Episode Transcript
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0:00
Hi everyone, before we get to a very
0:02
dark and upsetting piece
0:04
of subject matter, how about a little good news? I'm
0:07
going to be doing some speaking engagements in March
0:09
and April 2024 in a couple of different locations.
0:13
If one of them is near you and you'd like to go, I'd love
0:15
to see you. We're going to be in Los
0:17
Angeles on March 21st, 2024, Salt Lake City March 23rd, 2024, Portland
0:23
Oregon March 28th, 2024, and New York City April 9th, 2024. You
0:28
can go to the front page of our website at
0:30
dancarlin.com for more info on those venues and those dates
0:32
and how to get tickets. You can also
0:34
sign up for our free sub-stack page at dancarlin.substack.com
0:36
where we will try to provide updates regularly
0:38
on this as well. I'd love to see
0:40
you out there if you have the time
0:43
and look, if these go well, we'll add
0:45
some other cities down the road. It's
0:50
hardcore history. Attention.
0:55
We're going to issue one
0:57
of our rare pre-show warnings
0:59
before the conversation we're about
1:01
to have here concerning
1:04
the nature of the material that's
1:06
going to be discussed. Now, obviously,
1:09
when you have a show entitled hardcore
1:11
history, nobody should be
1:13
expecting much in the way of rainbows
1:15
and unicorns. That is understood. But
1:18
sometimes the material
1:20
gets even darker than normal
1:22
and today is going to be one of those times. I
1:24
don't think it's as heavy
1:26
duty or as intense
1:29
as the painful attainment show
1:31
we did on public
1:34
executions and public violence
1:36
and all that sort of stuff, but maybe not
1:38
because the material is any lighter because it isn't,
1:41
but perhaps because the show isn't quite as
1:43
long and doesn't hammer you for
1:46
quite as significant
1:49
a duration. Maybe you could say, but
1:52
it's heavy duty stuff and I'm warning you now that
1:54
maybe it's not for you. You'll have
1:56
to decide. The
1:59
show today. came about as
2:02
the result of a communication between
2:04
the people who publish a
2:07
book that's just about to come out in
2:09
the United States and yours
2:11
truly, the publishers of Dan
2:14
Stone's, historian Dan Stone's new book on
2:16
the Holocaust got in touch with me
2:18
and said, but we like to talk
2:20
to the professor about the book. Now,
2:23
Stone, for those who don't know, is
2:25
one of the foremost historians of the
2:27
Holocaust in the Second World War. He's
2:29
the director of the Holocaust Research Institute
2:31
at Royal Holloway at the University of London. He's written a
2:34
lot of books and articles on the subject and
2:36
the new book, believe it or not, after all
2:38
these years, still breaks new ground and ties the
2:40
Holocaust into modern times in a way that's valuable
2:43
and important. And when this offer
2:45
was presented to me, I thought to myself,
2:47
you know, I don't think we've actually addressed
2:49
the Holocaust straight on. And
2:52
so maybe having such an august
2:55
researcher and professor
2:57
on the subject is a great idea. But
3:00
I did think that there was one thing
3:02
missing in a discussion about this between a
3:05
host and an interview subject. And that is
3:08
the emotional content to
3:10
a degree, because when you have an interview,
3:12
there is an educational slash
3:14
classroom sort of feel sometimes
3:17
to things. A
3:20
high-minded discussion on
3:22
a subject that is much more bloody
3:25
and muddy and horrifying
3:27
and traumatizing, then
3:29
can often be brought out in a
3:32
straight conversation, no fault of the interview
3:34
subject or the host. It's just, it
3:36
doesn't lend itself to the
3:38
level of color that a
3:41
conversation between myself
3:43
and you, where I
3:45
can bring in things like eyewitness accounts
3:47
and whatever can do. And so
3:50
the way I thought maybe we could
3:52
have this is to try to re-inject
3:55
the emotion back into the story
3:57
before the interview starts and maybe...
4:00
sort of reconstitute, if
4:03
you will, the dried blood a little bit
4:06
and remind ourselves what we're talking
4:08
about before we start talking
4:10
about it. I
4:13
mean, there's a legitimate point to be made about
4:16
how long the memory of a
4:18
terrible historical event remains
4:21
fresh enough to emotionally impact
4:23
us, because we can
4:25
think, I'm sure you can, I know I can,
4:28
of terrible, terrible historical
4:30
tragedies from time
4:33
immemorial, and they don't all
4:35
affect us with the same level of
4:37
visceral reaction. You know,
4:41
I mean, we can talk about things, if you will,
4:43
like the destruction of
4:46
the Assyrians, you know, in 612 when Nineveh
4:49
falls, which is a Holocaust if you happen
4:51
to be Assyrian and living there, doesn't really
4:53
move the needle very much, does it? But
4:56
if we talk about the genocide,
4:58
for example, in a place like
5:00
Rwanda, which is a recent event
5:03
historically speaking, it's a lot more
5:05
likely to get your blood boiling
5:08
and maybe make you a little sick to your
5:10
stomach. So there's a question of how long these
5:13
sorts of events bother us before
5:15
they slip into a category where
5:18
they're more something we
5:22
think about dispassionately. You know,
5:25
the Mongol conquest was a long time ago, right? But once
5:27
upon a time, that was the worst thing that ever happened
5:29
to anybody. But we write
5:31
books today about this subject and talk
5:34
about the, you know, upsides of the
5:36
Mongol Holocaust, if you will. So, you
5:39
know, things change, right? So
5:42
injecting a little bit of the original
5:45
horror that comes with a subject like this before
5:47
we talk about a subject like this seemed to
5:49
be a good way to set the conversation up
5:52
before we talk to Professor Stone
5:54
about his new book. The
5:57
Holocaust is an endlessly fascinating
5:59
story. subject. It's one of
6:01
those sorts of
6:03
occurrences where it holds a
6:05
mirror up to humanity in
6:07
a way that—well, I don't
6:09
know about you, but that
6:12
bothers one and makes us
6:14
ask fundamental questions about ourselves,
6:16
the species and the
6:18
sorts of structures we create
6:21
for our—arranging our
6:23
societies, if you will, and what they're capable
6:25
of doing to us if
6:27
they fall into the wrong hands, or
6:30
they're not carefully managed. The
6:35
word genocide is important here.
6:38
The word you see used all the time
6:40
now, but a lot of people don't know
6:43
its origin. Genocide is not an old word.
6:45
It's an old practice, but it's not
6:47
an old word. Genocide was
6:49
a term coined in the 1940s by a writer who
6:54
was writing about what the
6:56
Nazis were doing during
6:58
a time period when
7:01
it wasn't altogether clear exactly
7:03
what was going on. The
7:06
term itself essentially means—I mean, there's a
7:09
very legalized, formalized version of the term
7:11
now, but when it was
7:13
originally coined, it essentially means an attempt
7:15
to destroy whole peoples, right?
7:17
Wipe them out, exterminate them. It
7:21
was an attempt to come up with a
7:23
term for what
7:25
Winston Churchill in 1941, when the
7:27
Soviet Union was invaded by the
7:30
Germans, called
7:33
a crime which has no name. Now,
7:37
he didn't know that
7:40
this was a crime against Jews specifically.
7:42
At the time, Churchill was talking about
7:44
what the German army was
7:46
doing in the Soviet Union, where they
7:49
were depopulating whole districts, and it wasn't
7:51
just Jews, it was all kinds of
7:53
people. We had
7:55
already seen this happen at
7:57
the start of the war in Poland, where what it
8:00
happened to the Poles, if
8:02
it wasn't genocide it was something damn
8:04
near genocide, and
8:07
perhaps what's so shocking about it is not
8:10
that it happened, because as I said we
8:12
all understand that the attempts
8:14
to wipe out whole peoples is,
8:17
I mean you can go back
8:19
to biblical times and every time in between, I
8:21
mean it is not an uncommon occurrence, but
8:24
what seems so strange is when it happens
8:26
in the modern world, right, it's one thing
8:28
to say that once upon a time, you
8:31
know, a people like the Huns
8:33
or the Assyrians or I mean
8:35
you just you can fill in
8:37
the bike, where tons of people
8:39
tried to wipe out peoples nearby
8:41
them, doesn't surprise us at all, but
8:44
at a certain point you think that societies and civilizations
8:46
move past a point where you do that or where
8:48
the international structures,
8:51
the laws, the agreements,
8:55
the collective morality of
8:57
us all has moved to a point
8:59
where that sort of thing shouldn't happen
9:01
anymore, and instead of
9:04
that occurring, it in fact
9:06
becomes somehow worse, where
9:09
the modern organization of sophisticated
9:12
states, right in the case of
9:15
Nazi Germany, 20th century states, harnesses
9:19
the organizational and
9:21
industrial power of these modern states
9:24
and applies it to the job
9:26
of trying to exterminate peoples. This
9:31
is part of the problem of trying to
9:33
talk about the Holocaust in
9:35
the context of when it happened, because
9:38
it happened during a time period where
9:41
mass industrial killing and death
9:43
was going on at a
9:47
pace that is probably unprecedented in humankind.
9:49
Sometimes you can point to certain times
9:52
and places. China,
9:55
for example, had certain rebellions where if you
9:57
actually look at the death rate and how
9:59
many people died, I mean it might be comparable
10:01
to certain world wars, but by
10:03
and large what was going on in the
10:05
Second World Wars on such a scale that
10:08
when you talk about a particular
10:10
people maybe losing five or six
10:12
million of their members, this
10:16
is a crazy thing to say, but it might not
10:18
even be that noticeable. At the post-war
10:21
war crimes trials where the
10:24
victorious Allied powers were
10:26
all involved, the Soviet Union, which of
10:28
course was one of the victorious Allied
10:30
powers and had suffered mightily, maybe the
10:32
worst of all, if not them in
10:34
China, but probably them, of any of
10:36
the combatants in the war, they
10:40
sometimes sort of resented
10:42
the idea that anyone would focus
10:44
on a Jewish Holocaust specifically, because
10:47
their point was it's just entirely
10:49
wrapped up in the
10:52
greater Holocaust entirely, right? The
10:54
horrific things that Nazi Germany
10:56
and their allies did to
10:58
everyone that they fought, right?
11:01
Six million Jews was the Jewish
11:04
price that was paid, but look at what happened to the Poles, look
11:06
at what happened to the Russians, look at what happened over and over
11:08
and over again. All these peoples that
11:11
were devastated, it
11:13
was only after the Second
11:15
World War that it started to seep in
11:18
exactly what the Holocaust meant, and
11:21
in the early 1960s, after
11:24
the founding of the State of Israel, when Israel
11:26
was going out and finding war
11:28
criminals, right? Nazis that had diluted capture
11:30
and had gotten away, and they got
11:33
their hands, for example, on Adolf Eichmann
11:36
in South America where he was hiding out, and
11:38
they brought him back, I think they drugged
11:41
him and they flew him back and they
11:43
put him on trial in the early 1960s
11:45
in Israel, and so much
11:47
of the world's attention was focused on this,
11:49
and by that time, the world
11:51
had sort of internalized some of the, you
11:53
know, what the Soviets were talking about, right?
11:55
The greater death that everybody had to suffer,
12:00
and brought out the specific attempts on
12:02
the parts of the Nazis and their
12:04
allies to wipe out Jews, at least
12:07
Jews in Europe, but maybe Jews everywhere
12:09
at a certain point. And
12:13
Eichmann's testimony and what came out of that
12:15
trial was so outrageous
12:18
and had so many implications
12:21
for modern humanity as a
12:23
whole that that began to
12:25
build the knowledge and
12:27
understanding and to some degree the fascination
12:30
and intense
12:33
examination of the Holocaust in a way that had
12:35
been building up till that time but really took
12:37
off then. And then in the 1970s there was
12:39
quite a bit of work
12:41
in popular culture and everything and
12:44
of course now we have it where the Holocaust is, well
12:47
you'd have to be obviously living under a
12:49
rock and not be particularly educated
12:52
to not have heard or know about it but you
12:54
might not know a lot about it and hopefully we
12:56
can add a little bit of
12:59
information to that today. I imagine many of you
13:01
know a great deal about it already though, it's
13:04
one of those modern sorts of occurrences
13:06
that's hard to ignore. It
13:11
is one of the ultimate examples
13:13
of the literary theme of
13:16
man's inhumanity to man and
13:18
just when you think it can't get any worse there's
13:21
a story or a remembrance or
13:23
a document or something
13:25
else maybe even sometimes film footage
13:27
that comes into play where you
13:29
just shake your head and can't
13:32
believe that humanity ever went there
13:34
in Winston
13:36
Churchill's history of the Second World War. And
13:40
if you really are interested in that series by the
13:42
way don't buy one of the abridged versions, go get
13:44
your hands on one of the original
13:47
works because they include all the appendixes. Churchill
13:49
throws in a lot of letters that he
13:51
wrote during the war itself and communications that
13:53
he had with other people. For example in
13:56
1944 Churchill wrote a
13:58
letter or a communication letter. and
14:00
in it he talked about
14:03
what was happening to the Jews in Hungary.
14:06
Now in 1944, even though ever
14:09
since the war people have been trying to figure
14:11
out how much the Allies realized what was or
14:13
wasn't going on in the occupied
14:15
territories and in the places where
14:18
Jews were being persecuted and killed,
14:21
and Churchill in 1944 in
14:23
this communique shows that they
14:25
know something's going on and listen
14:27
to how he refers to it. It's
14:30
in the appendix of volume six of his
14:32
history of the Second World War, the
14:35
volume entitled Triumph and Tragedy.
14:37
It is a communique
14:40
from him to the Foreign
14:42
Secretary in Britain dated July
14:44
11th 1944 and he writes,
14:47
quote, there is no
14:50
doubt that this persecution of the
14:52
Jews in Hungary and their expulsion
14:54
from enemy territory is probably the
14:56
greatest and most horrible crime ever
14:58
committed in the whole history of
15:00
the world and it has been
15:02
done by scientific machinery, by nominally
15:04
civilized men in the name of
15:06
a great state and one of
15:08
the leading races of Europe. It
15:10
is quite clear that all concerned in
15:13
this crime who may fall into our
15:15
hands, including the people who only obeyed
15:17
orders by carrying out the butcheries, should
15:20
be put to death after their association with
15:22
the murders has been proved. I
15:24
cannot therefore, he writes, feel that
15:26
this is the kind of ordinary
15:29
case which is put through the
15:31
protecting power as, for instance, the
15:33
lack of feeding or sanitary conditions
15:35
in some particular prisoner's camp. There
15:37
should therefore be, in my opinion,
15:39
no negotiations of any
15:41
kind on this subject. Declaration
15:43
should be made in public so that
15:46
everyone connected with it will be hunted
15:48
down and put to death, end quote.
15:51
Let's recall that this is before the
15:54
finding of the concentration camps, the
15:56
death camps, the camps that the
15:59
Nazis themselves referred to as
16:01
annihilation camps, I
16:04
should probably address something right now that's
16:06
already going to get me some feedback
16:08
so that we make
16:10
the distinction between Nazis and Germans.
16:13
And I've heard, for example, from Polish people
16:15
over the years that they
16:17
resent us referring to the Germans as
16:19
Nazis as though that somehow exempts them
16:21
from their crimes, right? That there are
16:24
Nazis and Germans and that they're not
16:26
the same. And I
16:28
think we should point out that this is
16:30
the Nazi period of German history and
16:32
that that is a unique period in
16:34
German history. And even if German troops,
16:37
for example, in the First World War
16:39
were exceedingly harsh with the civilian populations
16:41
in some places, right, the Germans are
16:43
famous for collective punishment
16:45
in the war. If some partisan
16:49
shoots at a German soldier in the First World
16:51
War, it is not unusual for the Germans
16:53
to line up a bunch of civilian hostages and
16:56
put them up against a wall and shoot them. But
16:58
that's not Nazi activity. That's just, well,
17:01
a lot of countries would do that. But the Germans
17:03
and before them, the Prussians specifically were very harsh about
17:05
that kind of stuff. But making a
17:07
distinction about between that and
17:10
putting people in concentration camps and gassing
17:12
them is a very different thing. That
17:15
is the Nazi era specifically. And
17:18
what Dan Stone's book talks about, and we'll get
17:20
into it with Professor Stone himself, is
17:23
that you just
17:25
can't write it off to
17:27
Germans in any case, because
17:30
there were a lot of other
17:32
Europeans whose anti-Semitic ideas were tapped
17:34
into and who became willing
17:36
accomplices in all this. Maybe
17:40
we should talk for a second about
17:42
who the Nazis were, because
17:45
the Holocaust becomes something difficult
17:47
to imagine without them.
17:52
Something to describe the Nazis
17:55
is difficult. It's like a moving target
17:57
and there's a reason for that, but
17:59
certainly... They are fascinating to
18:01
us even today. I've heard it said
18:03
that if you are a writer and
18:05
you want to increase book sales, all
18:07
you need to do is figure out
18:09
a justification for slapping a swastika on
18:12
your book cover and you
18:14
can be assured of increased book sales. That
18:17
says something, doesn't it? That's indicative of
18:19
something. The Nazis
18:21
are a very strange group and
18:24
you can contrast them with their great
18:26
geopolitical opponents, the
18:28
communists, and in many ways
18:30
they're opposites from each other. The
18:33
communists of the
18:36
Bolshevik movement, the Mensheviks, the
18:38
Maoists later, all these groups
18:40
were filled with communist intellectuals
18:42
who killed bazillions of trees
18:45
to use paper
18:47
to make these arguments
18:49
that even today make the heads
18:51
of doctoral candidates in political science
18:54
departments all over the world's head
18:56
spin, talking about the dictatorship
18:58
of the proletariat and the historical dialectic
19:01
and all these arguments
19:03
that divide communism into all
19:05
sorts of factions that
19:07
disagree about that specific element of
19:10
the ideology or not. You didn't
19:12
see this in Nazism because
19:14
Nazism believed in something called the Fuhrer
19:16
principle, the leader principle. What
19:19
that meant is these little discussions
19:21
over what things like
19:23
the word socialism meant didn't matter
19:25
because all that mattered is what the leader said it meant
19:27
and if it changed tomorrow
19:30
that's okay too. When
19:32
you listen to Hitler talk about socialism
19:34
you get a really interesting glimpse into
19:36
the idea that what he thinks socialism
19:38
means doesn't sound anything like what somebody
19:40
today would describe it as but
19:43
he didn't have to be consistent and he didn't
19:45
have to be accurate, it didn't matter. The
19:49
Nazis are a strange
19:51
group of what we would
19:53
today call conspiracy theorists. They're
19:56
made possible by the disruption caused by
19:58
the first world war. and
20:00
ironically the Communists in the Soviet Union were
20:02
too. It's not
20:04
a movement that makes any sense without talking
20:06
about the First World War, and
20:09
the loss in the First World War
20:11
was something that Hitler and many people
20:13
like him considered to be the greatest
20:15
tragedy in German history. And he blamed
20:17
it on certain people, people he
20:19
called the November criminals. The
20:22
November criminals were socialists and
20:24
Jews, both of whom were almost
20:26
the same in Hitler's mind sometimes.
20:30
The Nazis came to power in an era
20:33
where the idea of
20:35
radical extremes was
20:38
particularly in vogue because there
20:40
wasn't a widely
20:42
admired sort of moderate choice for
20:45
the German people. The government at
20:47
the time, the Weimar Republic, was
20:49
seen as corrupt, it was seen
20:52
as ineffectual, it was seen as
20:54
something that was installed by Germany's
20:57
enemies, and at the
20:59
time that the Weimar Republic was falling
21:02
apart, the two extremes on the
21:04
political spectrum, the far left with the Communists
21:06
and the far right with the Nazis, were
21:09
at an open warfare in
21:11
the streets against each other. And
21:13
so if you were an average German
21:15
voter, your choices were the
21:17
far left, the far right, or the
21:19
discredited moderate government in the middle,
21:21
which many people saw as
21:23
no choice at all. There
21:26
is an attitude in the United States,
21:29
especially today, that the
21:31
Germans were a left-wing movement like
21:33
Communists and Socialists. This
21:35
bears a little bit of discussion, although I've
21:38
done a whole hardcore history addendum show about
21:40
it with Daniele Bolelli, where we talked about
21:43
why this isn't so. But the bottom
21:45
line is that when you talk about
21:47
things like right-wing or left-wing and political
21:49
spectrums, these are all human constructs. And
21:52
if you change the criteria you're using,
21:55
you can put any sort of political
21:57
system anywhere you want. But
21:59
if we... So if we're playing the game here
22:01
comparing apples to apples, well then you
22:03
have to use the political spectrum that
22:05
was in vogue from the beginning, which
22:08
is like 18th century France,
22:11
up until about the 1980s when people
22:13
started creating their own political spectrums with
22:15
different criteria. If you
22:17
want to say that the Nazis are
22:19
a left-wing movement, you have to use
22:21
a criteria that only bases where
22:24
you place systems on something like freedom,
22:27
in which case, oh, you can lump all totalitarian
22:29
regimes on the left and all free regimes on
22:31
the right and call the Nazis anything
22:33
you want. But traditionally, there's a
22:35
list of criteria that's been used from time
22:37
immemorial, and if you use that one, the
22:40
Nazis fit firmly on the right. Let me
22:42
show the differences very quickly between, say, the
22:44
far left and the far right. The
22:46
far right is nationalistic, right? They
22:49
believe in a country, a nation, or a
22:51
race. They're not
22:53
internationalist. It's an us and them kind of
22:56
philosophy. The far
22:58
left is internationalist. Their
23:00
belief is class-based, which means that people
23:02
in other countries can be allies
23:05
or countrymen just as much as
23:08
people in your own country. I mean, the
23:10
old communist line and socialist line was workers
23:12
of the world unite. Well, that's
23:14
not something people on the far right would
23:16
say because they don't want people from other
23:18
countries uniting with them generally. They believe in
23:20
their country. Workers of the
23:22
world unite is an internationalistic phrase.
23:26
The far right regimes often
23:28
harken back to a glorious past,
23:30
a mythological past, a romanticized past
23:33
that they want to take the
23:36
people back to, right? Whereas the far
23:38
left are looking forward to
23:40
some sort of glorious future, which has never
23:42
happened before and is only made possible by
23:45
things like the progression of
23:47
systems, right? So the
23:49
communists believe that capitalism eventually
23:51
would destroy
23:54
itself from its internal contradictions and when
23:56
it did, it would naturally progress to
23:58
the next stage of economic human
24:00
development communism. So it looked forward
24:02
to some sort of glorious untested
24:04
utopian future. The
24:07
Communists and the far left believed in
24:09
the proletariat, the working class, the far-right
24:11
believed in the folk or
24:13
the folk, the racial
24:16
society and community. The
24:21
far left had an
24:23
academic sort of patina on top
24:25
of, you know, their systems,
24:27
in other words, a whole bunch of intellectuals
24:29
debating this aspect or that aspect, guys
24:32
like Lenin or Trotsky or Kamenev
24:34
or Zenoviev or Bukharin and all
24:36
these, you know, people that were
24:39
economic theorists. The far-right's mystical and
24:42
in the Führer Princip believes in
24:44
the idea that the charismatic leader
24:46
can determine all this for himself.
