 that
38:21
links the Russia
38:23
to Ukraine today.
38:26
And I think you touched
38:28
on it a light-eyed absolutely accurately. I
38:31
think two things. First of all, you
38:34
have running through Russian history,
38:37
total control of the media, except for
38:39
moments where it wasn't the case. So
38:42
what comes out of the Kremlin is
38:44
what most Russians learn, of course,
38:47
not all. That's
38:50
one aspect of where we are now. There are
38:52
two other things. First,
38:55
Russian people have always been obliged
38:57
to be obedient. But
39:00
they also have a sense of their grand
39:02
history, given through the
39:05
sieve of whoever was ruling at
39:07
the time, from the emperors onwards.
39:10
And so they look back nostalgically
39:14
to the days when there
39:17
was a Russian empire, when there
39:19
was Soviet Union, big and powerful,
39:22
when the leaders were respected, whether
39:24
it was Catherine the Great or
39:27
Stalin, and they
39:30
see Russia having been humiliated
39:32
and held in contempt by
39:34
the West as the
39:36
Soviet Union crumbled. They
39:38
don't make, in my view,
39:41
a big distinction between imperial
39:43
pre-revolutionary times and
39:46
the quasi-imperial, host-revolutionary times
39:49
of Soviet communism. So
39:51
when Putin comes along and says
39:53
he's going to restore Russian greatness,
39:57
that message falls on ready
39:59
ears. combine
40:01
that with the deep
40:03
underlying fear that there has long
40:05
been of Western
40:08
encirclement represented nowadays
40:10
Russian perspective by NATO and
40:13
you have the absolute
40:16
bedrock sense for many Russian people
40:18
that Putin is doing the right
40:21
thing. He is recovering territory that
40:23
is rightly Soviet. This
40:25
doesn't stand up in any
40:28
kind of international court of law
40:30
but psychologically it has enormous resonance
40:33
in Russia and I think a lot flows
40:35
from that. I think that I cannot and
40:38
again I stopped the book in
40:40
2014 with the invasion
40:42
unknown invasion or occupation of Crimea
40:45
is a walk over really because
40:48
I don't want to trespass into the future because
40:50
that's always very unwise to if you want the
40:53
book to have credibility in a
40:55
few years time so I shy away from
40:57
that but I cannot see on
40:59
the basis of the evidence we have so far
41:02
any circumstances in which Russia
41:05
will willingly yield either
41:07
Crimea or the Donetsk
41:10
and therefore I suspect for
41:12
all sorts of reasons that behind the
41:15
rhetoric from the west of victory which has no
41:17
meaning except rhetorical that
41:20
there must be a sense that without
41:22
in any way accepting the validity
41:24
of the occupation there will have
41:26
to be a ceasefire, an armistice
41:29
line something not dissimilar
41:31
it's extremely unsatisfactory not
41:34
dissimilar from the line that divides
41:36
north from South Korea, an orable
41:39
line but I suspect
41:41
that may be the least
41:43
worst temporary outcome. We'll end on
41:45
that note Jonathan because you've very
41:48
skillfully managed to combine the two
41:50
elements in our podcast with 1944
41:54
and our Ukraine podcast I think that's a good
41:56
we could talk for hours but I think we'll
41:58
have to end it there. there. Thanks so much
42:00
for coming on. It's been an absolute pleasure to
42:03
talk to you. And we've learned a hell of
42:05
a lot. It's been very
42:07
enjoyable sort of someone who knows
42:09
this history. Thanks
42:11
a lot for that. Well, I really
42:13
enjoyed that. I hope you did too.
42:15
Join us on Friday for the latest
42:18
Ukraine episode. And of course, again, next
42:20
Wednesday for another episode of Battle Ground
42:22
44. Goodbye.
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