24:49
Both the far right and the far left
24:52
can be considered populist at times and
24:54
if you're somebody that thinks that the name, the Nazi
24:57
party, which is officially the National German
25:00
Socialist Workers Party, or
25:02
the National Socialist German Workers Party, proclaims
25:05
that they are socialist, you have to
25:07
dig a little deeper into what that
25:10
means. First of
25:12
all, never take movements or the
25:14
names of nations that face value because
25:16
there's always some marketing going on. So
25:18
for example, if you
25:21
look at a place like
25:23
North Korea today, North Korea
25:25
is a hereditary dictatorship, right?
25:27
A hereditary dictatorship. They
25:29
are an autocratic society, but what's their official
25:31
name? They are the Democratic
25:33
People's Republic of North Korea. So they
25:36
have both the words Democratic and Republic
25:38
in their name, even though they're nothing like
25:40
either one of those systems. The
25:43
communist Chinese are the
25:45
People's Republic of China. The
25:48
Islamic dictatorship
25:51
of Iran is
25:53
the Islamic Republic of Iran officially. So these
25:55
are all marketing terms and Hitler made it
25:57
very clear in Mein Kampf that
26:00
they would often laugh at the fact that
26:02
they would choose these phrases that would confuse
26:04
the German public about what they were all
26:06
about. So if you go read Mein Kampf,
26:08
by the way, which is Hitler's, let's
26:11
call it a manifesto written
26:14
when he was in prison, and he
26:16
was sentenced to prison because he was part of
26:18
a failed coup. And when he
26:20
was in prison, he dictated this book to his
26:22
followers. It was meant to be a political
26:25
document. It's propaganda, but it
26:27
does tell you quite a bit about
26:29
his thinking. And in it,
26:31
he talks about choosing symbols that
26:34
are normally associated with the far
26:36
left, but doing it deliberately. And
26:38
in Mein Kampf, Hitler
26:40
writes, quote, the red
26:43
color of our posters in
26:45
itself drew them, meaning the communists
26:47
and socialists, to our meeting halls.
26:50
The run of the mill bourgeoisie were
26:52
horrified that we had seized upon the
26:54
red of the Bolsheviks. And they regarded
26:57
this as all very ambiguous. The
26:59
German national souls kept privately
27:01
whispering to each other the
27:03
suspicion that basically we were
27:05
nothing but a species of
27:07
Marxism, perhaps Marxists or rather
27:09
socialists in disguise. For
27:12
to this very day, these scatterbrains have
27:14
not understood the difference between socialism and
27:16
Marxism, especially when they
27:18
discovered that as a matter of
27:20
principle, we greeted in our meetings,
27:23
no ladies and gentlemen, but only
27:25
national comrades and among ourselves spoke
27:28
only of party comrades. Let
27:30
me stop for a minute and just say what he's
27:32
basically saying is they were using even the terminology that
27:35
communists use when they greeted each other, right? Comrades.
27:37
And they found this even more confusing. He
27:39
continues, quote, the Marxist spook seemed
27:42
demonstrated for many of our enemies.
27:45
How often we shook with laughter
27:47
at these simple bourgeois scare cats
27:49
at the sight of their ingenious
27:51
witty guessing games about our origin,
27:54
our intentions and our goal. We
27:57
chose the red color of our posters, he
27:59
writes. after careful and thorough
28:01
reflection in order to provoke the left,
28:03
to drive them to indignation, and lead
28:06
them to attend our meetings, if only
28:08
to break them up in order to
28:10
have some chance to speak to the
28:12
people." When
28:15
Hitler talks about reds, by the way, he's
28:17
talking about the Communists. When he
28:19
talks about using terms like he's not
28:21
using ladies and gentlemen, but he's using
28:23
party comrades and all that, that's all
28:25
communist sort of terminology too. But
28:28
the Nazis were fanatically anti-communistic. Those were
28:31
their main enemies, and they saw the
28:33
Communists as being a
28:35
Jewish movement. But
28:39
being the conspiracy theories that they were,
28:41
and they're almost bipolar in their conspiracy
28:43
theories, because they could at
28:45
the same time believe that the Jews
28:47
were a subhuman species, and yet
28:50
they controlled the world, right, in
28:52
the Nazi mind, right? They controlled
28:54
both the capitalistic societies, the banking
28:56
centers of London and New York
28:59
and places like that, by pulling
29:01
the strings like puppet masters, but
29:03
they also controlled the most anti-capitalist,
29:05
most anti-democratic societies of the world
29:08
too, right? The Soviet Union and
29:10
the Communists. They were this subhuman
29:13
group of people that controlled most of
29:15
the world. It's a strange sort of
29:17
bipolar way of seeing these individuals.
29:21
The Nazis saw them as polluters of
29:23
the blood, and the blood was
29:25
part of the Nazi philosophy that
29:27
also goes into the late 19th
29:29
century, mid-20th century ideas of things
29:31
like social Darwinism and eugenics. In
29:35
his history of the Second World War, in
29:37
the first edition of
29:39
the series of books, The Gathering
29:42
Storm, Winston Churchill tried his hand
29:44
at describing the philosophy of the
29:47
Nazis as outlined in Mein Kampf.
29:50
Winston Churchill wrote, The
29:53
main thesis of Mein Kampf is simple.
29:55
Man is a fighting animal, therefore the
29:58
nation being a community of fighters. fighters
30:00
is a fighting unit. Any living
30:02
organism which ceases to fight for its
30:05
existence is doomed to extinction. A country
30:08
or race which ceases to fight
30:10
is equally doomed. The fighting capacity
30:12
of a race, Churchill writes about
30:14
Mein Kampf, depends upon its
30:16
purity, hence the need for ridding
30:18
it of foreign defilements. The
30:21
Jewish race, owing to its
30:23
universality, is of necessity pacifist
30:25
and internationalist. Pacifism is the
30:27
deadliest sin, for it means
30:29
the surrender of the race
30:31
in the fight for existence.
30:34
The first duty of every country
30:36
is therefore to nationalize the masses.
30:38
Intelligence, in the case of individuals,
30:41
is not of first importance. Will
30:43
and determination are the prime qualities.
30:46
The individual who is born to
30:48
command is more valuable than countless
30:50
thousands of subordinate natures. Only
30:53
brute force can ensure the survival
30:55
of the race, hence the necessity
30:57
for military forms. The race
30:59
must fight. A race that rests
31:01
must rust and perish." He
31:05
then points out that the
31:07
aristocratic principle, meaning the rule
31:09
of a single individual like
31:11
a king, is fundamentally sound
31:14
and intellectualism is undesirable. Then
31:18
you get to the socialism part when
31:21
it comes to Hitler's view
31:23
of the party. Now,
31:25
it should be pointed out that when people will
31:27
talk about the Nazis as a socialistic left-wing movement,
31:29
they often will quote things from the party very
31:32
early on in the party's history, like the early
31:35
1920s, for example, which is a decade before
31:37
Hitler comes to power. Those
31:39
sorts of ideas predated Hitler in a
31:41
lot of respects, and by the time
31:43
he comes to power in the early
31:46
1930s, he's completely transformed the party and
31:48
exiled or often murdered the people
31:50
who believed in socialism as a
31:53
real thing. I've heard
31:55
it described the Nazi party when Hitler took
31:57
over as a corporate shell or the equivalent
32:00
of a corporate shell where he goes in
32:02
and just takes the forms and then revamps
32:04
it all, you know, to suit his viewpoint.
32:08
If you want to hear Hitler describe socialism, you
32:10
have to decide which speech you want to try
32:13
to pin him down on because he changes his
32:15
mind all the time. And again, as part of
32:17
the leader principle, the Fuhrer principle, that's just fine.
32:20
For example, in 1922, American
32:22
journalist William Shirer, who was stationed in
32:25
Germany as a news reporter
32:27
during the entire rise of the Nazis, who went
32:29
from speech to speech to speech watching Hitler talk
32:32
and never got his mind around what the
32:34
heck the Nazis were all about, tried to
32:36
understand it, spoke German. Shirer
32:38
quoted Hitler in a speech describing what socialism
32:40
was in 1922. And
32:44
this is a definition that would
32:46
apply to Americans who believe in
32:49
the Second Amendment, the flag, God,
32:51
and the singing of
32:54
America, the beautiful with your hand over your
32:56
heart. Shirer says in
32:58
1922, this is Hitler's description of
33:00
what a socialist is from
33:02
a speech he gave and that Shirer
33:04
attended. Quote, whoever is prepared
33:07
to make the national cause his own to
33:09
such an extent that he knows no
33:11
higher ideal than the welfare of his
33:13
nation, whoever has understood
33:15
our great national anthem, Deutschland-Uborales,
33:17
to mean that nothing in
33:19
the wide world surpasses in
33:21
his eyes this Germany, people,
33:23
and land that man is
33:25
a socialist. End quote. Then
33:29
there's the messianic leader side of
33:31
this. There
33:34
is a religious or
33:36
pseudo-religious belief in
33:38
the almost
33:40
God-chosen role of
33:42
this Fuhrer figure in
33:44
the country that defies rational
33:48
analysis. This is the mystical side
33:50
of Nazism and it's
33:52
discussed in historian Stefan
33:54
Malinowski, who was born in Berlin, by the
33:56
way. He's at the University of Edinburgh now.
34:00
and he describes it in his book Nazis and
34:02
Nobles. And this is an important thing to pay
34:04
attention to because as
34:07
one of my history professors said once, when
34:09
you're trying to nail down the political allies,
34:12
the place you would put someone on the political
34:14
spectrum, right? Are the communists far left or far
34:17
right? Are the Nazis far left or far right?
34:19
He said don't listen to what
34:21
they say. Look at who
34:23
they associate with, right? Judge them by the
34:25
company they keep. And Malinowski
34:28
writes about the weird
34:31
messianic charismatic
34:34
rule of the Fuhrer and how that
34:36
plays into the whole system. This is
34:38
something that was not a part of
34:40
Bolshevism, at least not until Joseph Stalin's
34:43
time when the cult of
34:45
personality took over and Malinowski writes quote
34:48
Although they certainly did not see eye to
34:50
eye on every detail, the general
34:53
thrust of the Fuhrer follower ideal,
34:55
a concept that stood in stark
34:57
opposition to the democratic and egalitarian
34:59
social models, represented one
35:01
of the most significant bridges that
35:04
facilitated relationships between the different groups
35:06
of the emergent new right. There
35:08
were two main reasons for this.
35:10
Firstly, the concept contained
35:12
various diffuse but eminently
35:14
powerful blends of irrational,
35:16
messianic, pseudo-religious elements
35:19
that were comfortably similar to
35:21
the new right's typical rhetorical
35:23
and symbolic idiom. And
35:26
secondly, both the ideal and the
35:28
reality of national socialist Fuhrer-tum came
35:30
to signify a system of charismatic
35:33
personal rule that was worlds
35:35
apart from democracy's anonymous elections
35:38
and the cold mechanisms of
35:40
modern bureaucracy. Indeed,
35:42
the Nazis ideal Fuhrer was
35:44
a decisive warrior who had
35:46
been annealed by the Stalgevitter,
35:48
literally the storm of steel
35:50
that was rained down by
35:53
artillery fire and represented the
35:55
antithesis of the feeble deskbound
35:57
bureaucrat. End
35:59
quote. He says that this
36:01
ideal of charismatic rule was
36:03
a phenomenon that was rooted
36:05
in irrational, religious, and emotional
36:07
forces. And
36:09
now based on this idea of judging a
36:12
movement by the company it keeps, right?
36:14
So if the Nazis are socialists, then
36:16
you would think of people who
36:19
would talk about labor unions
36:22
and trade unions, about the
36:24
ownership of the means of production. I mean,
36:26
there's a whole lot of things that go
36:28
into what socialism or communism is, but the
36:31
Nazis didn't work with workers.
36:34
They worked with management. They worked
36:36
with the giant corporate firms that
36:38
made Germany the industrial powerhouse that
36:41
it was, and there was a partnership
36:43
between the two. In
36:46
his fantastic book, economic historian Adam
36:48
Toos in The Wages of
36:50
Destruction talks about a very famous meeting between
36:52
the Nazis when they first come to power
36:55
and the great industrial firms in Germany on
36:57
February 20th, 1933. He
37:00
talks about the amount of money that
37:02
these giant firms gave and what the
37:04
promises of the Nazis
37:06
to these groups were. And
37:09
Toos writes, quote, the
37:12
meeting of 20th February and its
37:15
aftermath are the most notorious instances
37:17
of the willingness of German big
37:19
business to assist Hitler in establishing
37:22
his dictatorial regime. The
37:24
evidence cannot be dodged. Nothing
37:26
suggests that the leaders of German
37:28
big business were filled with ideological ardor
37:31
for national socialism before or after February
37:33
1933, nor did Hitler ask Kruppen Company
37:37
to sign up to an agenda
37:39
of violent antisemitism or a war
37:42
of conquest. He continues,
37:44
but what Hitler and his government did
37:47
promise was an end to parliamentary
37:49
democracy and the destruction of the
37:51
German left. And for this,
37:53
most of German big business was willing to
37:55
make a substantial down payment. End
37:58
quote. What the
38:00
hell are we talking about? Well, Adam Toos runs
38:02
down some of the big
38:04
contributions from the big industrial giants of
38:07
Germany to the Nazi Party
38:09
to give them the crucial early
38:11
support that allowed them to solidify
38:13
their position. And he writes, quote,
38:16
the largest individual donations came from
38:18
IG Farben, 400,000 Reichsmarks and the
38:20
Deutsche Bank,
38:23
200,000 Reichsmarks. The association of
38:25
the mining industry also made
38:28
a generous deposit of 400,000
38:30
Reichsmarks. Other large donors
38:33
included the organizers of the
38:35
Berlin Automobile Exhibition, 100,000 Reichsmarks,
38:37
and a cluster of electrical
38:39
engineering corporations, including
38:41
Telefunken, AEG, and the
38:44
Accumulatory in Fabrique, end
38:46
quote. Again,
38:48
if we are judging a movement
38:50
by the company, it keeps the German
38:53
Nazi Party as aligned with
38:55
groups of military, paramilitary by
38:57
this time, veteran soldiers
38:59
like the Stahlhelm and the
39:01
Freikor, who go after socialists
39:04
and communists in the streets with
39:06
their fists or worse. Hitler
39:10
is appointed Chancellor initially the
39:12
first time he gets in there by
39:14
the old Field Marshal, the
39:17
Prussian Field Marshal, von Hindenburg,
39:19
who was himself a
39:22
devotee of the German Emperor, and
39:25
was a virtual military dictator of Germany
39:27
in the last couple of years of the
39:30
First World War, no violent
39:32
revolutionary he. And
39:37
if you look at the geopolitical
39:39
allies of Germany in the Second
39:41
World War, they're all right wing regimes.
39:43
They all prosecute and persecute socialists and
39:46
communists. I mean, my goodness, by the
39:48
standards of the traditional political
39:50
spectrum, it would be hard to find
39:53
a more right wing regime than the
39:55
Imperial Japanese of the Second World War
39:57
era. They worship a divine for
40:00
goodness sakes, along with the
40:02
persecution, jailing, and or worse of
40:05
the socialists and communists in their
40:07
midst. Trying
40:10
to get your mind around what Hitler and
40:12
the Nazis did believe, though, is really difficult
40:14
because it is wrapped up in
40:17
the mystical, as we said. I had a
40:19
professor, my favorite professor in college, Robert Poise,
40:21
wrote a whole book on what
40:23
he called the religion of nature, which is
40:25
how he described the Nazi
40:27
belief system. The
40:32
main thing to focus on, perhaps, though,
40:35
is that it is not economic at all, which
40:37
is what's so weird about the way we think
40:39
now, because we tend to think of political systems
40:41
as rooted in economic
40:43
questions, right? Are you a capitalist?
40:45
Are you a socialist? I mean, what do
40:47
you believe? Hitler's belief
40:50
system focused on blood and soil. William
40:54
Shirer, in his book The Rise and Follow
40:56
the Third Reich, says that Hitler said on
40:58
many occasions that his whole
41:00
philosophy was rooted in something called
41:03
the Volksgemeinschaft, which
41:05
is a certain kind of racial community
41:08
rooted in blood and soil. But Shirer
41:10
says he heard multiple Hitler
41:12
speeches where Hitler said, this is the whole
41:14
key to understanding Nazism, and it never
41:16
once sounded the same. Shirer never understood it.
41:21
He did quote Hitler as saying, quote,
41:24
the state has nothing at all
41:26
to do with any definite economic
41:28
conception or development. And
41:30
then from later in the speech, the
41:32
state is a racial organism and not
41:34
an economic organization. End
41:36
quote. So perhaps this
41:38
is where our problems develop as we try
41:40
to understand a system using
41:43
our modern lenses for how
41:45
we evaluate things, trying to
41:48
Get our mind around a system
41:50
that's rooted in late 19th century
41:52
ideas of eugenics and social Darwinism
41:54
and Blood and Soil and Volksgemeinschaft
41:56
and a whole bunch of concepts
41:58
that. People don't talk
42:01
about very much anymore, because while
42:03
in part, they're pretty discredited because
42:05
in part, well, we had things
42:08
like the Second World War and
42:10
the Holocaust. In
42:12
a book written about genocide
42:14
called why Not Kill Them
42:16
All The logic and Prevention
42:18
mass political murder, the authors
42:20
Daniel Surat and Clark Mccauley
42:23
run down the reasons for
42:25
some of this. Idea
42:27
connected to what the Nazis believed in
42:29
about. well, what would make up the
42:31
folks guy chef right? The idea of
42:33
a racial community is in the Vulture
42:35
mine shaft. You could be in it.
42:38
If you were part of. You. Know
42:40
the people that met the criteria. If you didn't,
42:42
you weren't a part of. The people that met
42:44
the criteria weren't people who believed a certain things.
42:47
They were people who. You. Know
42:49
had a certain. Ethnicity and ancestry.
42:51
Hitler had this weird idea
42:53
about what areas were. In.
42:57
His mind they were of Nordic so you
42:59
think Scandinavians read blond hair, blue eyes? Those
43:01
kind of people are never mind with the
43:03
word area in really means in history. In
43:08
why not Kill Them All
43:10
the authors point out that
43:12
if you believe everything about
43:14
a culture and people revolves
43:16
around race, than the biggest
43:18
threat to that. Reality
43:20
is people that would
43:22
dilute or pollute. Or.
43:25
Breed the race out of existence.
43:27
The Nazis were worried about blood
43:29
pollution and what they sometimes referred
43:32
to as the Jewish Disease and
43:34
in why not kill them all?
43:36
they point out that that can
43:38
be a trigger. For. Things like
43:41
genocide for the authors write quote. the
43:45
most powerful fear is fear
43:47
of extinction the fear that
43:50
our in quotation marks people
43:52
our cause our culture our
43:54
history may not survive this
43:57
fear will elicit the most
43:59
violent and extreme reactions. Group
44:02
identification, caring about what happens
44:04
to our group, is what
44:06
makes inter-group conflict possible. Without
44:09
such identification, individuals would be
44:11
loathe to risk their own
44:13
lives for the collective. Yet
44:15
we know that people commonly
44:17
do take risks and sometimes
44:20
invite almost certain death on
44:22
behalf of their families, close
44:24
friends, clans, tribes, religions, and
44:26
nations. Those groups developing
44:28
the most powerful common identification are
44:30
those that promise some kind of
44:32
immortality. Few are willing to
44:35
die for their tennis club, but many are
44:37
willing to die for a cause, religion, ethnic
44:40
group or nation in which the individual
44:42
can continue after death through the survival
44:44
and success of the group." They
44:48
then point out this particular
44:51
attitude that the Nazis had, which
44:53
is rooted in things like the
44:55
Volksgemeinschaft, this racial community, and the
44:57
fear that it might be polluted
45:00
by inferior blood. And they
45:02
write, quote, "...fear of
45:04
pollution or contamination is a particular
45:06
kind of survival fear. The
45:09
fear that the group, as we know it,
45:11
will not survive, even if many of its
45:13
members do. The group will
45:15
exist in the future only by losing
45:17
what is most important and distinctive about
45:20
it, and being amalgamated with some other
45:22
group. The relevant emotion
45:24
for this kind of survival
45:26
concern combines fear with disgust.
45:29
Fear of pollution is not so much a threat
45:31
to the physical continuation of the group as
45:33
to the essence or nature of the group.
45:36
Hitler's obsession," they write, "...with the
45:39
Jewish disease and race mixing, fantastic
45:41
as it may seem to those
45:43
who do not take such pseudoscience
45:45
seriously, was a deep
45:47
fear that his idealized Germanic race
45:49
would not survive, combined with disgust
45:51
for what he perceived to be
45:53
the increasing Judaization of the world."
45:56
End quote. So
45:58
if this is your number one fear. And
46:01
if you think Jews control the world,
46:04
and if you're giving speeches saying that
46:06
if the Jews, because they control the
46:08
world, plunge the world into another world
46:10
war they're sort of going to reap
46:12
the whirlwind, what do
46:14
you do? I mean, what's the logical
46:17
answer, the logical solution to
46:19
that sort of problem? Well,
46:21
in Nazi Germany it starts almost immediately. Once
46:24
the Nazis gain power, Jews
46:26
have to start wearing identifiable symbols so
46:28
people know who they are. They quickly
46:31
get banned from multiple kinds of professions,
46:33
right? We can't have them in positions
46:35
of power. Then the persecution
46:38
starts, right? The Kristallnacht type
46:40
events, the pogroms,
46:42
the smashing of windows, the
46:44
destruction and boycotting of businesses.
46:47
Then all of a sudden it moves
46:50
to something that would be
46:52
recognized by people, for example,
46:54
in the Americas because Hitler's
46:57
reading about these sorts of things. And
46:59
he likes the approach that the Americas
47:01
took to the native indigenous peoples, right?
47:03
Put them on reservations. He has, for
47:05
a while his people think about putting
47:08
Jews and subhumans on specific
47:10
reservations and keeping them isolated
47:12
there. Then
47:15
they talk about things like exile. They
47:17
look to places like Madagascar, right? The
47:19
big island off the eastern
47:22
coast of the African continent at one
47:24
point is a place to maybe send
47:26
all your Jews. One can't
47:28
help but think that if that had actually
47:30
happened, we would be talking about some of
47:32
the same sorts of problems in Madagascar today
47:34
that they're talking about in the Levant right
47:36
now. And
47:38
then eventually it moves from
47:40
the idea of exiling all the Jews
47:42
to a faraway place to
47:44
simply killing them where they are. Now
47:49
we should point out that the idea of
47:51
exiling the Jews was not about sending them
47:53
away from their homes. It was
47:55
about sending them back to where they came from
47:57
or getting them out of what we're talking about.
48:00
was perceived to be a part of the
48:02
world where they were the equivalent of an
48:04
invasive species that had put
48:06
down roots. This is fascinating
48:08
to me because it's almost the exact opposite
48:11
viewpoint of one you'll hear from the Middle
48:13
East sometimes today from Arab or Islamic
48:15
societies who will say that
48:17
the Jews in the Levant in Western
48:19
Asia, in what's now the state of
48:21
Israel, that they're an invasive species from
48:23
outside the region, right? You can't be
48:25
an invasive species in Europe and an
48:27
invasive species in the
48:29
Middle East. You come from somewhere, don't you?
48:32
So when the Germans are thinking about sending
48:34
Jews back to where they belong, the obvious
48:36
question is where do they belong? Not
48:40
to me the obvious answer is if you've
48:42
been living there multiple generations ever since the
48:45
Middle Ages, for example, in a place like
48:47
Europe, well, in my mind you belong there.
48:50
But the Jews are one of those
48:52
peoples that because they're from a different
48:54
religious group and because they have ideas
48:56
about marrying within the religion and they're
48:58
so persecuted and there's
49:01
so much prejudice against them that other people don't want
49:03
to marry them that a lot of times they stay
49:05
sort of a group apart, right? It's tough to assimilate
49:07
in a lot of these places. So
49:12
where do they come from is
49:14
an interesting question. I'm not going to go
49:16
into a whole bunch of the history of
49:18
the Jewish people, but we should just point
49:20
out that the Jews, the Israelis,
49:22
the Hebrews, whichever name you'd like to apply
49:24
to them are an ancient group of people
49:27
despite the almost conspiracy theory that
49:30
at least the Ashkenazi Jews, the
49:32
ones in Europe, are
49:34
actually European, right? There are some people that believe that
49:36
they're the descendants of a Turkish
49:38
steppe tribe called the Khazars and we talked about
49:40
this in the Viking show we did a while
49:42
back because unlike
49:45
most people around the world, to convert
49:47
to Judaism as a group is rare
49:50
and the Khazari nobility may have
49:52
converted in the Middle Ages to
49:54
Judaism. It's still very controversial. But
49:57
if they did, they haven't really left their
49:59
genetic markers. Ashkenazi because
50:02
the Jews are one of the most
50:04
studied people in terms of DNA and
50:06
genetics and there's really no kazari markers
50:08
found in Jewish genetics from Europe. There
50:11
are however from the patrilineal line as
50:13
I've researched it and understand it in
50:15
my you know very narrow
50:17
and shallow way a patrilineal
50:20
line that goes all the way back to
50:22
the modern Middle East so the
50:24
connection to the roots in the region
50:26
where once upon a time there were
50:29
kingdoms Jewish kingdoms with
50:31
with Israeli and Jewish kings right
50:33
the kingdom of Israel and
50:35
the kingdom of Judah right the Israeli kingdom
50:37
in the north Judah in the south if
50:41
you know your history you know that those arose in
50:44
the early early Iron Age so think
50:46
the 900s BCE right approximately 3,000
50:48
years ago these are the
50:52
kingdoms that the well the Christians would call it
50:55
the Old Testament the Jews would refer to it
50:57
as the Tanakh that the Old Testament of the
50:59
Bible talked about right King Solomon King Saul King
51:01
David those people and historians
51:04
are continuing trying to figure out
51:07
whether these kingdoms are glittering rich
51:09
powerful almost imperial type kingdoms or
51:11
whether they're much more you know
51:14
rudimentary small city-states with you know
51:16
clusters of villages that sort of
51:18
have allegiance to them regardless
51:22
the only reason that they can flourish in their golden age
51:24
from about like 900 ish to the 700s and in
51:28
one case 600s because Israel
51:30
fell before Judah fell is because the
51:32
superpowers in the region are particularly low
51:34
ebb during that time period right the
51:36
superpowers being Egypt in
51:39
the north the Hittites in the east in
51:41
what's now Iraq the Assyrians in
51:43
the north and the Babylonians in the south
51:45
normally all those guys are fighting over the
51:48
territory that's now Israel and as
51:51
a matter of fact when the Egyptians run the place and
51:53
they're the normal superpower that controls
51:55
the region this is going to be
51:58
just an interesting aside They
52:00
rule it from their command center in
52:02
the city of Gaza. And yes, it's
52:04
the same place as the city of
52:07
Gaza today. Gaza has like a 4,000-year-old
52:09
history. But
52:11
during the time period when the Kingdom of Israel
52:13
and the Kingdom of Judah thrive, they're
52:16
able to do so because the powers that
52:18
would normally control them are at a
52:21
low ebb. That is a temporary
52:23
situation. And when those powers regain
52:26
their strength, they take over those
52:28
areas. In the early 700s, the
52:30
Israelis, the Kingdom
52:32
of Israel is destroyed by
52:34
the Assyrians who go in there
52:37
and level cities and
52:39
take the Jewish people and move
52:41
them around. The Assyrians are great
52:43
population transfer people. Today, we would
52:45
call it ethnic cleansing. And
52:48
this becomes the first early time period
52:50
where Jews are sent away from where
52:52
they considered to be their homeland and
52:54
moved all around. In
52:57
the late 500s, I think
52:59
the 580s, the Babylonians who took
53:01
over from the Assyrians as the
53:03
big dog in what's now the
53:05
country of Iraq, they went in
53:07
and destroyed the southern kingdom, the
53:09
Kingdom of Judah, destroying Jerusalem, leveling
53:12
the sacred temple of the Jews and doing
53:14
the same thing as the Assyrians did, scattering
53:17
them all over, removing them to Babylon.
53:20
And it's in the early 500s, like
53:22
the 530s, that Cyrus the Great, the
53:24
guy who founds the Achaemenid Persian Empire
53:26
gets such wonderful publicity
53:29
in the Old Testament of the
53:31
Bible, the Tanakh, when he supposedly
53:33
or allegedly allows the Jews to
53:35
return back to those areas, rebuild
53:38
the temple, and if
53:40
not gain political control again, because the
53:42
Persians weren't going to let anybody rule
53:44
that area but themselves, then to sort
53:46
of be the local governors in charge
53:48
of their own destiny as long as
53:50
you pay your taxes to the Great
53:52
King of Persia. Then
53:55
of course, as we all know,
53:58
right, that Persian Empire is destroyed
54:00
and overthrown by Alexander the Great in
54:02
the 300s, when Alexander dies
54:05
in 323 BCE,
54:08
his many generals rip his
54:10
empire apart and all rule
54:12
their individual pieces like hereditary
54:14
kings, and the area
54:16
that's now Israel and the West Bank
54:19
and Gaza are all areas that are
54:21
being fought over by two successor
54:25
they were called dynasties of Alexander's
54:27
generals, the Ptolemies and the Seleucids.
54:31
The Jews are always,
54:33
one would say, maybe a freedom-loving
54:35
people, another might say
54:37
an independence-loving people. If you happen to
54:40
be the ones ruling them you might
54:42
call them a troublesome rebellious people, but
54:44
they're always rebelling against the local rulers
54:46
in the 160s. You have something
54:50
called the Maccabean Revolt where they revolt against
54:52
the Seleucid government and they gain control of
54:54
the region again for a while
54:56
until the Romans come in in 64 BC
54:59
and sort of conquer the place for
55:01
good, that doesn't mean that
55:04
the the Jewish folks aren't rebelling against
55:06
them because they have all kinds of problems the
55:08
Romans with them and in 70 CEAD
55:11
the Romans finally give the
55:14
Jewish people in the region the
55:16
Roman treatment which is one Roman
55:18
writer once described it they create
55:20
a wasteland and call it peace,
55:22
that's where you get things like the saga
55:24
of Masada and all that, but
55:27
nobody knows in all these conflicts how many
55:29
Jews died but it's probably in the millions.
55:32
When you realize how many Celts
55:34
the Romans just under Julius
55:36
Caesar killed it's not a hard thing
55:38
to imagine but when the
55:41
Romans give them the final treatment
55:43
they create a genocide, they kill
55:46
tons of Jews, the
55:49
the banning of Jews from the
55:51
region begins, the great exodus and
55:53
diaspora that sends Jews all over
55:55
the known world. If
55:58
it hadn't already started it really takes and
56:00
this is where if you look at history
56:02
you can start to trace the movement of
56:05
Jewish people up, you know, from originally this
56:07
ground zero in the Holy Land to First
56:11
of all the Roman Empire, so you'll see them in
56:13
Italy You'll see them in Spain all the areas around
56:15
the Mediterranean and then you can almost trace The
56:18
movements northwards over the generations and by the
56:20
Middle Ages, they're all over Europe But
56:23
if you know your history, you know
56:25
that they are always a minority in
56:27
all these countries. They are often persecuted
56:30
They're almost always discriminated against there are
56:32
then occasional times where they're thrown out
56:34
of countries England Spain pogroms
56:37
and and mass killing
56:39
sprees are common in
56:42
the first crusade There's mass killing of
56:44
Jews anytime that there's sort of the
56:46
taking of cities the Jews in them
56:48
are often killed what's
56:50
interesting is if you study the Anti-Semitic
56:53
actions of for example European governments The
56:55
Germans are not considered to be one
56:57
of the particularly bad ones now take
56:59
that with a grain of salt because
57:01
there's anti-Semitic activity everywhere
57:04
but the Russians have maybe the worst reputation
57:06
up until the Second World War with tons
57:08
of pogroms and Many of the Jews that
57:10
immigrated to the United States in the Golden
57:12
Age of Jewish immigration Did
57:15
so coming from places like Russia due
57:17
to the persecutions and pogroms But
57:20
of course the Nazis take over
57:22
the lead spot in the anti-Semitic
57:24
Nations of Europe when Hitler gains control and by the
57:26
early 1930s Germany
57:29
is becoming a very dangerous place indeed to
57:31
be Jewish we
57:34
should point out that at no time
57:36
were Jews not a part of the
57:39
Middle Eastern population and because
57:41
of that people like the Nazis
57:44
and a lot of other European governments
57:46
at times considered Sending them back where
57:48
they came from although if
57:50
you're a Jewish person whose family's been
57:52
in a place like Russia or Germany
57:54
for You know ten generations
57:57
twelve generations something like that. Does it
57:59
really? It really seemed like you
58:01
belong in a place thousands of miles
58:03
from where your family's from, where
58:06
they speak a language you don't know. Well,
58:09
if that doesn't sound like a good idea to you now,
58:12
maybe after the Holocaust it might. At
58:17
the start of this show, I
58:19
felt the need to give a
58:21
warning about what was to
58:23
come. And
58:25
the warning was because there's a
58:28
need when discussing something as horrific
58:31
as genocide to step back and take emotional
58:33
stock in the subject matter.
58:41
You can have an intellectual discussion and
58:43
those are important. Engaging the mind
58:45
and reason when discussing these things is
58:47
key. But if
58:49
you do that without re-injecting
58:52
the psychological trauma into the conversation,
58:54
then you run the risk of
58:56
having a sterile dialogue or monologue,
59:03
which is not a whole lot different than
59:05
what some of the perpetrators
59:07
of a genocide like the Holocaust were
59:09
having in conference rooms where people served
59:12
coffee and showed documents
59:14
and discussed logistics and challenging
59:18
challenges and numbers. And in other
59:20
words, one needs
59:22
to fuse the intellectual with
59:25
the emotional in order to be in the right
59:27
frame of mind. I mean,
59:31
when Heinrich Himmler as recounted in
59:33
Nora Levin's book, the Holocaust tells
59:35
his underlings who are setting
59:38
up these annihilation camps that he
59:40
expects them to act
59:42
in a superhumanly inhuman way.
59:46
Well, that's easy to say in the conference room.
59:49
It's a whole different situation when
59:51
you're actually on the ground acting in a superhumanly
59:55
inhuman way. We
1:00:00
also need to understand, as I
1:00:02
say, about all of the past. There's no way
1:00:04
for us to understand it. There's no way to
1:00:06
put ourselves in the shoes of the people here.
1:00:08
All we can ever hope
1:00:10
for by engaging the
1:00:13
intellect and the emotions is
1:00:15
to have a better view of
1:00:18
this than we had beforehand, right?
1:00:20
Sometimes subtly better,
1:00:22
but better nonetheless. And
1:00:24
the real challenge was how
1:00:26
to use the atrocious material in a
1:00:28
way to accomplish that goal. There
1:00:32
is no lack of atrocious material. There is
1:00:34
no lack of eyewitness accounts. There is no
1:00:36
lack of documentation. There were tons of this
1:00:38
stuff when I was a kid. And
1:00:41
there's so much more now. The fall of the
1:00:43
Soviet Union, multiple sorts of
1:00:46
conferences and educational seminars
1:00:48
and museum exhibitions since
1:00:50
then have exploded the amount of
1:00:53
information we have about the Holocaust,
1:00:55
including tons more photographs and accounts
1:00:58
and diary entries. I mean, if
1:01:00
you're a Holocaust denier, your work is a lot harder
1:01:03
than it was in the past. And it was difficult,
1:01:05
you know, in the 1960s to deny the Holocaust,
1:01:08
especially when you had participants
1:01:11
in it sometimes bragging about
1:01:13
it. I mean, Adolf Eichmann was not
1:01:15
ashamed of his role in the
1:01:17
Holocaust, right? So you have difficult to deny
1:01:20
that this happened ever much
1:01:22
more difficult now with so
1:01:24
much more stuff. But how to use that
1:01:26
stuff in a way that's helpful
1:01:30
in understanding is
1:01:32
difficult. And look, I'm not a historian, as I
1:01:34
say all the time, but this is a classic
1:01:36
problem that historians have, which is you have a
1:01:38
ton of information. How do you organize it and
1:01:40
use it in a way to accomplish the goal
1:01:42
of helping to illuminate the past even a little
1:01:44
bit? So
1:01:46
the way I did it, and I hope I did it, well,
1:01:49
I mean, or usefully anyway, I
1:01:52
tried to bear in mind what Dan Stone said
1:01:54
in his book, talking about this a little bit.
1:01:56
And he wrote, quote, no doubt
1:01:58
it is right to say that there is something numbing
1:02:01
about recounting a seemingly endless
1:02:03
sequence of atrocities. It
1:02:06
is also a reflection of what happened,
1:02:08
leaving the victims numb. And
1:02:10
sometimes, he writes, it is important
1:02:12
to Terry with a tiny atrocity,
1:02:15
tiny in the grand scale of the
1:02:17
murders, but the whole world to those
1:02:19
who were affected." That's
1:02:24
sort of the Anne Frank approach
1:02:26
to looking at the Holocaust, right? Use a
1:02:28
single individual and show what the impact
1:02:30
is on them. So
1:02:34
I did that also, but I also show
1:02:36
some of these very large incidents
1:02:39
where your mind almost explodes
1:02:41
at the scope. One
1:02:46
of the things that gets lost in conversations
1:02:49
or portrayals of the Holocaust, and something
1:02:51
that Dan Stone's latest book tries
1:02:54
really hard to reemphasize is how much
1:02:56
of the Holocaust actually was done by
1:02:58
hand with bullets and
1:03:00
guns and shooting
1:03:02
as opposed to the image we
1:03:05
more usually
1:03:08
have anyway of gas and annihilation
1:03:10
camps and all this. It
1:03:12
was much more dirty and grimy and
1:03:15
old-fashioned if you want to look
1:03:17
at this as something that Genghis
1:03:19
Khan would have understood when he
1:03:21
destroyed whole cities and executed whole
1:03:23
populations. It's very similar to that,
1:03:25
and a lot of people witnessed it. So
1:03:28
there are accounts. Years
1:03:31
ago, I marked one of these accounts that
1:03:34
I go back to occasionally. So
1:03:36
I just sometimes when I
1:03:39
feel like I need a refresher
1:03:41
infusion of
1:03:43
soul-crushing psychological trauma to remind me
1:03:46
of exactly what we're talking about
1:03:48
here, I go back to this
1:03:50
account. I call it 23, and you'll
1:03:52
understand why when you hear it. I
1:03:55
actually read it when I was a kid. It was
1:03:57
in a book called The Holocaust.
1:04:01
by Norr 11, written in
1:04:03
the late 1960s, but it's
1:04:06
an eyewitness account of one of these
1:04:09
mass killings. The
1:04:12
eyewitness account came
1:04:14
out in the Nuremberg trials, where
1:04:18
a German civilian
1:04:21
construction engineer had
1:04:23
watched the annihilation of
1:04:25
a Jewish ghetto in Ukraine. The
1:04:29
man's name was Herman Friedrich Grebe, and
1:04:33
his affidavit, Norr 11, says,
1:04:36
froze the Nuremberg
1:04:38
court with pity and horror. She
1:04:42
writes that it is a document which must
1:04:44
stand as one of the most terrifying in
1:04:46
the literature of the Holocaust, and
1:04:49
it absolutely destroys me every time I
1:04:51
read it. It
1:04:54
is an extensive one, and I hope
1:04:56
you'll pardon some of the long quotes in this, but
1:04:58
I feel like breaking them up is
1:05:00
to lose some of the impact.
1:05:04
Herman Friedrich Grebe's eyewitness account of
1:05:06
what he saw goes like this. On
1:05:10
5th October 1942, when I visited
1:05:12
the building office at Dunbow, Monicus
1:05:15
and I went directly to the pits. Nobody
1:05:18
bothered us. Now I heard
1:05:20
rifle shots in quick succession from behind
1:05:22
one of the earth mounds. The
1:05:25
people who had got off the trucks, men,
1:05:27
women, and children of all ages, had
1:05:30
to undress upon the order of an
1:05:32
SS man who carried a riding or
1:05:34
dog whip. They had to put
1:05:36
down their clothes in fixed places, sorted
1:05:39
according to shoes, top clothing,
1:05:41
and under clothing. I saw
1:05:43
a heap of shoes of about 800 to 1,000 pairs, great piles of underlinen
1:05:45
and clothing. Without
1:05:50
screaming or weeping, these people undressed,
1:05:53
stood around in family groups, kissed
1:05:55
each other, said farewells, and waited
1:05:58
for a sign from a another
1:06:00
SS man who stood near the pit with a
1:06:02
whip in his hand. He
1:06:04
continues, During the
1:06:06
fifteen minutes that I stood near the pit,
1:06:09
I heard no complaint or plea for mercy.
1:06:12
I watched a family of about eight
1:06:14
persons, a man and a woman both
1:06:16
about fifty, with their children of about
1:06:18
one, eight, and ten, and two
1:06:20
grown-up daughters of about twenty to
1:06:22
twenty-four. An old woman
1:06:24
with snow-white hair was holding the one-year-old
1:06:27
child in her arms, and singing to
1:06:29
it and tickling it. The
1:06:31
child was cooing with delight. The
1:06:34
couple were looking on with tears in their
1:06:36
eyes. The father was holding the
1:06:38
hand of a boy of about ten years old,
1:06:41
and speaking to him softly. The boy
1:06:43
was fighting his tears. The
1:06:45
father pointed toward the sky, stroked
1:06:47
his head, and seemed to explain
1:06:49
something to him. At that
1:06:51
moment the SS man at the pit shouted
1:06:53
something to his comrade. The latter
1:06:55
counted off about twenty persons, and instructed
1:06:58
them to go behind the earth mound.
1:07:01
Among them was the family which I have mentioned. I
1:07:04
well remember a girl, slim and with
1:07:06
black hair, who as she passed close
1:07:08
to me, pointed to herself,
1:07:10
and said, Twenty-three. I
1:07:13
walked around the mound and found myself
1:07:15
confronted by a tremendous grave. People
1:07:18
were closely wedged together and lying on
1:07:20
top of each other, so that only
1:07:23
their heads were visible. Nearly
1:07:26
all had blood running over their shoulders from
1:07:28
their heads. Some of the people
1:07:30
shot were still moving. Some were
1:07:32
lifting their arms and turning their heads to show that
1:07:34
they were still alive. The pit
1:07:36
was already two-thirds full. I
1:07:39
estimated that it already contained about a
1:07:41
thousand people. I
1:07:43
looked for the man who did the shooting, he testified.
1:07:46
He was an SS man who sat at the
1:07:49
edge of the narrow end of the pit, his
1:07:51
feet dangling into the pit. He
1:07:53
had a Tommy gun on his knees and he
1:07:55
was smoking a cigarette. The people,
1:07:57
completely naked, went down some- steps which
1:07:59
were cut in the clay wall of
1:08:01
the pit and clamored over the heads
1:08:03
of the people lying there, to the
1:08:06
place where the S.S. man directed them.
1:08:08
They lay down in front of the dead
1:08:10
or injured people, some caressed those who were
1:08:13
still alive and spoke to them in a
1:08:15
low voice. Then I heard a series
1:08:17
of shots. I looked into
1:08:19
the pit and saw that the bodies were
1:08:21
twitching, or the heads
1:08:23
lying already motionless on top of the
1:08:25
bodies that lay before them. Blood
1:08:28
was running from their necks. I
1:08:30
was surprised that I was not ordered away,
1:08:32
but I saw that there were two or
1:08:34
three postmen in uniform nearby. The
1:08:36
next batch was approaching already. They
1:08:39
went down into the pit, lined themselves
1:08:41
up against the previous victims, and were
1:08:44
shot." When
1:08:48
you read account after account of these
1:08:51
incidents, part of what was called
1:08:53
the Holocaust by bullets before the
1:08:55
Holocaust by gas really got going,
1:08:58
it's just as organized sometimes
1:09:00
and just as mechanized and
1:09:03
institutionalized. But
1:09:05
there are crazy aspects to it. And if
1:09:07
you try to imagine being a victim in
1:09:09
this case and living through it, there are
1:09:11
certain parts that, and it's stupid, but bother
1:09:14
me more than others. Like for example, there's
1:09:16
an account by a German general who went to
1:09:18
one of these mass killing sites, and
1:09:21
he talked about all these people having to
1:09:23
wait in long lines, like
1:09:25
up to a mile long, as they
1:09:27
inched their way towards the killing pits,
1:09:30
as the people in front of them slowly but
1:09:32
surely were wiped out, and that there were stops
1:09:34
along the way, and at this stop you take
1:09:37
off your clothes, at this stop you drop off
1:09:39
your valuables, and the people knew what was going
1:09:41
on. In
1:09:43
the book Soldaten by Sanka Nitzel
1:09:45
and Harold Weitzer, they
1:09:48
quote German Major General Walter
1:09:50
Brunn's description, his eyewitness account of
1:09:53
one of these, as he says,
1:09:55
lining up for death sort of incidences,
1:09:57
and the general says, quote. Six
1:10:00
men with Tommy guns were posted at each
1:10:02
pit. The pits were 24 meters
1:10:05
in length and three meters in breath
1:10:07
They had to lie down like sardines in a
1:10:10
tin with their heads in the center Above
1:10:12
them were six men with Tommy guns who gave them
1:10:14
the coup de grace When I
1:10:16
arrived those pits were so full that the
1:10:18
living had to lie down on top of
1:10:20
the dead Then they were shot
1:10:23
and in order to save room They
1:10:25
had to lie down neatly in layers Before
1:10:28
this however, they were stripped of everything at
1:10:30
one of the stations here at
1:10:32
the edge of the wood were the three
1:10:34
pits They used that Sunday and here they
1:10:36
stood in a queue. He says
1:10:39
a one and a half kilometers long That's about
1:10:41
a mile long which approached
1:10:43
step by step a queueing
1:10:45
up for death He says as they
1:10:47
drew nearer they saw what was going
1:10:49
on about here They had to hand
1:10:51
over their jewelry and suitcases All
1:10:54
good stuff was put into the suitcases and
1:10:56
the remainder thrown on a heap this
1:10:59
was to serve as clothing for our
1:11:01
suffering population and then a little
1:11:03
further on they had to undress and 500
1:11:06
meters in front of the wood stripped completely.
1:11:09
They were only permitted to keep on a
1:11:11
shammy or knickers They were all
1:11:13
women and small two-year-old children Then
1:11:16
all those cynical remarks if
1:11:18
only I had seen those Tommy Gunners who were
1:11:20
relieved every hour because of overexertion Carry
1:11:23
out their task with this taste but
1:11:25
no Nasty remarks like here
1:11:28
comes a Jewish beauty I can
1:11:30
still see it in all my memory a pretty
1:11:33
woman in a flame-covered shammy Talk
1:11:35
about keeping the race pure at Riga
1:11:38
They first slept with them and then they shot
1:11:40
them to prevent them from talking end
1:11:43
quote so he says even at
1:11:45
the end as these people are about to be shot
1:11:47
as they've been waiting and lining up to be shot
1:11:49
as They were approaching the gunman
1:11:51
the gunman make comments like here comes
1:11:53
a pretty beauty and things. I mean
1:11:55
it's humanity to
1:11:58
quote Johnny Thunder's in a
1:12:00
song once, society makes
1:12:03
me sad. Of
1:12:06
course, probably the most famous mass
1:12:09
shooting of the war of Jews is the one that
1:12:12
occurred in the famous Bobby Yar ravine
1:12:15
outside of Kiev in Ukraine on the
1:12:19
29th and 30th of September, 1941, where
1:12:21
between 30 and 40,000 Jews were
1:12:23
shot into the ravine over a weekend.
1:12:30
The ravine by the way, continued to be used to kill
1:12:32
people, uh, for the entire
1:12:34
time that the Germans controlled that region. And
1:12:36
there may be as many as a hundred
1:12:38
thousand bodies buried there, or they were cremated
1:12:42
eventually and pounded into dust,
1:12:44
but the entire area is
1:12:47
a giant charnel
1:12:49
house. There was
1:12:51
a horrible story in or 11 told in her
1:12:54
book, the Holocaust where
1:12:56
the guy who was in charge of the killings
1:12:58
was giving a tour in
1:13:00
the spring right after Bobby Yar's
1:13:03
occurrence. And the
1:13:05
person who was with the architect of
1:13:07
the killing said that he was shown
1:13:10
the ravine itself. And he
1:13:12
said during the spring fall, small
1:13:14
explosions were exploding
1:13:17
the dirt up into the air. And
1:13:20
that was a result of the spring
1:13:22
fall, bringing the gases in all of
1:13:24
the bodies buried underground to the surface.
1:13:27
And the architect of the killing who was
1:13:29
with him, a man named Paul Blobel said
1:13:32
to him here, my Jews are buried. And
1:13:35
Bobby Yar, by the way, is not even the worst
1:13:38
of the mass killings of Jews during the war. There
1:13:40
are at least two that are thought
1:13:43
to be larger than that. But
1:13:45
sometimes that what the mass killings
1:13:47
do is overshadow the regular
1:13:50
amounts of death that
1:13:52
are occurring continually as the
1:13:54
machine just grinds on. It's not
1:13:56
as overwhelmingly powerful
1:13:58
as stadium. full of
1:14:00
people being shot over a weekend, but
1:14:03
the numbers add up quickly and give
1:14:05
a greater sense of the, you know,
1:14:07
death machine as it operates. For example,
1:14:09
there was an operation called Operation Jew
1:14:11
Free. It only lasted two
1:14:13
months, from October to December 1941, and
1:14:16
it was only happening on one relatively
1:14:18
small part of the front. But
1:14:22
when you look at the records of
1:14:24
the numbers of Jews killed over this
1:14:26
two-month period, it's every day or
1:14:28
every two days a thousand killed in this
1:14:30
village, three thousand killed in this village, two
1:14:32
thousand killed in this village, and
1:14:35
within two months it's like 70 to 90,000 Jews. It's a stadium of people,
1:14:39
but they're all killed as their towns or
1:14:41
villages or ghettos are
1:14:43
overrun and taken over, right? Wiped
1:14:46
out as the machine continues to
1:14:48
move forward. And a lot of this
1:14:50
stuff, by the way, is
1:14:52
well catalogued. Some
1:14:56
of the most damning evidence, as
1:14:58
you might imagine, are the official
1:15:00
reports by German officers to their
1:15:02
superiors about carrying out
1:15:04
these mass killings. During
1:15:07
the 1990s there was a very important museum
1:15:10
exhibition which intended
1:15:12
and succeeded in overthrowing what was
1:15:14
called the myth of the Klinvermacht,
1:15:17
this idea that the killings
1:15:19
were all done by the SS and the
1:15:21
Einsatzgruppen and the Gestapo and allies
1:15:24
of those people and not the proud
1:15:27
German military. But
1:15:29
in this exhibition all kinds
1:15:31
of reports and photographs that have been
1:15:33
kept by soldiers that they either took
1:15:35
themselves or bought and kept forever,
1:15:38
a lot of them found in attics and
1:15:40
places like that, showed the reality of what
1:15:42
was going on and that in
1:15:44
a lot of cases these soldiers were
1:15:46
willing participants in operations. Several
1:15:48
books came out of these museum exhibitions, by
1:15:50
the way. One was called War of Extermination,
1:15:53
the German Military in World War II, 1941
1:15:55
to 1944,
1:15:58
with every chapter written by a different expert
1:16:01
on the chapter of the killings
1:16:04
that went on especially of
1:16:06
Jews in occupied Yugoslavia, University
1:16:09
of Vienna professor Walter Manashek
1:16:12
writes quote the execution
1:16:14
squads were comprised mainly of soldiers
1:16:16
from units that had suffered losses
1:16:19
in skirmishes with partisans the
1:16:21
soldiers regarded the mass executions of
1:16:23
Jews and gypsies as a legitimate
1:16:26
tactic numerous eyewitnesses confirm
1:16:28
that the execution squads consisted
1:16:30
of volunteers when a
1:16:33
native of Vienna who belonged to
1:16:35
the 521st Army Intelligence Regiment returned
1:16:37
from leave to Belgrade he
1:16:40
was greeted by his comrades with the
1:16:42
jovial challenge coming along to shoot some
1:16:44
Jews two reports
1:16:47
of the shootings of Jews
1:16:49
and gypsies yield insight into
1:16:51
the soldiers mentality end quote now
1:16:53
he quotes a report labeled secret so that
1:16:55
shows you the Nazis were trying to cover
1:16:57
this stuff up the commander
1:16:59
being an overloitnant Walter dated
1:17:02
the first of November 1941 the first
1:17:04
part of the report lists all the things that
1:17:07
he did to take precautions
1:17:09
to keep the intentions
1:17:12
of what they were about to do secret
1:17:16
but then he writes quote when
1:17:18
we arrived at a spot some 1.5 to
1:17:20
2 kilometers from the chosen place the
1:17:23
prisoners got out of the trucks and marched
1:17:25
to the place while the trucks were being
1:17:27
sent back at once in order to give
1:17:29
the civilian drivers the least possible grounds for
1:17:32
suspicion then I ordered the
1:17:34
street blocked for reasons of security and
1:17:36
secrecy the place of
1:17:38
execution the report states was secured
1:17:40
by one light machine gun and
1:17:42
12 riflemen one to prevent
1:17:45
escape attempts by the prisoners
1:17:47
to to guard against the
1:17:49
possible attacks of Serbian gangs digging
1:17:52
the graves the report says takes most
1:17:54
of the time the shooting itself goes
1:17:56
quickly 100 men in 40 minutes Luggage
1:18:01
and valuables, the report says, were
1:18:03
collected earlier and transported in my
1:18:05
truck for turning over to the
1:18:07
NSV. Shooting Jews
1:18:09
is simpler than shooting gypsies. One
1:18:11
has to admit that the Jews
1:18:13
die stoically, standing quietly, while the
1:18:15
gypsies howl, scream, and are in
1:18:17
constant motion even when they're already
1:18:19
standing in place to be shot.
1:18:22
Some even jumped into the grave before the
1:18:24
salvo and played dead. Initially,
1:18:27
he writes, my soldiers were not impressed.
1:18:29
On the second day it was becoming
1:18:31
apparent that some did not have the
1:18:33
nerves required for carrying out extended shootings.
1:18:37
My personal impression is that one
1:18:39
does not experience inhibitions during the
1:18:41
shootings. These first manifest themselves after
1:18:44
several days, when one thinks about
1:18:46
things quietly in the evening. End
1:18:50
quote. Signed, Walther
1:18:52
Oberleutnant. This
1:18:55
is actually a part that I find super
1:18:57
interesting, and I think I think about it
1:18:59
more than even the
1:19:02
position that the victims found themselves
1:19:04
in. I think it's natural to think what
1:19:06
would happen if I was standing in
1:19:08
line a mile long waiting to die with
1:19:10
my family. But
1:19:13
there's something about being a perpetrator,
1:19:15
not the victim but the victimizer
1:19:17
that makes one curious about humanity.
1:19:20
Because these people in the
1:19:22
line waiting to die, the victims, there's
1:19:25
no choice in there. There's no agency, and
1:19:27
there's no thinking about it for decades afterwards.
1:19:31
But what about the guy who has the
1:19:33
submachine gun sitting on the
1:19:35
edge of the pit with the cigarette in his mouth
1:19:38
dangling his legs off the side of this
1:19:41
horrific scene? Well,
1:19:44
it's interesting because it kind of
1:19:46
goes both ways. You
1:19:48
have the people that are really bothered by
1:19:50
it and the people that actively
1:19:53
enjoyed it. It's really
1:19:55
like two sides of humanity's
1:19:58
coin, right? Let's
1:20:00
start with the people who
1:20:02
seem to enjoy it. In
1:20:06
his book, the Holocaust and unfinished history,
1:20:08
Dan Stone talks about the willing collaborators,
1:20:10
as he calls them. And
1:20:13
it is a sign that you
1:20:16
did not have to be a Nazi to be
1:20:18
anti-Semitic. And he talks
1:20:20
about an incident that was
1:20:22
recounted. It's famous. And there are photos,
1:20:24
I believe, that happened in
1:20:26
Conas in Lithuania. And
1:20:28
Stone writes, quote, Across
1:20:30
the occupied areas of the
1:20:33
Western Soviet Union, local collaborators
1:20:35
willingly took part. Some
1:20:37
did so out of hatred for
1:20:39
the Jews wrapped up in the
1:20:41
anti-communist belief in so-called Judeo-Bolshevism. Though
1:20:44
again, it should be stressed that
1:20:46
this was a form of anti-Semitism first
1:20:48
and foremost, since one did not need
1:20:50
to hate Jews to be anti-communist. But
1:20:52
the combination of these two hatreds made
1:20:55
a ferocious synthesis. One
1:20:58
of the most famous examples, he writes, is
1:21:00
the so-called death dealer of Conas,
1:21:03
who beat Jews with an iron rod
1:21:05
in Conas as onlookers stood and watched
1:21:07
the rivers of blood run higher. The
1:21:10
report of an astonished German soldier
1:21:12
who photographed the scene is instructive.
1:21:15
Now the account from the German soldier, and
1:21:18
as I think I said, photographs do
1:21:20
exist. Quote, A young man, he must
1:21:22
have been a Lithuanian, with rolled up
1:21:24
sleeves, was armed with an iron crowbar.
1:21:27
He dragged out one man at a time from a
1:21:29
group and struck him with the crowbar with one or
1:21:31
more blows on the back of his head. Within
1:21:34
three quarters of an hour, he had beaten to death
1:21:36
the entire group of 45 to
1:21:38
50 people in this way. The
1:21:40
behavior of the civilians present,
1:21:43
women and children, was unbelievable.
1:21:45
After each man had been killed, they
1:21:48
began to clap. And when the national
1:21:50
anthem started, they joined in singing and
1:21:52
clapping. End quote. And
1:21:55
Stone points out that sometimes this
1:21:57
isn't even anti-Semitism. Sometimes it's just...
1:22:00
complete self-enrichment. And he quotes a Polish
1:22:02
journalist who says, quote, for
1:22:04
the Germans, 300 Jews are 300 enemies of humanity.
1:22:08
For the Lithuanians, they are 300 pairs of shoes,
1:22:12
trousers, and the like, end quote.
1:22:16
There are some weird psychological things going on
1:22:18
in all this too, and I don't attempt
1:22:20
to speculate on what they were. But when
1:22:24
I was growing up there was this feeling because
1:22:26
this was the sort of thing that was used
1:22:28
as a defense at the Nuremberg war crime trials
1:22:31
that a lot of these people found themselves in
1:22:33
positions where they just had to follow orders and
1:22:36
do distasteful things. But
1:22:38
there's enough evidence out there to show that a
1:22:41
lot of people enjoyed this. A lot of
1:22:43
people wanted to watch. Execution
1:22:45
tourism was such a problem that
1:22:47
the German leaders often had to
1:22:49
issue severe reprimands warning that,
1:22:51
you know, we can't have this happen again,
1:22:54
but it did. People show up in their
1:22:56
bathing suits, women would show up. There's
1:22:59
one incident recounted in
1:23:02
the book Sol Datten by Sanka Nitzil
1:23:04
and Harold Welzer where they talk about
1:23:07
a group of Berlin
1:23:09
police officers who were
1:23:11
musicians and performers. So
1:23:13
you think of like entertainers
1:23:16
who asked if they could take part
1:23:18
in the execution, you know, just for the
1:23:20
experience. And in the book the
1:23:22
authors write quote. Daniel
1:23:24
Goldhagen writing about one of the
1:23:27
few known cases of this sort
1:23:29
concluded that Germans in general were
1:23:31
motivated by a kind of exterminatory
1:23:34
anti-Semitism. Goldhagen focused on
1:23:36
a Berlin police unit consisting of
1:23:38
musicians and performers that was sent
1:23:40
to the front to entertain troops
1:23:43
in mid-November 1942. They
1:23:45
asked the commander of a reserve police
1:23:47
battalion in the German town of Lukau
1:23:49
if they could take a turn shooting
1:23:51
Jews at an upcoming execution. Their
1:23:54
request was granted and the entertainers
1:23:56
spent the following day amusing themselves
1:23:58
by murdering people. Holocaust
1:24:00
historian Christopher Browning also mentions
1:24:02
this incident, but the question
1:24:05
remains, did the Germans in
1:24:07
question need anti-Semitic motivation to
1:24:09
find killing fellow human beings
1:24:11
in entertaining pastime? End quote.
1:24:14
And then one of the authors who's trained
1:24:17
in social psychology goes into
1:24:19
all the reasons a human
1:24:21
being might find this an
1:24:24
interesting option. He says quote,
1:24:26
the police officers in question enjoyed doing
1:24:29
things they would never have been allowed
1:24:31
to do under normal circumstances. They wanted
1:24:33
to experience what it felt like to
1:24:36
kill without fear of consequences, to exercise
1:24:38
total power and do
1:24:40
something extraordinary and monstrous free from
1:24:42
the possibility of any negative consequences.
1:24:46
This is what sociologist Gunther
1:24:48
Anders has called the quote,
1:24:50
chance for an unpunished inhumanity
1:24:52
end quote. For some
1:24:54
people senseless murder was apparently a
1:24:56
temptation that could hardly be resisted.
1:24:59
Violence of this nature needs neither a
1:25:01
motive nor a reason. It is
1:25:04
its own motivation. End quote.
1:25:08
While it's clear that there was
1:25:10
enormous amounts of anti-Semitism in
1:25:13
the German army, it's also clear
1:25:15
by the accounts that a lot of people
1:25:17
enjoyed killing Jews, thought it was just right
1:25:19
and proper to kill Jews, there's
1:25:23
also a lot of evidence because
1:25:25
the German government was very concerned
1:25:27
about the effects on their soldiers
1:25:29
of carrying out these mass executions
1:25:31
with guns. One
1:25:34
of the rationales for shifting
1:25:36
from the what's called the Holocaust
1:25:38
by bullets to the Holocaust by
1:25:40
gas in places like the annihilation
1:25:42
camps of Auschwitz is to
1:25:44
minimize not the effect on the victims
1:25:47
but the effect on the victimizers. And
1:25:51
while it is almost sacrilegious
1:25:53
to have sympathy for the murderers
1:25:55
of Jews and the perpetrators of
1:25:58
the Holocaust, I owe I always
1:26:00
try to put myself in the shoes of the
1:26:02
people who may have been caught
1:26:04
in the gears of history. Obviously,
1:26:06
the victims of the Holocaust are fatally caught
1:26:09
in the gears of history, but there
1:26:12
are people that had to, for the rest
1:26:14
of their lives, live with
1:26:16
what they did in the Holocaust. And I'm
1:26:18
fascinated by that too. And
1:26:20
remember, these are not armies where
1:26:22
a person could have said, you know, if you
1:26:25
make me do these terrible things, I'm out. I'm
1:26:27
just not going to do them. Well, you can
1:26:29
do that, but that may be a one-way ticket
1:26:31
to a concentration camp for you. So
1:26:34
that's what I mean about being caught in the gears
1:26:36
of history. There's
1:26:38
a fascinating list of remembrances at the
1:26:40
back of the book called The German
1:26:42
Army and Genocide, which is edited by
1:26:45
the Hamburg Institute for Social Research. It's
1:26:47
one of the books that came out of that groundbreaking
1:26:50
exhibition in the 1990s that shattered
1:26:52
the myth of the Klean-Vermacht. But
1:26:55
by shattering the myth of the Klean-Vermacht,
1:26:57
you denied all of the children and
1:26:59
grandchildren of these German soldiers an
1:27:02
ethical place to hide for their loved ones. Because
1:27:05
if you were able to claim that it
1:27:07
was only the Gestapo and the SD and
1:27:09
the SS and the Einsatzgruppen that did all
1:27:11
these killings, you could say
1:27:14
that Grandad was clean, that
1:27:16
he just fought in a noble effort
1:27:18
as part of the military to defend Germany, or
1:27:20
you could even say he didn't even want to
1:27:22
do all these things. He was just drafted. He
1:27:24
didn't take part in any of the bad stuff,
1:27:27
and this exhibition forced Germans to confront that. And
1:27:30
some people were angry about it and offended and
1:27:32
took offense and were upset at the exhibition and
1:27:34
what it said, but others were chastened and
1:27:37
it shocked them. One
1:27:39
of the accounts in the back
1:27:42
of the book when they recorded
1:27:44
the reactions of Germans to this
1:27:46
exhibition involves
1:27:48
a woman named Krista
1:27:51
Nichols, who was in the
1:27:53
government as a Green Party member, but her father
1:27:55
was in the war. And
1:27:57
she's recorded as telling the researchers... her
1:28:00
reaction to this exhibition and having to
1:28:02
come to grips with what her father
1:28:04
did. And she says, quote, I
1:28:07
want to say that my father was not young when he
1:28:09
went to war. He was born in 1908 and died
1:28:11
in 1991. He
1:28:14
was not a party member. She
1:28:17
continues. Later he was
1:28:19
drafted. My mother told me that
1:28:21
in the 1950s, my father
1:28:23
never slept with the window open
1:28:25
and screamed terribly in his sleep
1:28:28
every night about fire and children.
1:28:31
She said it was simply horrible. Naturally,
1:28:33
she says, I love my father very much.
1:28:36
He never told how it was when one
1:28:38
shoots another person for the first time. Today
1:28:41
that surprises me. End
1:28:43
quote. She
1:28:45
then mentions a famous, if you were alive, you remember
1:28:48
in the 1980s, a famous meeting where Ronald
1:28:50
Reagan met the German Chancellor
1:28:52
at a German cemetery in Bitburg. And
1:28:54
it became controversial because the press
1:28:56
releases had said that they were just going
1:28:58
to have sort of a reconciliation meeting. But
1:29:01
then it was discovered that at the cemetery
1:29:03
in Bitburg, some of the SS people were
1:29:05
buried. So
1:29:07
in other words, the people that at the time were
1:29:09
thought to be the only people really guilty for the
1:29:11
Holocaust. And
1:29:14
Miss Nichols says, quote, back
1:29:17
then I noticed for the first time that
1:29:19
my father in the only photo of him
1:29:21
that we have from that time is
1:29:23
wearing a uniform that is black and has
1:29:25
skulls on it. At the
1:29:27
time, I was already a representative of the
1:29:29
greens in the Bundestag and didn't dare to
1:29:32
ask my father. It was incredibly
1:29:34
difficult for me. End quote.
1:29:37
She then says that in 1989, she traveled to
1:29:39
Warsaw and went to one of the death camps.
1:29:42
She says that during the travel to
1:29:44
the death camp, she simply
1:29:46
broke down because she was so shocked at
1:29:48
what happened there. But then
1:29:50
she started to think, as any of us
1:29:53
might do about a loved one that found
1:29:55
themselves caught in the gears of history, as
1:29:57
sacrilegious as it might be to think about
1:29:59
them. She says, I was
1:30:02
terribly shocked at what happened at the concentration
1:30:04
camp, quote, But just as
1:30:06
much about what they did to the men, one
1:30:09
of whom was my father. They
1:30:11
were for the most part men who loved
1:30:13
life and children. It is
1:30:15
horrible what they made out of men in this
1:30:17
criminal war. Most of
1:30:19
them didn't have the strength to extricate themselves from
1:30:21
it. All of them
1:30:24
made themselves guilty of infinite
1:30:26
atrocious wrongs. The men,
1:30:28
women and children, I am the daughter
1:30:30
of such a German soldier, Are still
1:30:32
marked by that today. End
1:30:34
quote. What if
1:30:37
you had found yourself in a position where you
1:30:39
thought you were just a soldier and
1:30:41
then one day you're standing on the
1:30:43
edge of a pit where men, women
1:30:45
and children are stripped naked, forced
1:30:48
to lie down in the pit, head
1:30:50
to toe, head to toe, while you shoot
1:30:53
them. And then another
1:30:55
batch comes in, lays down on the
1:30:57
dying people and forms another
1:30:59
layer of human sardines for you to shoot
1:31:01
them. Again,
1:31:04
I have
1:31:06
a hard time trying
1:31:08
to put myself in their shoes. And
1:31:11
yet at the same time, I imagine
1:31:13
that there must have been a lot of people
1:31:15
in that position. Some of whom
1:31:17
never thought twice about it. Some of whom
1:31:19
bragged about it and enjoyed it and kept
1:31:21
pictures in their wallets for the rest of
1:31:23
their lives, showing what they did. And
1:31:26
then others who woke up screaming every night,
1:31:29
ranting about fire and children. There's
1:31:34
an almost heretical sort
1:31:37
of way to view the
1:31:41
transition of the Holocaust
1:31:43
from killing people
1:31:45
at the sides of pits with bullets
1:31:48
to gassing them in facilities and
1:31:50
mass. And
1:31:52
the heretical way to look at that is that
1:31:55
you're trying to spare
1:31:57
people the damage
1:32:00
damage that this does to them.
1:32:02
And by the way, not necessarily the
1:32:04
victims, but the victimizers. I
1:32:06
mean, how many people, especially women and
1:32:08
children, could you kill before it bothered
1:32:10
you? Sounds like an
1:32:12
obvious question, doesn't it? Most of us are gonna
1:32:14
say any one, right? Single
1:32:17
person. But I
1:32:19
often wonder if the guy who clubbed
1:32:22
those 45 or 50 Jews in Lithuania on
1:32:24
the back of the head, one right after
1:32:26
another ever woke up screaming about it later.
1:32:29
My dad
1:32:31
used to say different strokes for different folks, but
1:32:33
that also applies to whether or not you can
1:32:35
kill people easily and sleep well at night. But
1:32:38
there are plenty of clues that
1:32:41
the transition to this sort of
1:32:44
relatively dispassionate
1:32:47
and insulated method of wiping out
1:32:49
lots of people by using
1:32:51
gas was meant to spare the
1:32:53
people who had to shoot the people otherwise in
1:32:56
the Holocaust by bullets. Take for example
1:32:59
what the guy who ran Auschwitz said.
1:33:03
Rudolf Hess was executed after the war.
1:33:05
He ran Auschwitz for a couple
1:33:07
of years, especially during the period
1:33:09
where it really ramped up and got going. Hess
1:33:13
made statements that he
1:33:16
was relieved that
1:33:18
they were finally going to figure
1:33:20
out a way to save the
1:33:22
Germans who had to execute all
1:33:25
these people from the fate of
1:33:27
waking up at night for years screaming about
1:33:29
children and fires afterwards. Not
1:33:32
so worried about the victims but more the
1:33:34
victimizers, although sometimes they talked about it as
1:33:37
somehow sparing the victims some of the psychological
1:33:40
torment before they met their ends. In
1:33:43
the book German Voices, Memories
1:33:45
of Life during Hitler's Third Reich,
1:33:47
Frederick C. Tubach quotes Hess talking
1:33:49
about this. And just so
1:33:51
you know it's not a direct quote because
1:33:53
there's three dots between some of the statements
1:33:55
which means some of the intervening stuff maybe
1:33:58
cross-talk with an interviewer who's been excised. But
1:34:00
I'm going to read it as though it's a single quote,
1:34:02
because it gives you an idea of
1:34:04
how these people might somehow
1:34:07
tell themselves that
1:34:09
gassing large numbers of people
1:34:11
was more merciful than
1:34:13
shooting them at the sides of ditches. And if not
1:34:15
for the victims, then for the people that had to
1:34:17
do the shooting. In
1:34:20
the book, Has describes his
1:34:22
promotion to commander at
1:34:24
Auschwitz this way, quote, there
1:34:27
was no turning back with strange feelings.
1:34:29
I entered my new range of activities,
1:34:31
a new world to which I was
1:34:34
bound and chained. I knew
1:34:36
all about the life of prisoners, but the
1:34:38
concentration camp was something new to me. End
1:34:41
quote. The author then says
1:34:43
that with the impending arrival of the
1:34:45
mass transports of Jews, Haas felt relieved
1:34:48
that the efficient gas ovens were to
1:34:50
be used rather than the traditional method
1:34:52
of mass shootings. Now quoting Haas again,
1:34:55
quote, I was always appalled
1:34:57
by shootings, particularly when I thought of
1:34:59
the women and children. Now
1:35:01
I was relieved that we were going to
1:35:03
be spared these blood baths. Gruesome
1:35:05
scenes are said to have taken place. The
1:35:08
running away of the wounded, the killing of
1:35:10
the wounded, above all women and children, the
1:35:13
frequent suicides in the ranks of
1:35:15
the execution squads, because they couldn't
1:35:17
stand waiting through blood. Some
1:35:20
became insane. End quote.
1:35:23
Well, you kind of hope so, don't you?
1:35:25
Restores your faith in humanity a little to
1:35:28
think that a cultured,
1:35:30
educated, religious, right?
1:35:33
Seemingly moral people
1:35:35
from a society that should
1:35:37
know better were bothered by this. At
1:35:39
least some of them, you would hope so. Right?
1:35:43
The annihilation camps though, brought
1:35:45
their own sorts of horrificness,
1:35:48
of course, to
1:35:50
the scene. First of all, there was a
1:35:52
big difference, as pointed out in many sources,
1:35:55
between killing Jews where you found
1:35:57
them, right? the
1:36:00
towns or the cities or nearby where
1:36:02
they lived and having to get
1:36:04
them from one place to
1:36:06
a centralized killing area where you
1:36:09
could dispose of them. Because
1:36:11
sometimes they started off a long way away
1:36:13
from where they were supposed to end up
1:36:16
and the trip itself could be a vision
1:36:19
of hell. His
1:36:22
book Dan Stone talks about and recounts
1:36:24
the story of a
1:36:26
bunch of Jews that were packed into railway
1:36:29
cars in Greece where they were from
1:36:31
to be taken to
1:36:33
the place where they would be annihilated.
1:36:37
Turned out they weren't
1:36:39
destined to die in the gas chambers.
1:36:42
They died on the way. And he
1:36:44
writes an account, a first-hand account
1:36:47
by a Viennese Jew named Simon
1:36:50
Umshuef whose job it was to
1:36:53
work for the Nazis and unload
1:36:55
these railway cars transporting Jews to
1:36:58
their death and he's
1:37:00
the one that in the case of the Jews
1:37:02
coming from Greece found them already deceased when they
1:37:04
got there and he said, quote, the
1:37:07
wagons, meaning on the train, were sealed
1:37:09
and nailed shut. As we opened
1:37:11
them we were presented with a terrible image. Crammed
1:37:14
in by the hundreds, the people squatted
1:37:17
on their possessions. Once they
1:37:19
were unable to get out, their excrement
1:37:21
remained in the wagon. Everything
1:37:23
was a stinking heap. There was
1:37:25
no one alive. The air was so
1:37:27
poisoned that comrades in our commando fainted.
1:37:30
We had to throw everything, the corpses,
1:37:32
the possessions and the filth into huge
1:37:34
pits which burned day and night. The
1:37:37
pits were eight meters deep and four meters
1:37:39
square. Children up to the age
1:37:41
of four who had arrived on
1:37:43
other transports were also thrown alive
1:37:45
into these pits, end quote.
1:37:50
If you look at the infrastructure
1:37:52
and the logistics of killing and
1:37:54
wiping out and causing a genocide
1:37:56
amongst an entire people, it's larger
1:37:59
than ever. than we think it is. And
1:38:02
we should recall that even though people like
1:38:04
to argue about how many Jews died in
1:38:07
the Holocaust, because six million was an estimate,
1:38:09
we should note that the Germans were planning for
1:38:12
far more. And had they won the
1:38:14
war, they were planning on having some 11 million
1:38:16
Jews available for them
1:38:18
to kill. And the amount
1:38:21
of infrastructure that goes into
1:38:23
those kinds of genocidal-type
1:38:27
logistics is a lot
1:38:29
larger than most people think. And Dan Stone points
1:38:31
out in his book that at the
1:38:33
start of the war, there were
1:38:35
six main concentration camps in existence.
1:38:39
He says by the end of 1943, that had become 260 main and satellite
1:38:41
camps. By
1:38:45
July 1944, he said almost 600 camps. And
1:38:49
by January 1945, more than 730 camps. He
1:38:54
says that there was a list compiled by Polish
1:38:57
prosecutor Jan Sejn in 1950 that contained
1:39:00
the names of more than a thousand
1:39:03
camps. Stone
1:39:05
says that by some reckoning, the number of
1:39:08
sub-camps was more than 1100. So
1:39:10
if you're going to try to kill 11 million people in
1:39:12
your long-term plans, you're going to need
1:39:14
a lot of locations to do it.
1:39:20
Dan Stone gives us a sense of
1:39:23
the pace of the killings at
1:39:26
times and says it
1:39:28
was probably the fastest rate of
1:39:30
genocidal killing in world history. And
1:39:32
he says, quote, in December
1:39:34
1941, in March 1942, gassings began at Chelno and Belzec, respectively.
1:39:42
In May and July, Sobibor and
1:39:44
Treblinka also began operating. The
1:39:46
Operation Reinhard camps were built to
1:39:49
kill the Jews of Poland, although
1:39:51
some Jews from the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia
1:39:53
and elsewhere were also murdered at
1:39:56
Sobibor and Treblinka. By 1943,
1:39:58
they had accomplished their
1:40:00
task, and Treblinka, the last to
1:40:02
be closed, was dismantled in August.
1:40:05
In about eighteen months, somewhere in the region of
1:40:07
1.7 million Jews had been
1:40:09
killed at these three camps, with the
1:40:11
rate of killing at its height in
1:40:14
an extraordinary three-month period from August to
1:40:16
October 1942. In
1:40:18
this period of intense killing, over one
1:40:20
million victims were murdered at the Reinhardt
1:40:23
camps, and if one adds in those
1:40:25
killed by the Einsatzgruppen and at Auschwitz
1:40:27
at the same time, then these three
1:40:29
months saw the murder of approximately 1.47
1:40:31
million Jews, about
1:40:35
one quarter of the total killed in the six
1:40:37
years of the war. This rate
1:40:39
of murder, he writes, makes this period
1:40:41
of the Holocaust probably the fastest rate
1:40:44
of genocidal killing in history." We
1:40:49
had mentioned earlier that great secrecy
1:40:51
was employed to try
1:40:53
to keep prying eyes
1:40:55
from seeing what was going on here.
1:40:57
There's a reason the Allies did not
1:41:00
know more about what was going on
1:41:02
during the Holocaust, and it's because great
1:41:04
care was taken to prevent people from
1:41:06
knowing what was going on during the
1:41:08
Holocaust. When Germans in
1:41:10
Germany said they didn't know about it, there's a
1:41:12
reason that they might be able to claim that
1:41:14
and mean it, but
1:41:17
it's kind of hard to keep the
1:41:19
shootings of thousands and thousands of people in
1:41:21
the open a secret, even
1:41:23
though, as we read earlier, the accounts
1:41:25
from the commanders on the scene of
1:41:27
these executions, the first thing that
1:41:29
they write is when they're writing to
1:41:32
their commanding officers of the
1:41:34
methods that they took to help maintain
1:41:36
secrecy, but it's
1:41:38
a lot easier in some of these annihilation
1:41:40
camps to keep prying eyes from
1:41:42
knowing what's going on, because you can control
1:41:44
access to them. The
1:41:47
accounts of what was going on in them
1:41:49
are rare. The
1:41:51
actual people whose job it
1:41:53
was to handle the dead bodies and all
1:41:55
those kinds of things oftentimes
1:41:59
were... inmates
1:42:01
themselves in these death camps
1:42:03
and oftentimes they were
1:42:05
killed every three or four months to make
1:42:07
sure that what they knew died with them
1:42:10
but occasionally information
1:42:12
leaked out. There's a
1:42:14
famous report called the Gashtine Report and
1:42:17
it was written by an SS
1:42:19
soldier named Kurt Gashtine. Now Gashtine's
1:42:22
story is fascinating and it is
1:42:24
hard to know what to believe.
1:42:26
He claimed to essentially be
1:42:28
an infiltrator, someone who
1:42:30
lost a close relative, killed in one of
1:42:33
these camps because they were one of those
1:42:35
people who was deemed by the Nazis to
1:42:37
be unfit to live as they were disabled.
1:42:40
And he says that was the moment that as a
1:42:43
very religious person he decided he was going to join
1:42:45
the SS and find out exactly what was going on
1:42:47
and expose it. Again I
1:42:49
don't know if that's true or not but that's his story.
1:42:52
And after the war he wrote several
1:42:54
different accounts in several different languages explaining
1:42:57
what he saw and then he hung himself. But
1:43:02
Gashtine's job was he was
1:43:04
one of the people that was going to replace the
1:43:07
way that they were killing people in these
1:43:09
annihilation camps with a new way because
1:43:11
the way they started killing them was with the
1:43:14
fumes from diesel engines right they would back a
1:43:16
truck up or a tank up to
1:43:18
the gas chambers, connect
1:43:21
a tube or something like it to the
1:43:23
exhaust of these engines and then pump in
1:43:25
the diesel fuels into these enclosed rooms and
1:43:27
kill everyone in them. But it wasn't something
1:43:29
that worked very well and Gashtine
1:43:31
and others were part of the
1:43:34
process of shifting it to something more efficient
1:43:36
that turned out to be the famous Cyclone
1:43:38
B, cyanide gas.
1:43:42
And because of this Gashtine
1:43:44
was given a tour of one of these death
1:43:46
camps, Belschitz in Poland
1:43:49
and shown how the process worked.
1:43:52
It is horrifying. He
1:43:55
says he arrived there for his tour
1:43:58
in a hot August day. He
1:44:00
said he saw no corpses in
1:44:02
the open, but he said
1:44:04
just the smell of the whole region was
1:44:07
stinking to high heaven, he says, and millions
1:44:09
of flies were everywhere, so you got the
1:44:11
gist of what was going on. He
1:44:15
describes the methods taken by the
1:44:18
designers of the camp to sort
1:44:20
of hide what the camp was
1:44:22
all about, and it's
1:44:24
borderline diabolical. I mean, they
1:44:27
have signs that say things like
1:44:29
inhalation in bathrooms, they
1:44:31
have geraniums planted,
1:44:34
they have a Star
1:44:36
of David, which he refers to
1:44:38
as a clever little joke, in
1:44:40
front of one of the buildings,
1:44:43
and then there was an inscription
1:44:45
on another building that said Hackenholt
1:44:47
Foundation, which he didn't know what
1:44:49
that meant initially. He found
1:44:51
out later what a cruel joke that was
1:44:54
when he found out that Hackenholt was
1:44:56
the name of the guy who started
1:44:58
the diesel engine that pumped the noxious
1:45:01
fumes into the gas chamber. He
1:45:04
describes the experience of the
1:45:07
victims as they arrived in the trains
1:45:09
all the way to when their
1:45:11
bodies were pulled out of the gas chamber. It
1:45:13
is horrible, but it is necessary to recount them.
1:45:16
It's a little long, I'll break it up if
1:45:18
I can, but he writes, and
1:45:20
like I said, there's a couple of different versions of this. I
1:45:23
got mine from the Jewish Virtual
1:45:26
Library, but there's several online, and
1:45:28
he writes, quote, The
1:45:31
next morning, shortly before 7 a.m., someone announced
1:45:33
to me, in 10 minutes
1:45:35
the first transport will come. In
1:45:38
fact, the first train arrived after some
1:45:40
minutes from the direction of Lemberg, 45
1:45:43
wagons with 6,700 people, of whom 1,450 were
1:45:45
already dead on arrival. In
1:45:50
the barred hatches, children, as well
1:45:52
as men and women, looked out,
1:45:55
terribly pale and nervous, their eyes full
1:45:57
of the fear of death. Rain
1:46:00
comes in, two hundred Ukrainians fling open
1:46:02
the doors and whip the people out
1:46:04
of the wagons with their leather whips.
1:46:08
He says a large loudspeaker then
1:46:10
gave further orders, and he quoted
1:46:12
the loudspeakers, saying, quote, undress
1:46:15
completely, also remove artificial
1:46:18
limbs, spectacles, etc., end
1:46:20
quote. He
1:46:23
says that everyone undressed, and then he continues
1:46:25
by saying, quote, then
1:46:27
the procession starts moving in
1:46:29
front of a very lovely young
1:46:31
girl. So all of them go
1:46:33
along the alley, all naked men,
1:46:35
women and children without artificial limbs.
1:46:38
I myself stand together with helpman birth,
1:46:40
which is the commander, on
1:46:42
top of the ramp between the gas chambers,
1:46:45
mothers with babies at their breasts. They
1:46:48
come onward, hesitate, enter
1:46:50
the death chambers. At
1:46:52
the corner a strong SS man stands,
1:46:55
who with a voice like a pastor
1:46:57
says to the poor people, now quoting
1:46:59
him, there is not the least chance that
1:47:01
something will happen to you. You
1:47:04
must only take a deep breath in the
1:47:06
chamber that widens the lungs. This
1:47:08
inhalation is necessary because of the illnesses
1:47:10
and epidemics. He
1:47:13
says on the question of what would happen to them,
1:47:15
he answered, yes, of course the
1:47:17
men will have to work building houses and
1:47:19
roads, but the women don't need to work,
1:47:21
only if they wish they can help in
1:47:23
housekeeping or in the kitchen. He
1:47:27
says, quote, for
1:47:29
some of these poor people, this gave
1:47:31
a little glimmer of hope enough
1:47:33
to go the first few steps to
1:47:35
the chambers without resistance. The
1:47:38
majority, he says, though, are aware
1:47:40
the smell tells them of their
1:47:42
fate. So they climb the
1:47:44
small staircase and then they see everything
1:47:47
mothers with little children at the
1:47:49
breast, little naked children, adults, men,
1:47:52
women, all naked. They
1:47:54
hesitate, but they enter the death chambers,
1:47:56
pushed forward by those behind them or
1:47:58
driven by the men. the leather whips of
1:48:00
the SS. The
1:48:03
majority, he says, without saying a
1:48:05
word, a Jewess of about
1:48:07
forty years of age, with flaming eyes,
1:48:09
calls down vengeance on the head of
1:48:12
the murderers, for the blood which is
1:48:14
shed here. She gets five
1:48:16
or six slashes with the riding
1:48:18
crop into her face, from Hauptman-Wirth
1:48:20
personally, and then she also disappears
1:48:23
into the chamber." He
1:48:26
then says that the commander says to
1:48:29
the people, filling the chamber, that they
1:48:31
should pack well, and he
1:48:33
says, people stand on each other's feet, seven
1:48:35
to eight hundred people in forty-five
1:48:37
cubic meters. He says the
1:48:40
SS physically squeezes them together as far
1:48:42
as possible, and then he continues. Remember
1:48:45
this man's watching seven
1:48:47
to eight hundred people being killed in
1:48:50
front of him through a small window
1:48:52
with an electric light. He continues, the
1:48:54
doors close. At the
1:48:56
same time, the others, meaning the next
1:48:58
batch of people, are waiting outside in
1:49:01
the open air, naked. The
1:49:03
people are brought to death with the diesel
1:49:06
exhaust fumes, but the diesel doesn't work. Hauptman-Wirth
1:49:09
comes. One can see that
1:49:11
he feels embarrassed that this happens just today,
1:49:13
when I am here. That's right.
1:49:16
I see everything, and I wait. My
1:49:19
stopwatch has honestly registered everything.
1:49:22
Fifty minutes, seventy minutes. The
1:49:24
diesel doesn't start. The people
1:49:26
are waiting in their gas chambers, in
1:49:29
vain. One can hear them
1:49:31
crying, sobbing. He
1:49:33
then continues, quote, After
1:49:37
two hours and forty-nine minutes, the
1:49:39
stopwatch has registered everything well, the
1:49:41
diesel starts. Until
1:49:43
this moment, the people live in
1:49:45
these four chambers, four times seven
1:49:48
hundred and fifty people in four
1:49:50
times forty-five cubic meters. Again,
1:49:52
twenty-five minutes pass. Right.
1:49:55
Many are dead now. One can
1:49:57
see that through the small window in which
1:49:59
the electric light illuminates the chambers for
1:50:01
a moment. After twenty-eight minutes,
1:50:04
only a few are still alive. Finally,
1:50:07
after thirty-two minutes, everyone is
1:50:09
dead." He
1:50:12
then says, the people from
1:50:15
the work command open the doors. These
1:50:18
are the Sonder Commandos, some of
1:50:20
them Jews, who've been promised
1:50:23
their freedom, but instead every three or four
1:50:25
months they're killed too. It helps keep everybody
1:50:27
quiet. And he describes the
1:50:30
way the dead are situated in the
1:50:32
gas chambers, which are so crammed with people
1:50:34
nobody can even bend over. He writes, quote,
1:50:37
"...like basalt pillars, the dead
1:50:40
stand inside, pressed together in
1:50:42
the chambers. In any
1:50:44
event, there was no space to fall down,
1:50:46
or even bend forward. Even
1:50:49
in death one can still tell the families,
1:50:51
they still hold hands, tensed
1:50:54
in death so that one can barely
1:50:56
tear them apart in order to empty
1:50:58
the chamber for the next batch. The
1:51:01
corpses are thrown out, wet
1:51:03
from sweat and urine, soiled
1:51:05
by excrement, menstrual blood on
1:51:07
their legs. Children's
1:51:10
corpses fly through the air. There
1:51:12
is no time. The riding
1:51:14
crops of the Ukrainians lash down
1:51:16
on the work commands. Two
1:51:19
dozen dentists open mouths with hooks
1:51:21
and look for gold. To
1:51:25
the left, without
1:51:27
gold to the right, other dentists
1:51:29
break gold teeth and crowns out
1:51:31
of jaws with pliers and hammers."
1:51:34
End quote. He then points
1:51:37
out something that should remind us of why
1:51:39
it is so hard to
1:51:41
figure out exactly how many people died
1:51:43
in the Holocaust. He says neither at
1:51:45
Belchitz or
1:51:48
Treblinka. Was any trouble
1:51:50
taken over registering or counting the dead?
1:51:52
He said the numbers were only estimates
1:51:54
of a wagon's content. Imagine
1:51:58
this going on. every
1:52:01
day at lots
1:52:03
of different facilities for
1:52:06
years. Trying
1:52:11
to imagine the reality of
1:52:14
that description is
1:52:16
almost impossible. I mean even trying
1:52:19
to get your mind
1:52:21
around what smartphone high-definition video
1:52:23
with audio would be
1:52:25
like is... it boggles
1:52:28
the mind to try to get yourself to
1:52:30
a place where this makes any sort of
1:52:32
logical sense and you can
1:52:35
try to put yourself in the shoes
1:52:37
of anyone looking at these sorts
1:52:40
of events through their eyes hearing
1:52:42
the sounds smelling the smells.
1:52:47
One of the things Dan Stone says in his book
1:52:49
is that you sometimes have
1:52:51
to shrink this down to a level
1:52:54
where we're talking about an individual
1:52:56
experience of just one
1:52:59
of the people in the story. I often look at
1:53:01
the pictures of the
1:53:03
people who were killed by
1:53:05
the communist Khmer Rouge government in
1:53:08
Cambodia and those people the
1:53:11
Khmer Rouge took photographs of their victims before they
1:53:13
killed them and you can see those photographs and
1:53:15
you look into the eyes of these people and
1:53:17
you think you know what are
1:53:19
the stories of all these individuals right
1:53:21
you don't see them as a giant
1:53:24
you know many millions of
1:53:26
people as a mass of humanity
1:53:28
with no names and no stories instead you
1:53:30
sort of look at them and you think
1:53:33
how did this person end up there what
1:53:35
happened to their family did anybody miss them
1:53:37
you know the stories of not
1:53:40
five or six million people in the
1:53:43
Holocaust but five or six million individuals
1:53:45
who all had their own horrific tale
1:53:47
that brought them to where they were
1:53:49
and stone has a story in
1:53:52
his book that's a perfect example it's kind of the
1:53:54
Anne Frank zooming in moment of
1:53:56
the Holocaust where he talks about some Jews
1:53:58
who are hiding out and
1:54:01
a homeowner is hiding
1:54:03
them, but they're having a problem with
1:54:05
a child in the group who can't
1:54:07
control the fact that he's making noise
1:54:09
because he's terrified. And at
1:54:11
a certain point, the homeowner says either that child
1:54:14
gets quiet or you're going to get found out,
1:54:17
putting these Jews that are hiding in
1:54:20
an absolutely unimaginable situation. And
1:54:23
remember, we should think about this not
1:54:25
as this specific story for these specific
1:54:27
people, but as an individual representation of
1:54:29
the sorts of incredible conundrums
1:54:33
and dilemmas that
1:54:35
all these people who found themselves in
1:54:38
the Holocaust, at one point or another in
1:54:40
their lives, had to face. And
1:54:43
Stone writes, quote, In
1:54:45
Baruch Milks' account of his time in
1:54:47
hiding with his wife, sister, brother-in-law, and
1:54:49
their son during the war, he
1:54:51
recounts how when the noise made by
1:54:54
the nine-year-old boy Lunik led to the
1:54:56
group being threatened with expulsion by the
1:54:58
man hiding them, his father
1:55:01
strangled him. The description is
1:55:03
matter of fact. Now the
1:55:05
description, quote, We all
1:55:07
sat down again, withdrawn into
1:55:09
ourselves, and Lunik went wild
1:55:12
again. Unable to calm him,
1:55:14
we thought we would go mad. Suddenly,
1:55:16
as though struck by lightning, my brother-in-law
1:55:18
bolted from his seat and wrapped a
1:55:20
hand around his son's tender neck as
1:55:23
if to stifle his cries. Instead,
1:55:25
the boy's eyes rolled in their
1:55:27
sockets, his tongue protruded, and he
1:55:30
fell silent. His father
1:55:32
knew exactly where to squeeze. He, like
1:55:34
me, was a doctor. When
1:55:36
he finally let go of his son's throat, the
1:55:39
boy was lifeless. I
1:55:41
took his hand and felt no pulse. His
1:55:43
father left him, covered his son's face
1:55:45
with a blanket, seated himself in a
1:55:47
corner, and began to tear his
1:55:50
hair. I am forever recursed
1:55:52
as the murderer of my son, he
1:55:54
mumbled, but I spared him much
1:55:56
more suffering. At least I didn't let
1:55:58
him die at the hands of the murderer. end
1:56:01
quote. That's
1:56:03
a situation where if one can't get their
1:56:05
mind around the enormity
1:56:09
of the Holocaust
1:56:11
in the macro sense, we can all sort of
1:56:13
sit there and just shake our heads and try
1:56:15
to imagine what, you know,
1:56:18
the individual story of simply one group
1:56:20
of people in a micro sense found
1:56:23
themselves confronted with, and
1:56:25
then for the rest of their lives, living
1:56:28
with. I
1:56:32
actually had quite a few more first-hand
1:56:34
accounts and eyewitness accounts that I was
1:56:36
going to use, but after recording that
1:56:39
last one, I feel like that
1:56:41
is enough horrific eyewitness accounts to
1:56:43
make the point. And
1:56:47
we should also, for
1:56:49
the sake of completeness, mention
1:56:52
that these are hardly all the people
1:56:54
that were the victims of Nazi Germany.
1:56:56
I mean, part of the reason the
1:56:58
Soviets weren't paying enough
1:57:01
attention, one knows now, to the Holocaust
1:57:03
after the war is because six million
1:57:05
Jews was a drop in
1:57:07
the bucket, as crazy as that sounds compared
1:57:09
to all the damage that was done, and no
1:57:11
one still knows how many people died. But
1:57:16
before the Jews became the people
1:57:18
that were being eliminated,
1:57:22
disabled people, people
1:57:25
with all sorts of developmental
1:57:27
problems, the sick, I mean,
1:57:29
the Nazis
1:57:32
killed, you know, something like
1:57:35
20 to 35 million
1:57:37
people or thereabouts. I
1:57:39
mean, the numbers again are not known, but
1:57:42
they killed men, women,
1:57:45
priests, handicapped, aged, sick,
1:57:47
POWs, forced laborers, camp
1:57:49
inmates, critics, socialists,
1:57:52
gays, Slavs, Serbs, Czechs,
1:57:54
Italians, the
1:57:56
Dutch, Belgians, Norwegians, Poles, Frenchman,
1:57:58
Ukrainians. killed
1:58:01
more than a million children at least.
1:58:03
I mean, you can't get your mind
1:58:05
around numbers like that. And
1:58:09
there was a phrase that popped up in
1:58:12
the 1960s, I think it was, from a
1:58:14
Jewish group that said, never again,
1:58:16
right? Never again. The lesson here, if there
1:58:19
is a lesson, is that this must never
1:58:21
happen again, but of course it has. There's
1:58:25
a quote that's been used
1:58:27
many times about incidents like
1:58:29
these in the past. And the quote is, those
1:58:32
who do not learn from the past are
1:58:34
doomed to repeat it. But
1:58:37
you know, this is kind of a trope, and I
1:58:39
think most historians would say that, not being one myself,
1:58:41
but I've read enough to know that
1:58:43
this is considered to be one of those truisms
1:58:46
that's not really true, for all
1:58:49
sorts of reasons, right? Do people really
1:58:51
learn from history? I
1:58:53
mean, can't the facts
1:58:56
of the past, for lack of a better
1:58:58
word, facts even being, you know, a
1:59:00
word that can be argued, but I
1:59:02
mean, can't those things be
1:59:04
used like a tool, like
1:59:06
a sort of a plastic kind of
1:59:08
tool for those who want
1:59:10
us to come to sort of pre-arranged conclusions,
1:59:13
right? They say even the devil can quote
1:59:15
scripture for his purposes. I feel
1:59:18
the same way about using history,
1:59:21
right? Just rearrange whatever
1:59:23
you consider facts to be, to make a wonderful
1:59:25
argument that leads to a conclusion you want people
1:59:28
to come to, but that if
1:59:30
you rearranged all the facts differently, you could come
1:59:32
to a different conclusion. It's a dangerous thing to
1:59:34
put in the hands of people who are trying
1:59:36
to convince us of something. But
1:59:39
even if we did learn from the past, do
1:59:42
the lessons stick? I mean, I get a
1:59:44
feeling here that even
1:59:46
when we are traumatized by things
1:59:48
like the Holocaust, for
1:59:51
example, that there's an expiration
1:59:53
date on that. There's
1:59:56
an old line that time heals all
1:59:58
wounds. But when a
2:00:01
wound is something like the Holocaust and
2:00:03
there are important things
2:00:06
that you need to pay attention to if you
2:00:08
want to avoid another one, is it
2:00:11
a good thing that something like that might be,
2:00:13
you know, healed up?
2:00:17
There's a line that I like better than those
2:00:20
who do not learn from the pastor doomed to
2:00:22
repeat it. It's a line from the
2:00:24
Roman orator Cicero, and
2:00:26
I've seen it translated several different ways.
2:00:29
The translation is on the library at the University of Colorado
2:00:32
where I went to school. But
2:00:34
the translation of the phrase that I pulled
2:00:36
up, I like the
2:00:38
best I think, and it says, to be ignorant
2:00:40
of what occurs before you were born is to
2:00:44
remain always a child. And
2:00:48
what this sort of implies is that
2:00:50
history doesn't teach you lessons that will
2:00:53
stick. It
2:00:55
does seem to indicate though that if you
2:00:57
study the past, you will
2:00:59
be more informed about
2:01:01
the range of possibilities and
2:01:04
the things that can tend to
2:01:06
happen. Maybe sometimes it's just
2:01:08
useful to know, for example, what
2:01:10
a worst case scenario might look like, right?
2:01:13
What's possible given the things that have already
2:01:15
happened, right? It's not a theoretical argument that
2:01:17
there could be a Holocaust if there has
2:01:19
already been a Holocaust, right? If
2:01:24
you allow me to try to mention
2:01:27
what strikes me after
2:01:29
diving into this subject and
2:01:32
reading all these eyewitness accounts and
2:01:35
the thought that keeps popping into my head as I
2:01:37
do, is that this
2:01:40
is a sort of warning
2:01:42
about the dangers of
2:01:44
political extremism. And
2:01:47
maybe that's a simplistic thing to come up with, right? Because
2:01:49
it's so obvious, right? You
2:01:51
know, murderous dictators, I mean,
2:01:53
you don't have to be a genius to figure out that
2:01:55
that's going to end badly. But
2:01:58
here's the thing, if that was obvious in the decade. After
2:02:00
the Second World War, It's
2:02:02
been a long time since the Second World
2:02:04
war. If. I
2:02:07
touch a hot stove and burned myself. I
2:02:09
probably don't need to touch another hot stove
2:02:11
to know that that's something I don't wanna
2:02:13
do. If. I
2:02:15
teach my children what happened to me when
2:02:18
I burn the hostel. Maybe they learn that
2:02:20
lesson. And. If they
2:02:22
teach their children about what happened to Grandpa
2:02:24
when he touched a hot stove, maybe that
2:02:26
sticks to. But. Does
2:02:28
their come a time? When. That
2:02:31
lesson seem so far away and so
2:02:33
many things have changed since Grandpa touch
2:02:35
the hot stove that maybe. You.
2:02:38
Could question whether the stove is really
2:02:40
that hard may be have to. Touch
2:02:42
it for yourself to know again, right time
2:02:45
heals all wounds, even. The. Hand
2:02:47
you burned on the hot stove. The
2:02:52
interesting thing about. Political. Extremism
2:02:54
is. There's enough examples in the
2:02:56
past to look at that you
2:02:58
would think people would know good
2:03:00
and well the dangers involved and
2:03:02
avoid it like the plague. But
2:03:04
there's always elements to extremism. That.
2:03:07
Make it in tracing the human beings
2:03:09
otherwise he wouldn't come around so often.
2:03:11
Right is something that we want from
2:03:13
this sometimes so that we can write
2:03:16
off past examples that nobody wants to
2:03:18
go back to a holocaust but may
2:03:20
be will. You. Don't think about
2:03:22
the upsides. I'm a little political extremism
2:03:25
sometimes and assume he'll that we learned
2:03:27
enough to avoid the downsides of the
2:03:29
political extremists. And right. The.
2:03:32
Other thing that comes up to when you try
2:03:34
to avoid another holocaust is that. Political.
2:03:36
Extremism when his shows up never quite
2:03:39
looks like it did the last time.
2:03:41
where the time before. Mean
2:03:43
if we're on the lookout for political
2:03:46
extremism to avoid worst case scenarios and
2:03:48
we want to avoid a holocaust, too
2:03:50
many of us are looking for a
2:03:52
person you know with a small little
2:03:54
toothbrush mustache right? with were looking for
2:03:57
a review of the way it looked
2:03:59
last time. without
2:04:01
realizing that political extremism is going to
2:04:03
disguise itself in a completely new form
2:04:06
in order to make it something
2:04:09
that we might consider a viable
2:04:12
option again. The
2:04:16
other thing that's worth pointing out, and
2:04:18
this is where I think a lot of people can fall
2:04:20
into a trap, is
2:04:22
political extremism doesn't always show up
2:04:24
from the same side of the
2:04:27
political spectrum. Extremist
2:04:30
governments come in all forms. Right-wing,
2:04:33
left-wing, fundamentalist religion. A
2:04:36
government like the Islamic Republic
2:04:39
of Iran is neither really right-wing
2:04:41
or left-wing. It's its own kind
2:04:43
of religious fundamentalism, but it's an
2:04:45
extremist government with
2:04:47
intense executive power. You
2:04:51
can see that it doesn't matter whether it's
2:04:53
right-wing or left-wing sometimes. Take
2:04:56
a look at
2:04:58
an example from just a few years after
2:05:00
the Second World War ended. The
2:05:02
period where the bodies are still
2:05:05
fresh from the Holocaust, and
2:05:07
yet one of the allies on
2:05:10
the victorious side in the Second World War,
2:05:13
the Soviet Union, begins
2:05:15
a program demonizing
2:05:17
the Jews in the Soviet
2:05:19
Union, calling them rootless cosmopolitans,
2:05:21
and beginning to implement things
2:05:23
that are known to history
2:05:26
as the doctor's plot, looking
2:05:28
at the potential for
2:05:30
moving Jews to reservations, I
2:05:32
mean five years. If
2:05:35
you worry about touching the hot stove and
2:05:38
that lesson being forgotten, I mean
2:05:40
five years, the blisters are still on your
2:05:42
hand and we're ready to deport Jews to
2:05:44
reservations. That is a
2:05:47
nominally left-wing extremist
2:05:49
government. And
2:05:51
the exact same thing that the right-wing
2:05:53
extremist government of Hitler did. To
2:05:57
the exact same people, by the way. The
2:06:00
lesson is about the dangers
2:06:02
of unchecked power. On
2:06:05
the old classic original political spectrum that
2:06:07
people from my generation grew up with,
2:06:09
the one that dates back to the
2:06:11
French Revolution, the societies
2:06:14
that emphasize the importance of
2:06:16
things like human rights,
2:06:18
civil rights, the rights of individuals
2:06:20
over the collective, diffused
2:06:22
power, right? Rights and balances,
2:06:25
those societies were in the
2:06:27
general center of the
2:06:30
political spectrum. That
2:06:32
includes things like the center left and the
2:06:34
center right, right? So, I mean, you can
2:06:36
have more conservative or more liberal governments, but
2:06:38
the so-called Overton window, as
2:06:40
it's known, could move a bit in
2:06:43
either direction. Sometimes you'd move
2:06:45
into a more conservative phase of your
2:06:47
country's history. Sometimes you'd move into more
2:06:49
liberal phases. But what
2:06:52
you're supposed to be protected from in these systems
2:06:55
is the extremes of either side. The
2:06:58
extremes and the sorts
2:07:00
of government that would throw out
2:07:02
the norms of behavior, right? The
2:07:04
things that were considered okay, and
2:07:06
that keep societies within the ranges
2:07:08
that were safe, that
2:07:11
kept us from going off the rails. Germany
2:07:14
under Nazism was off the rails. But
2:07:17
let's not fool ourselves that
2:07:20
just because we live in a representative
2:07:22
elected system that we're somehow
2:07:24
protected against extremism. Hitler was a
2:07:26
politician before he was an autocrat.
2:07:30
If you have a system where the people
2:07:32
elect the government and
2:07:34
the system is populated by people who
2:07:36
have lost faith in non-extreme
2:07:38
approaches, I mean, if they're made up of racists
2:07:42
or anti-Semites or utopianists or
2:07:44
people that hate their nation's
2:07:46
opposition, well
2:07:48
democracy has some safeguards against
2:07:50
extremism, but not if
2:07:53
the voters themselves are demanding extremist
2:07:55
solutions, right? Then a government
2:07:57
that responds to the will of the people
2:07:59
is its itself going to be extreme. It's going
2:08:01
to give the people what they want. In
2:08:04
that case, the danger is that the
2:08:06
people want something that's going
2:08:09
to take them down a road that
2:08:11
leads to outcomes that nobody wants. I
2:08:14
can't think of any extremist government in
2:08:16
history where a decent number
2:08:18
of people living in a modern day representative
2:08:20
system would go, oh yeah, that's what I
2:08:22
want. There
2:08:25
are things that should be considered warning
2:08:27
signs for us all. When
2:08:30
we begin on a wide ranging level, not
2:08:33
just a few people here and there, not
2:08:35
just in the case, when we begin to
2:08:37
dehumanize our fellow human beings, when we begin
2:08:39
to turn them into something that's not seen
2:08:41
as a person, when
2:08:43
we refer to them as vermin
2:08:47
or subhuman or animals
2:08:49
or deplorables or enemies of the people
2:08:51
or anything like that, you
2:08:53
begin to open the door to having these
2:08:55
human beings treated as whatever
2:08:57
you're referring to them as. I mean, if
2:08:59
they're vermin, what do you
2:09:02
do to vermin? The
2:09:04
way we label our fellow human beings opens
2:09:06
up the door to
2:09:09
logical solutions that
2:09:12
are only considered logical due to the
2:09:14
way we've recast them. Things
2:09:17
that would never be okay to do
2:09:19
to another person become okay if
2:09:21
they're not considered another person. You
2:09:24
saw that in the Second World War. There's
2:09:28
a book that I bought in the 1980s. I
2:09:30
think it's still viable, although the numbers are a
2:09:32
little wrong, by a professor
2:09:34
named R.J. Rummel. It's called Death by
2:09:36
Government. And
2:09:39
the shorthand explanation of
2:09:41
what the book is about is the dangers
2:09:43
of extreme governments, right? Governments that do not
2:09:46
have enough checks and balances, governments with too
2:09:48
much executive power and authority on
2:09:50
the right or the left, whatever
2:09:52
political label you want to use. And
2:09:55
Professor Rummel says over and
2:09:57
over in the book, power kills. absolute
2:10:01
power kills absolutely.
2:10:03
Now he has some interesting
2:10:06
statistics about the different governments in
2:10:08
the 20th century that killed large
2:10:10
numbers of people, genocidal numbers, he
2:10:12
calls them democides, right, death by
2:10:15
government. He says that
2:10:17
the communist Chinese
2:10:20
and the Soviet Union, to
2:10:22
name just two of the far-left
2:10:25
governments, killed more people than the
2:10:27
Nazis or the imperial Japanese before
2:10:29
and during the Second World War, so the
2:10:31
right wing, far-right wing governments. But he says
2:10:33
that they've had 75 years to do it,
2:10:36
right, whereas, you know, the Third Reich
2:10:38
famously only lasted like 12 years, an
2:10:41
imperial Japan's reign of terror in Asia,
2:10:43
probably not much longer. So the
2:10:45
death rate was higher for the far-right governments,
2:10:48
but the far-left governments have had three quarters
2:10:50
of a century to rack up an even
2:10:52
higher death total. The point is is that there's
2:10:54
no monopoly on
2:10:56
which end of the political spectrum is more
2:10:59
murderous when you get too far
2:11:01
away from the middle. And I
2:11:03
had a professor that said that both ends of
2:11:05
the political spectrum shouldn't be seen as a line,
2:11:08
they should be seen as more of a horseshoe
2:11:10
shape or maybe even a circle, and then when
2:11:12
you get to the very, very far right, it
2:11:14
almost touches the very, very far left. And even
2:11:16
though the rationales for why
2:11:19
they're doing what they do, right-wing
2:11:21
rationales or left-wing rationales, the actual
2:11:24
experience of living in these totalitarian states
2:11:26
might not be that different on the
2:11:29
ground. Rommel's
2:11:31
point, though, is that
2:11:33
all these people were killed because
2:11:35
governments came to power that
2:11:38
saw the normal limitations that might
2:11:40
prevent or safeguard against these kind
2:11:42
of actions thrown out the
2:11:44
window. And
2:11:46
in a for every action there's
2:11:49
an equal and opposite reaction way.
2:11:52
There's often a dynamic in
2:11:54
play where extremists on one
2:11:56
side are empowered
2:11:58
by extremists. on the other.
2:12:01
If the Nazis don't have the
2:12:04
German communists to use as
2:12:06
boogeymen and vice versa, do
2:12:09
they ever come to power? I feel
2:12:12
like you can see this dynamic in play among
2:12:15
the one government in the world who should
2:12:17
know better than any other the dangers of
2:12:20
extremism, the Israelis.
2:12:23
The Israelis have regional enemies
2:12:26
that use and often revel
2:12:29
in anti-Semitic genocidal imagery.
2:12:34
And more than imagery, actions, extremist
2:12:38
governments and extremist groups like
2:12:40
Hamas and Hezbollah and Iran
2:12:42
who might not be dissatisfied
2:12:44
with another Holocaust and
2:12:46
who showed once again in late 2023
2:12:49
that they will happily rape
2:12:51
Jewish women and kill Jewish children. The
2:12:54
more this goes on, the
2:12:57
harder the electorate in Israel wants to
2:12:59
push back. And the harder they push
2:13:02
back, the more extreme the
2:13:04
other side becomes. And
2:13:06
the more traditional safeguards and
2:13:08
firewalls are breached.
2:13:12
It's not unusual to
2:13:15
hear Jews in Israel dehumanized
2:13:18
by their anti-Israeli neighbors.
2:13:21
But when the Israeli government officials of
2:13:24
the more extreme wing begin
2:13:26
to use terms like animals
2:13:29
or Malachites to
2:13:32
describe their enemies, their adversaries,
2:13:35
one loses hope. Hope
2:13:38
over the question about learning from history,
2:13:42
because no people on earth knows
2:13:44
what dangers lurk in
2:13:46
extremist governments better than
2:13:48
the victims of the worst genocide in
2:13:50
world history. And
2:13:53
if they aren't immune from those traps and
2:13:55
those pitfalls and those dangers,
2:13:59
then who is? When
2:14:05
you consider how dark the subject that
2:14:07
we just talked about was, and
2:14:09
how long it might take you, and how
2:14:11
long it might take me to recover from it, imagine
2:14:14
if this is what you did for a living.
2:14:17
You dove into the archives, you read the original
2:14:19
stories, you catalog the numbers and the accounts and
2:14:21
all that sort of thing every
2:14:23
day of your working life. Think about how
2:14:26
much fortitude one would have to have to
2:14:28
do that. Well our guest on
2:14:31
the show today is Dan Stone, who's a
2:14:33
professor of modern history and the director of
2:14:35
the Holocaust Research Institute at Royal Holloway University
2:14:37
of London. This is what he does. He's
2:14:41
the author and editor of numerous articles
2:14:43
and books. He wrote histories of the
2:14:45
Holocaust, the liberation of the camps, the
2:14:47
end of the Holocaust and its aftermath,
2:14:49
and concentration camps of very short history.
2:14:52
He is an expert on this subject
2:14:54
and we brought him on to add
2:14:56
some context and some depth. And
2:14:59
to talk about his new book in
2:15:01
paperback, The Holocaust and Unfinished History,
2:15:04
where he points out something that has not
2:15:06
been paid enough
2:15:08
attention to, the fact that this is
2:15:10
not just a German thing. The Germans
2:15:12
get the lion's share of
2:15:15
the blame for the Holocaust traditionally,
2:15:17
but they couldn't have done what they did
2:15:19
without a lot of other help. And
2:15:22
in this book, The Holocaust and Unfinished History,
2:15:24
Dan Stone helps us to understand the
2:15:27
motivations, the roots, and the
2:15:29
extent of that help. So
2:15:31
without further ado, Professor Dan
2:15:33
Stone. All
2:15:38
right, so why don't we start with
2:15:40
the most obvious question, which is, you've
2:15:43
spent a lot of time writing about this
2:15:45
subject already. How does one decide
2:15:47
that there is a need for a new
2:15:50
book? And how does one find enough material
2:15:52
that wasn't covered in the old books to
2:15:54
make something like this seem important
2:15:56
to you and important for the reading audience? That's
2:15:58
a very valid question. valid question. I mean,
2:16:00
there's a lot of books, right? I mean, that's
2:16:03
perfectly clear and you're right, I think, to
2:16:06
emphasize that. But it
2:16:08
seems to me, and it seemed to me
2:16:10
before I wrote this book, that there was a need for a
2:16:13
mid-length study that
2:16:16
did more than simply narrate the
2:16:19
sequence of events. In other words, there's
2:16:21
a lot of academic studies. There are
2:16:24
a number of very large histories
2:16:26
of the Holocaust, most of which
2:16:28
are event-based history,
2:16:30
one thing after another. They're
2:16:33
very good books, but they're hard, I think,
2:16:35
often to retain the information that you're reading.
2:16:37
As you turn the page, you kind of
2:16:39
forget much of what you've read
2:16:41
on the previous page. And then
2:16:44
there are some very short introductions, but they
2:16:46
tend to treat the reader as ill-informed,
2:16:51
knowing nothing. And I think, you know,
2:16:53
there's enough literature out there now for there to be a
2:16:56
readership that is already quite well informed about
2:16:59
the history of the Holocaust, but wants more
2:17:01
than simply a narrative of
2:17:03
events, but wants also something
2:17:05
that is more analytical at the same time.
2:17:07
And so I set out to write a
2:17:09
book that took into account the very
2:17:12
rapidly changing and developing body of
2:17:16
scholarship on the literature, on
2:17:18
the topic, but to then weave that into
2:17:20
a narrative that didn't lay on the academic
2:17:22
stuff in a kind of heavy way, but
2:17:24
is there in the architecture of the book
2:17:26
so that readers can follow the footnotes if
2:17:28
they want, and they can see that what
2:17:30
I've written is based on the most recent
2:17:32
scholarship. But it tries to combine a
2:17:35
narrative of the events
2:17:37
insofar as I've been able to choose
2:17:39
what I wanted to emphasize, with also
2:17:41
a kind of explanatory framework at the
2:17:44
same time. As
2:17:47
I was going over some of the books that I had that
2:17:49
date back all the way to the early 60s
2:17:51
about this, it occurred to me
2:17:53
that you and people writing about the Holocaust
2:17:55
like you in the modern world have sort
2:17:58
of a different and certainly more... complex
2:18:00
task because those ones in the early
2:18:02
60s and late 60s are not writing
2:18:04
for an audience, for example, in Eastern
2:18:06
Europe or places like that. You've got
2:18:08
to deal with people whose countries sometimes
2:18:11
prohibit even talking about this in the
2:18:13
way that your book discusses some of
2:18:15
this, right? A sort of a shared
2:18:18
responsibility for some of these crimes
2:18:20
against humanity. How does that change
2:18:23
what you have to do and how did you address
2:18:25
something like that knowing that this is going to be
2:18:27
read by people who are in countries that maybe deny
2:18:29
that they had anything involved in this?
2:18:32
Mm-hmm, correct. It's a very interesting observation
2:18:34
because the Before
2:18:37
I even address the question that you directly
2:18:39
asked me, it's also the case that now
2:18:42
the scholarship on this topic is written
2:18:44
by people from across Europe. So where
2:18:47
up until the end of the Cold War there was only a very
2:18:49
small number of internationally regarded historians
2:18:51
who came from behind the Iron Curtain.
2:18:54
Now much of the leading scholarship is
2:18:56
written by scholars who come
2:18:58
from Eastern Europe who often can
2:19:00
speak five languages, have access to local
2:19:02
archives, and so on. And so
2:19:05
there's a very impressive and extremely
2:19:07
rapidly growing historiography of the Holocaust
2:19:09
in Hungary, for example, or Czechoslovakia,
2:19:13
and the rest of Europe,
2:19:16
including parts of Europe like Greece that
2:19:18
were neglected for similar reasons for many
2:19:20
decades. I think the
2:19:22
question of how to approach this knowing that
2:19:24
people in those countries will also be reading
2:19:27
this is to behave like a historian
2:19:29
and simply follow the evidence. And of
2:19:33
course that can
2:19:35
sometimes be uncomfortable reading, I think, but that's
2:19:37
true for places
2:19:39
in Western Europe as well. There are ongoing
2:19:41
debates in France and in the Netherlands about
2:19:44
collaboration, about who knew what, about who was
2:19:46
responsible, etc., etc. And
2:19:49
the debates that are ongoing in Romania
2:19:51
or Hungary or Poland, for example, are
2:19:53
in essence no
2:19:55
difference in a sense. No country likes
2:19:57
to face up to the dark. side
2:20:00
of its history. We can say
2:20:02
the same about the US and
2:20:04
slavery or treatment of Native Americans
2:20:06
or Britain and colonialism. And
2:20:09
so the question of,
2:20:11
let's say, Romania's
2:20:13
involvement in the Holocaust, maybe something we'll come
2:20:15
back to, is something that many
2:20:18
Romanians remain quite reluctant to face up
2:20:20
to. But you have, I think, as
2:20:22
a historian simply to present the evidence.
2:20:24
It's not about bashing a particular group
2:20:27
of people and saying, oh, you are
2:20:29
somehow uniquely responsible for this. But saying
2:20:31
this also happened here and the evidence
2:20:33
shows that and we need to think
2:20:35
about what that means. Well,
2:20:37
and of course, anti-Semitism, pogroms, persecution
2:20:39
and discrimination against Jews has been
2:20:41
going on basically from time
2:20:44
immemorial in Europe. How does something like, you
2:20:46
know, we were always taught when I was
2:20:48
younger that the Nazis were a completely almost
2:20:50
different sort of an event
2:20:52
or phenomenon altogether. But is there a
2:20:55
sort of a throughput, if you will,
2:20:57
like maybe we're talking about an amplitude
2:20:59
rather than a completely different sort of
2:21:01
event. I mean, how do you sort
2:21:03
of see the Holocaust as it was
2:21:05
carried out by Nazi Germany in connection
2:21:07
to earlier pogroms and discrimination and disasters
2:21:09
during the First Crusade and all that
2:21:12
kind of stuff? There
2:21:14
is, of course, a throughput. And that's,
2:21:16
I think, the notion of
2:21:18
the Jews as the other of Europe,
2:21:21
the people that it made
2:21:23
sense for Nazism to focus
2:21:25
on the Jews because they've had a resonance
2:21:28
and it has a very ancient resonance in
2:21:30
European history. But
2:21:32
what's interesting, I think, about Nazism and you
2:21:34
see this in the
2:21:36
Nazi ideologues and particularly, of course, in
2:21:38
Mein Kampf is that there's this kind
2:21:40
of mishmash of elements taken
2:21:42
from most of the modern,
2:21:46
illiberal reservoir
2:21:48
of ideas, including racism,
2:21:50
anti-Semitism, eugenics, anti-feminism, etc., etc.
2:21:52
But what Hitler does, I
2:21:54
think, and what's different from
2:21:56
what's gone before is to
2:21:58
make this not just one path,
2:22:00
let's say, of the state's functioning.
2:22:03
So in Tsarist Russia, allowing pogroms to take
2:22:05
place against Jews and Easter, for example. But
2:22:07
what Hitler does is to make Jew
2:22:10
hatred the very centerpiece
2:22:12
of everything that he thinks about the
2:22:14
world. And so it's the lens through
2:22:16
which he understands everything and eventually becomes
2:22:19
a kind of philosophy of history. That's
2:22:21
to say, that Hitler and the leading
2:22:23
Nazis understand the essence
2:22:26
of world history as the struggle between
2:22:29
good and evil, which means Aryan
2:22:31
versus non-Aryan, which means essentially the
2:22:34
Aryan or German people against the
2:22:36
Jews. And so whether you
2:22:38
look at school textbooks
2:22:40
or debates in Nazi
2:22:42
technology societies or
2:22:45
explicitly racist fields
2:22:48
like biology or anthropology, this viewpoint becomes
2:22:50
the centerpiece through which the whole world
2:22:52
is understood. That I think is what
2:22:55
distinguishes Nazism from what's gone before in
2:22:57
the history of anti-Semitism and what distinguishes
2:22:59
it from most of the
2:23:02
countries and institutions that are allied
2:23:04
to the Nazis during World War Two.
2:23:07
When you read Mein Kampf, or when you read some
2:23:09
of the Julius Streicher
2:23:11
type stuff, it seems
2:23:13
like these are crazy conspiracy theorists,
2:23:15
right? It's as though crazy conspiracy
2:23:17
theorists got a hold of the
2:23:19
country and then built an ideology
2:23:21
around their crazy conspiracy. If you
2:23:23
compare it to the people on
2:23:26
the opposite side of the extreme
2:23:28
political spectrum, the communists and the
2:23:30
Bolsheviks, they had reams and reams
2:23:32
of philosophies and papers and arguments
2:23:34
over the historical dialectic and the
2:23:36
dictatorship of the proletariat, they're bashing it
2:23:38
out. And the Nazis don't seem to have any
2:23:40
of that at all. Can you kind of explain
2:23:43
to me how we have
2:23:45
an almost anti-intellectual conspiracy movement
2:23:47
going on here that one
2:23:49
of the most intellectual, culturally
2:23:51
oriented countries in Europe buys
2:23:54
into? It's also very complicated.
2:23:58
You're right. Obviously, the history of. Communism
2:24:00
is is one from an it from a
2:24:02
history of ideas. Perspective is one of. My
2:24:06
new debates about the negation of the
2:24:08
negation and dialectical materialism and all of
2:24:10
those things that that we know about.
2:24:14
And struggles between difference sects
2:24:16
of of communists within the
2:24:18
Nazi ideology. That what The
2:24:20
first thing to say I
2:24:22
think is that the third
2:24:24
rice existed for twelve years
2:24:26
Nazi ideology. For let's say
2:24:28
another fifteen years before nineteen.
2:24:30
Thirty three or. And
2:24:33
yet the amounts of material written
2:24:35
material that the the nazis and
2:24:37
there are ideologues produced was absolutely
2:24:39
vast and so was in a
2:24:41
in a way was still discovering
2:24:43
it. So it's it's not to
2:24:45
say that there was nothing written
2:24:47
but the difference is that add
2:24:50
were communism claimed that least to
2:24:52
be evidence based date, history of
2:24:54
Marxism based on statistics and economics
2:24:56
and and readings of the of
2:24:58
due to the working class. And
2:25:00
it's can can, working conditions and so
2:25:02
on. and And who own the means
2:25:04
of production and all of those things
2:25:07
not him was court evidence came into
2:25:09
the today was based on a belief
2:25:11
system which is of as I described
2:25:14
this notion that race festival existed but
2:25:16
race was the essence through which world
2:25:18
history should be understood and that the
2:25:20
enemy of the add the German race
2:25:23
was the jews and everything else followed
2:25:25
from that. So then you have all
2:25:27
sorts of anthropological debates let's say about.
2:25:30
the constitution of the of the german
2:25:32
race what percentage of have the right
2:25:34
of the eye of the german race
2:25:36
is made up of nordics alpine dinner
2:25:39
it's a mediterranean etc etc these kinds
2:25:41
of arcane intellectual debate debate about whether
2:25:43
whether it's necessary to go out into
2:25:45
the field and measure people from taking
2:25:48
physical measurements to determine who is and
2:25:50
who is not aryan all of these
2:25:52
kinds of things and took place and
2:25:54
there is a vast literature on on
2:25:57
this stuff but it's old you're right
2:25:59
say that this is fundamentally
2:26:01
a paranoid conspiracy theory,
2:26:04
that the Nazis didn't view the Jews
2:26:06
simply as, one
2:26:08
to mention, as subhumans. They also,
2:26:10
I'm talking about a small stratum
2:26:13
now of the leading, of the
2:26:15
Nazi leadership. They understood the Jews
2:26:17
also as the
2:26:20
wire pullers behind world events. So they
2:26:22
were dangerous, they were a threat to
2:26:24
the Aryan race in a way, let's
2:26:26
say that the disabled or
2:26:29
Romanese were not. These were
2:26:31
people that were unaesthetic, that were physically
2:26:33
threatening to the health of the race,
2:26:35
but they didn't in a way
2:26:38
undermine the very existence of the Aryan
2:26:40
race by virtue of their machinations. Whereas
2:26:42
the Jew, particularly the international Jew, as
2:26:45
Hitler put it, was
2:26:47
behind Churchill and Roosevelt
2:26:49
and Stalin and all of the
2:26:52
great events of world history were somehow
2:26:54
driven by this hidden cabal of Jewish
2:26:56
interests. And in that sense, it's absolutely
2:26:58
correct, I think, to talk about Nazism
2:27:01
as a conspiracy theory. Well then let's
2:27:03
talk about the lead conspiracist for a
2:27:05
minute. I
2:27:07
read one historian who said that
2:27:09
this is a conversation about the
2:27:11
use of bureaucratic measures to enforce
2:27:13
magical beliefs, right? And the magical
2:27:15
beliefs are Hitler. And
2:27:18
you look at this and wonder,
2:27:20
no Hitler, no Holocaust, no Hitler,
2:27:22
no Nazism. If Hitler dies
2:27:25
or one of those assassination attempts midway
2:27:27
through the war are successful, how
2:27:29
do you think, and I realize we're off in fantasy
2:27:31
land now, but this is partly trying to determine the
2:27:34
old line about whether you get any of this without
2:27:36
a Hitler. If Hitler dies midway through the
2:27:38
war, do you think this changes how
2:27:40
this whole thing plays out in
2:27:42
terms of the number of Jews who end up dying
2:27:44
at the end of the war or any of those
2:27:47
sorts of things? It's
2:27:50
a very hard question. I
2:27:52
think in the early stages of the rise
2:27:54
of the Nazi movement, without
2:27:57
the coming to prominence of Hitler, you would have had...
2:28:00
a small movement driven by crazy
2:28:02
theorists like Anton Drexler
2:28:05
and Julius Streicher and
2:28:08
Himmler, I suppose, in his early stages. These
2:28:11
were people who were on the extreme fringes
2:28:13
of German politics and probably the
2:28:16
National Socialist Workers Party would have remained
2:28:19
on those fringes. When
2:28:22
it comes to halfway through
2:28:24
the war, that's very difficult to say because
2:28:26
once the final solution to
2:28:28
the Jewish question was in place
2:28:30
as a continent-wide crime, let's say
2:28:32
by the spring of 1942, it
2:28:35
was then functioning
2:28:37
and it had its own bureaucracy and
2:28:40
offices in the Gestapo and the SS and so on
2:28:42
who were carrying out this program.
2:28:45
Had Hitler been killed, I mean,
2:28:48
of course I'm guessing now, but I
2:28:52
would guess that the number of Jews killed
2:28:54
would have been smaller, but the number
2:28:57
of people willing to speak out and
2:28:59
say, this is not going to end well for us, would
2:29:01
have been higher. Nevertheless
2:29:03
the program was in train and it
2:29:06
wouldn't have come immediately crashing to a halt. It
2:29:08
would have taken some time, I think. I've
2:29:12
read a lot about this and I still was
2:29:14
being shocked by some of the things that I
2:29:16
read in your book in terms of them being
2:29:18
novel ideas that I had. One
2:29:20
was that you said, quote, in March 1942, 75
2:29:22
to 80 percent of Holocaust victims were still
2:29:26
alive. 11 months later,
2:29:28
80 percent of the victims of the
2:29:31
Holocaust were dead. That is an incredible
2:29:33
statistic. What should we think about
2:29:35
a statistic like that? I
2:29:37
should say first of all that that comes from Christopher Browning.
2:29:41
He actually uses that statistic in
2:29:43
the preface, I think, to
2:29:45
ordinary men. I borrowed
2:29:48
that from him, but it's still, I
2:29:50
think, a startling statistic. It tells us
2:29:52
that we think about however
2:29:54
you define the Holocaust, so we can
2:29:56
think about it as being purely the
2:29:58
killing process, 1941. 1941
2:30:00
to 1945, or there are historians
2:30:02
who define the Holocaust as the
2:30:05
whole Nazi period 1933 to 1945
2:30:07
to take into account the years
2:30:09
of the persecution before
2:30:12
the war. What it
2:30:14
tells us is that 1942 is
2:30:16
the absolute height of the killing process.
2:30:18
And within 1942, actually there's
2:30:20
a three month period in the summer where,
2:30:23
which is probably the fastest killing
2:30:25
rate of any genocide in history.
2:30:27
So that the
2:30:29
Operation Reinhard death camps are working
2:30:31
in full swing, that's Belzec, Sobibor
2:30:34
and Treblinka. The gas
2:30:37
chambers in Auschwitz have just started to
2:30:39
operate. And the Holocaust
2:30:42
by bullets, the murders, the face to face
2:30:45
shooting by the Einzatsgruppen and their helpers
2:30:48
in Eastern Europe are also not yet finished. So you
2:30:50
have this coming together
2:30:53
of a number of different ways of
2:30:55
killing Jews across Europe that is
2:30:57
really at its height in the summer of 1942.
2:31:00
And that's no coincidence because that's also the
2:31:02
point at which the Nazi Empire is at
2:31:05
its height, where with
2:31:07
the exception of Hungary, which comes later, the Germans
2:31:11
have access to huge
2:31:13
numbers of Jews that they haven't had access to
2:31:15
before. They're still in this stage of thinking that
2:31:17
they will win the war. And
2:31:19
winning the war also, from
2:31:22
a military perspective even, means eradicating the
2:31:24
Jews because the murder of the Jews
2:31:27
is one of
2:31:29
the key war aims of the
2:31:31
Germans. I had a
2:31:33
Polish listener take me to task once
2:31:35
because I used the word constantly Nazis
2:31:37
when I was talking about
2:31:39
the Germans in the Second World War. And
2:31:41
he said, don't call them Nazis. He said,
2:31:44
call them Germans. You're excusing the
2:31:47
German people. But it occurs to me after reading
2:31:49
your book that all
2:31:51
these people in Europe had anti-Semitic
2:31:53
backgrounds in their histories and that
2:31:56
these things were harnessed by the
2:31:58
Nazis in their endeavor. I
2:32:00
think that's one of the main takeaways
2:32:02
from your book too. Can you talk
2:32:04
a little about the fact that six
2:32:06
million or however many Jews probably don't
2:32:08
die in this whole thing without a
2:32:10
bunch of willing collaborators in other countries
2:32:12
with long histories of antipathy towards that
2:32:14
particular minority group? I
2:32:17
think that's correct. I
2:32:19
would say however that it still
2:32:21
is worth differentiating between
2:32:24
Germans and Nazis because I do think that
2:32:26
the, really the impetus
2:32:28
for the Holocaust comes from a quite a
2:32:30
small stratum of the
2:32:32
Nazi leadership. Everybody else that's
2:32:35
involved, whether it's the kind
2:32:37
of regular
2:32:41
membership of the Nazi party down
2:32:43
to Ukrainian peasants looting their Jewish
2:32:45
neighbors stuff after they've been
2:32:47
murdered, was involved for one
2:32:49
reason or another and it's not always
2:32:51
clear-cut that they were involved because they
2:32:53
were radical anti-Semites. Most people
2:32:55
involved in the killing process did not
2:32:58
need to believe in this notion of
2:33:00
the kind of metaphysical
2:33:03
philosophy of history of the Jews threatening
2:33:05
the Aryan race in order to take
2:33:07
part in the Holocaust. And
2:33:10
there were of course plenty of Germans who kept
2:33:13
their heads down during the Nazi regime, who
2:33:15
didn't like what was happening around them. We
2:33:17
may think that they, by
2:33:19
virtue of not doing anything, that
2:33:21
they in a sense facilitated the regime, but
2:33:24
they nevertheless were not active supporters. And there
2:33:26
were plenty of Germans in exile who
2:33:29
of course were anti-Nazis. And so I don't
2:33:31
think it's entirely fair to say that German
2:33:33
equals Nazi at this period. And that's also
2:33:36
true whichever country we look at. So if
2:33:38
we look at countries
2:33:40
where there were, that were allied
2:33:43
to the Germans, so Vichy France
2:33:45
or Norway under Quisling
2:33:47
or Croatia under Pavlice, Slovakia
2:33:50
under Tiso, in each case you will
2:33:52
find constituencies in those countries who did
2:33:55
not support the
2:33:57
regime that was in power and certainly did not
2:33:59
necessarily support the murder of the Jews. But
2:34:02
it's also true that there
2:34:04
were enough people in every country that
2:34:06
the Nazis occupied, including
2:34:09
Poland, where the
2:34:12
only country that was not invited to form
2:34:14
an SS Regiment, where
2:34:16
there were people who were willing to take
2:34:18
part in the murder of the Jews or
2:34:20
who understood what was happening across Europe as
2:34:23
an opportunity to fulfill a
2:34:25
long-standing nationalist dream of
2:34:28
creating an ethnically homogeneous nation-state.
2:34:30
As, for example, in Hungary
2:34:32
or Romania, where there
2:34:35
were some radical anti-Semites in power, but for
2:34:37
many of those close to
2:34:39
the regime, what was
2:34:42
happening with the alliance with
2:34:44
the Third Reich was an opportunity. They didn't
2:34:46
necessarily have to buy into the idea, again,
2:34:48
of the international Jew
2:34:50
as this kind of great metaphysical threat.
2:34:52
What they had to do was say,
2:34:54
okay, now we have the opportunity presented
2:34:57
to us to do some of the
2:34:59
things that we've long wanted to do.
2:35:01
And by that I mean since the
2:35:03
late 19th early 20th century and then
2:35:05
from the creation of the modern nation-states
2:35:07
after the treaties of World
2:35:09
War I. So in the Hungarian case to
2:35:12
eliminate not just Jews but Romanese and
2:35:16
others, in, let's say, in the Croatian case to
2:35:18
get rid of Serbs and
2:35:20
Romanese as well as Jews, the the
2:35:22
Croats killed far more Serbs than they
2:35:25
did Jews because this was a general
2:35:27
aspiration to create an
2:35:30
ethnically pure state. And
2:35:32
so killing Jews in those places
2:35:34
was simply one aspect of
2:35:38
creating this phenomenon. And in
2:35:40
Romania, for example, the Antonescu
2:35:44
regime was responsible for
2:35:46
the murder of huge numbers of Jews and
2:35:48
a smaller number of Romanese. But it's also
2:35:50
the case that after the summer
2:35:53
autumn of 1942 the Romanians
2:35:55
stopped killing Jews because they could
2:35:57
see which way the wind was blowing in terms of the
2:36:00
war and decided that it
2:36:02
would be safer for them and the
2:36:05
outcome in terms of saving the Romanian state
2:36:07
would be better if they were to stop
2:36:09
killing Jews. And so you have a kind
2:36:11
of a radical attack
2:36:13
on the Jews at one point
2:36:17
and then a stop after a certain
2:36:19
point, whereas for the diehard Nazis that would
2:36:21
be impossible. And
2:36:23
even at the very end of the war, the Nazis
2:36:25
are still killing Jews because for them this was
2:36:28
the war effort, whereas for the Nazis
2:36:30
allies, it was something that they bought
2:36:32
into insofar as it was
2:36:35
expedient for them. And when it no longer
2:36:37
was expedient, they stopped doing it. So
2:36:39
help me out with the dichotomy here. The
2:36:42
dichotomy is the Nazi
2:36:45
regime being open about
2:36:47
their anti-Semitic feelings, and
2:36:50
yet trying very hard, it seems like – and correct
2:36:52
me if I'm wrong – trying
2:36:54
very hard, it seems like, to keep
2:36:56
a lot of this stuff secret, the
2:36:58
actual killings. I was
2:37:00
reading one account that was talking about how one
2:37:03
person at Auschwitz told another one that he was
2:37:05
showing around that this is the really super secret
2:37:07
thing and we'll all be shot if any of
2:37:09
this comes out. I'm having
2:37:12
a hard time figuring out where the
2:37:15
openness on one side – Hitler's saying if we're
2:37:17
plunged into another World War by the Jews, it'll
2:37:19
be – so that's very open. But
2:37:22
with the hiding then of the
2:37:24
ramifications of playing that idea out
2:37:26
to its logical conclusion, how
2:37:28
should we see this? It's also a
2:37:30
complex question because you can see both
2:37:32
things going on at the same time. It's
2:37:34
often the case with Nazi Germany that there's a
2:37:37
kind of public statement and
2:37:40
then there's a reality. And in the
2:37:42
Third Reich, you just
2:37:44
cited Hitler's famous Reichstag speech
2:37:47
from January 1939, and
2:37:50
throughout the war, if you read Geoffrey Hirsch's work
2:37:53
on the
2:37:55
Nazi propaganda during the war,
2:37:57
actually those words were not the
2:37:59
same. continue to be used over and
2:38:01
over again throughout the war and towards the
2:38:04
end of the war when the vast majority
2:38:06
of the Jews have been already murdered actually
2:38:08
in some ways the anti-Semitic
2:38:10
rhetoric is ramped up because there's
2:38:12
now the threat of retribution from the
2:38:15
international Jew and so this anti-Semitic
2:38:17
language continues to be extremely shrill
2:38:19
even towards the end of the
2:38:21
war. At the same time there
2:38:23
is a kind of secrecy but I think that
2:38:26
secrecy is more designed to
2:38:29
prevent the Jews being targeted
2:38:31
from understanding what's going
2:38:33
to happen to them than it is
2:38:35
from a fear of advertising to
2:38:37
the rest of the world what's going on. For
2:38:40
example, it's forbidden for
2:38:42
German soldiers to take photographs of of
2:38:45
massacres or to take photographs in the
2:38:47
camps and yet we know from the
2:38:49
Wehrmacht exhibition from the 1990s that Germans
2:38:51
saw these photos in in
2:38:53
in the millions actually I mean
2:38:55
at least hundreds of thousands of
2:38:58
photographs taken of these massacres. If you think of
2:39:00
Wendy Lauer's book The Ravine
2:39:02
and her detailed reconstruction of
2:39:05
trying to show what
2:39:07
happened in the lead up to the one
2:39:09
photograph that she has on the cover of
2:39:11
the book and to find out who is
2:39:14
in the photograph where it was and so
2:39:16
on. It's just one example of a photograph
2:39:18
that shouldn't exist because those photos were forbidden
2:39:20
but in reality did exist and were shown
2:39:22
around and that when German soldiers went on
2:39:25
leave they would show them to their family
2:39:27
members and of
2:39:29
course what the what the Wehrmacht exhibition showed
2:39:31
was that even by the 1990s people
2:39:34
who had their fathers or grandfathers uniforms
2:39:37
hanging in the attic often had
2:39:39
photographs in the pockets and that these could be
2:39:42
shown around so there there was on
2:39:44
the one hand this use of euphemistic
2:39:47
language we talk about it
2:39:49
without talking about it and at the same time
2:39:51
an Open
2:39:53
display of what was going on, which is
2:39:55
very important because it creates of course a
2:39:57
shared complicity, not just in the direct purpose.
2:40:00
The Greater Good across the whole of
2:40:02
of German society and beyond. And
2:40:04
of course one can't help but
2:40:06
contrast the photographic technology of the
2:40:08
time with what we have today
2:40:10
and how some of these massacres
2:40:12
shot in hi definition color on
2:40:14
an I phone with audio might
2:40:16
impact the way we see these
2:40:18
kinds of things on I is
2:40:20
to help me now with the
2:40:22
difference between the the genocide by
2:40:24
bullets versus the genocide buy gas
2:40:26
idea. Lot of people don't understand
2:40:29
that for a lot of the
2:40:31
holocaust this was about shooting people
2:40:33
into pits and then. Bringing more
2:40:35
people to shoot them into pits
2:40:37
and then the having them fall
2:40:39
on the stacked like sardines. Bodies
2:40:41
below them are talk a little
2:40:43
about this Einsatzgruppen of genocide by
2:40:45
bullets part of the genocide. Sure
2:40:48
I mean I think what's important
2:40:50
is that the this this phase
2:40:52
of of the holocaust and we're
2:40:54
talking now about. The In
2:40:56
meet the period immediately after the invasion
2:40:58
of the Soviet Union. So from the
2:41:00
end of June Nineteen Forty One, through
2:41:03
to the spring of Nineteen Forty Two,
2:41:05
excuse me another once. Before.
2:41:08
The final solution was framed as a
2:41:10
European Wide Projects You see this phase
2:41:12
in which the Nazis decides that as
2:41:15
day at the there must. Goes
2:41:18
into the Soviet Union. The Einsatzgruppen
2:41:20
which is this group of about
2:41:22
three thousand men have chosen from
2:41:24
within the Ss and Sd will.
2:41:27
Follow. Behind and murder a
2:41:29
Jewish groups of they find
2:41:32
them. And so those three
2:41:34
thousand men on their own. And. Are.
2:41:36
Not responsible for the murder of about
2:41:38
one and a half million jews. they
2:41:40
had considerable assistance. has nothing on. a
2:41:44
regular police and then italians the
2:41:46
people it's i'm chris browning wrote
2:41:48
about in ordinary men for example
2:41:50
but they else had lots of
2:41:52
assistance from local auxiliary particularly in
2:41:55
ukraine and a across that slave
2:41:57
of borderlands up to through bella
2:41:59
roofs and the Baltic states. And again,
2:42:01
Wendy Lauersbock shows that because some of the
2:42:03
people in her, the photograph
2:42:05
that she describes, are Ukrainians. And the same
2:42:07
is true in Romania,
2:42:09
in Transnistria, where they
2:42:12
carry out massacres. It's also with the
2:42:14
assistance of local folks, Deutscher, that's to
2:42:16
say, ethnic Germans living in that region,
2:42:18
and of ethnic Ukrainian
2:42:22
auxiliaries who also did much of the shooting.
2:42:24
But what we're talking about here is the
2:42:27
so-called war of annihilation in the Soviet Union.
2:42:29
So that when, because for Hitler,
2:42:32
Bolshevism is not
2:42:35
just a hated ideology, it's an
2:42:37
ideology that is driven
2:42:40
by the Jews. So when
2:42:43
we think about the Soviet Union through
2:42:45
a Nazi lens, we shouldn't
2:42:47
necessarily think about Bolshevism, we should think
2:42:49
about Judeo-Bolshevism. This is how the Nazis
2:42:51
think that Bolshevism is a Jewish system.
2:42:54
And therefore, to eradicate it, you
2:42:56
have to kill the Jews in the
2:42:58
Soviet Union. This will be the only way to do
2:43:01
away with Bolshevism as a system.
2:43:04
So you have this period
2:43:07
where beginning immediately after the
2:43:09
Wehrmacht enters into the Soviet
2:43:12
Union for about six weeks, where only
2:43:16
men of fighting age are targeted, but
2:43:18
within a very short period that's
2:43:20
extended to include everyone, women, children,
2:43:22
the elderly. And so exactly
2:43:24
as you say, in these small
2:43:27
towns and also larger cities, the most
2:43:29
famous being in Kiev, the
2:43:31
shooting at Babaya, the Jews were
2:43:34
often identified by their neighbors, where
2:43:37
it wasn't obvious to the Germans whether
2:43:39
they were Jews or not, taken to
2:43:41
pits outside of the town and
2:43:45
shot into them. And so
2:43:47
for this phase of the Holocaust, we're
2:43:49
talking essentially about
2:43:51
a huge scale, effectively
2:43:54
something like a colonial massacre writ large.
2:43:57
This is by no means What
2:44:00
we often think of as the Holocaust and this kind
2:44:02
of technologically sophisticated Industrial
2:44:04
genocide it was still genocide on a huge
2:44:07
scale, but it was done by face-to-face
2:44:09
shooting it's extraordinarily brutal, but was
2:44:12
extremely efficient nevertheless and think of
2:44:14
the the tens of
2:44:16
thousands killed at Babi Yar or
2:44:18
in some of the some of the massacres
2:44:20
in in Transnistria huge numbers of people shot
2:44:23
into into pits there You
2:44:25
know I was reading in some of these accounts
2:44:27
and and I think You know
2:44:29
when you read a lot of this stuff
2:44:32
And I can't imagine how you do your
2:44:34
job because you read this stuff all the
2:44:36
time But when you read this stuff There's
2:44:38
this tendency to think of the Nazis and
2:44:41
and the ones who carry out these brutal
2:44:43
murders You know to quote some of the
2:44:45
Nuremberg Justifications as just following orders and all
2:44:47
that kind of stuff what really knocks you
2:44:50
down Sometimes is the fact that sometimes people
2:44:52
were curious enough to just want to do
2:44:54
this For the experience I'm moved in a
2:44:56
bad way by that story of the of
2:44:58
the police unit entertainers the musicians
2:45:01
and and actors who Wanted
2:45:04
the opportunity one day to just shoot Jews
2:45:06
to just see what it was like and
2:45:08
how this was Portrayed in one
2:45:10
of the books. I was reading it might have been
2:45:12
yours. I get them conflated sometimes as almost a psychological
2:45:16
chance to commit an inhuman act
2:45:18
without any sort of Ramifications
2:45:20
to be paid for it is
2:45:23
there some sort of difference between and maybe that's
2:45:25
not the right way to phrase the question But
2:45:27
but I'm having a harder time for some reason
2:45:29
with that Than I am maybe with
2:45:31
an idea that I've become comfortable with over
2:45:33
the 58 years of my lifetime of this
2:45:35
Nazi state and regime and the political orders
2:45:37
from Himmler on down What
2:45:39
do we make of it or like the
2:45:42
guy with the crowbar in Kona's Lithuania right
2:45:44
in the crowd? Cheering and or the crowds
2:45:46
cheering at some of these mass shootings You
2:45:49
know I I don't know what to make of
2:45:51
the average people enjoying this so much as opposed
2:45:53
to some attempt to wipe out You
2:45:55
know this enemy of Judeo Bolshevism It's
2:45:59
also Too difficult question as
2:46:01
the very uncomfortable one I think
2:46:03
and again as a kind of
2:46:05
spectrum that you can see in
2:46:08
research by the German historic historian
2:46:10
Michelle is you can see photographs
2:46:12
of jews being deported from. The.
2:46:15
German provinces so not. They're not being
2:46:17
murdered that simply being rounded up and
2:46:19
and deported but you can see the
2:46:21
crowd laughing and and jeering of jews
2:46:23
as there being rounded up and and
2:46:26
taken away through to exactly as you
2:46:28
described the circle death dealer of coun
2:46:30
us all. These.
2:46:33
Volunteers if you like you turn up and on want
2:46:36
to have a go shooting. At.
2:46:39
I'd I'd a little bit reluctant to
2:46:41
say this takes us back to some
2:46:43
of them have seen a Stanford prison
2:46:45
experiment, so Milgrom and and so on.
2:46:47
Say Milgrom. Yeah, yeah, no, doesn't doesn't
2:46:49
I human in all of us and
2:46:51
and so on. And but but I
2:46:53
do think that. At.
2:46:56
Least formally. what What you see
2:46:58
in. East. And sick in
2:47:00
Eastern Europe where the killings take place
2:47:02
is that the Nazis creates and their
2:47:04
allies. Also that the Romanians in France
2:47:06
miss You do the same. They crates
2:47:08
effectively a lawless own. Where.
2:47:11
The. There's. A state of
2:47:13
exception. The Regular Law of
2:47:15
the Land. No longer
2:47:17
applies. The. Jews Ah,
2:47:19
fair game. And
2:47:22
anyone. Can. Do anything to them.
2:47:24
With. No combat. And. So
2:47:26
in a sense it's and I've written elsewhere.
2:47:29
I wrote an article some years ago called
2:47:31
genocide is transgression and it's I'd wanna try
2:47:33
to argue there was that. The. The
2:47:37
Holocaust. Presented. An
2:47:40
opportunity to people to fulfill
2:47:42
their wildest fantasies. With.
2:47:44
No. Come back. And afterwards
2:47:46
I think that some some of.
2:47:50
The fall back on on the done
2:47:52
and couldn't quite believe it when they
2:47:54
were back in regular society where normal
2:47:56
nor applied and so on and and
2:47:58
probably couldn't Couldn't even fathom. they'd done themselves.
2:48:02
And yet there was this state
2:48:04
of exception created that allowed
2:48:06
this madness,
2:48:08
if you will, to take place. And
2:48:11
it's uncomfortable because it makes you think, well,
2:48:13
perhaps that's what human beings are,
2:48:16
that people kill other people because they
2:48:18
can. When the opportunity arises, that's
2:48:21
what happens. Nevertheless,
2:48:24
it's more than just a pogrom. This was
2:48:26
a state-sanctioned state of
2:48:28
affairs, which is why we see
2:48:31
the genocide on the scale that we
2:48:33
do. I was
2:48:35
interested, and maybe this is part of
2:48:37
how one at the ground level rationalizes
2:48:41
what they're doing, was this equating
2:48:43
the Jews in the east to
2:48:45
partisans, especially. And when you read
2:48:48
these accounts by German soldiers often, they'll
2:48:50
talk about either how the partisans were
2:48:52
Jews or how the partisans were working
2:48:54
with the Jews, and that then when
2:48:57
you reply by killing Jews, you are
2:48:59
in effect killing partisans, and this is
2:49:01
okay because they were just shooting at
2:49:03
your buddies. What
2:49:05
do you make of this? And listen, I
2:49:07
guess Hitler himself had said at one point,
2:49:10
just call them all partisans. I mean, this
2:49:12
became a wonderful blanket. And obviously, this obscures
2:49:14
the number, when people talk about how many
2:49:16
deaths in the Holocaust, it must be impossible
2:49:19
to unteze Jews
2:49:21
from partisans at this, because oftentimes that's
2:49:23
what they'll say. What do we make
2:49:25
about this partisan rationale? I
2:49:28
think exactly as you say, it provides
2:49:32
a means of self-justification. But
2:49:36
it only goes so far, because when
2:49:39
the Einsatzgruppen or members of the Wehrmacht
2:49:41
or the Alder police are shooting elderly
2:49:45
men and women or children, of
2:49:48
course, this partisan argument falls away
2:49:50
immediately. And then you have to
2:49:52
say, well, then what are they
2:49:54
thinking? So I think the partisan
2:49:57
arguments worked.
2:50:00
well at first in the early
2:50:02
stages of the war in the Soviet Union
2:50:04
as a kind of psychological buffer, but
2:50:07
it I think once the The
2:50:09
killing squads got used to what they were doing.
2:50:11
They no longer needed it They continue to use
2:50:14
that language to some extent if you if you
2:50:16
look at the Einsatzgruppen reports they are often couched
2:50:18
in this euphemistic language, but the The
2:50:20
killings themselves. I don't think
2:50:23
they could possibly have believed it when they
2:50:25
were shooting whole population groups Okay,
2:50:27
this idea of psychological Insulations interesting to me
2:50:30
because so often and please again correct me
2:50:32
if I've misunderstood or if the sources have
2:50:34
changed or the attitudes and and Assessments
2:50:37
have changed, but it's interesting when
2:50:39
you read because the Nazis were paying
2:50:41
close attention to how these shootings were
2:50:44
going how they could make It more
2:50:46
efficient what could be done differently and
2:50:48
they never show a whole lot of
2:50:51
sympathy obviously for the victims But they
2:50:53
sometimes show sympathy or at least concern
2:50:55
over what the perpetrators are experiencing
2:50:58
having to shoot all these people all the time and
2:51:01
When I was growing up and again, correct me if
2:51:03
this has changed. This was always One
2:51:05
factor that went into the idea of
2:51:08
something like creating Annihilation
2:51:10
camps where you don't have to hold the
2:51:12
Tommy gun and spend the whole afternoon shooting
2:51:14
women and children It just
2:51:16
becomes a process where there's as you suggested more
2:51:18
of a psychological insulation Maybe
2:51:23
talk to me a little bit about because I'm interested
2:51:26
in the human angle I always talk about people who
2:51:28
are caught in the gears of history I
2:51:30
mean if you find yourself tasked with
2:51:32
having to be at Bobby Yar and
2:51:34
being one of the gunman there It's
2:51:38
almost Heartening for me that there's enough
2:51:40
people bothered by this that you have
2:51:42
to find another way Can you
2:51:44
talk to me and it's a good transition to go from
2:51:46
the genocide of bullets to the genocide of gas? But
2:51:49
talk to me a little about this the
2:51:51
effect it has on the killers. Mm-hmm It's
2:51:55
a good question because I think again the
2:51:57
evidence is mixed there's a I think a
2:51:59
small number of killers
2:52:03
who enjoy the process. And
2:52:06
then there's a larger majority who
2:52:09
get used to it, and then who
2:52:11
write letters back to their families who's saying things like,
2:52:13
oh, it takes nerves of steel to do what we're
2:52:15
doing here, but we have to do it for
2:52:18
the sake of our children and grandchildren. And
2:52:20
then there's a very small
2:52:22
minority of
2:52:25
those who won't do it, or
2:52:27
who have to be persuaded and who eventually do
2:52:29
it thanks to being plied
2:52:31
with alcohol or because they don't
2:52:34
want to look bad in
2:52:36
front of their comrades and so on. I
2:52:40
think one of the things that has changed
2:52:42
is I think we now understand that this
2:52:44
did have psychological ramifications for the
2:52:47
killers and nobody
2:52:49
needs to feel sorry for them, but probably
2:52:51
many of those who were
2:52:54
not prosecuted after
2:52:56
the war probably did suffer from PTSD
2:52:59
from what they'd experienced and
2:53:01
what they'd done. Again,
2:53:03
which does not mean we need to, it's
2:53:07
not an apology for them, but
2:53:09
they certainly did experience psychological effects
2:53:11
from what they'd done. Not
2:53:13
all of them, but many did, I think.
2:53:16
But you're right to say, I think, that
2:53:18
one of the reasons for the transition from
2:53:20
the Holocaust by bullets to the creation
2:53:23
of gas chambers was a notion
2:53:26
that this would involve fewer people
2:53:28
in direct face-to-face killings, that
2:53:31
the process would be less traumatic
2:53:33
for the perpetrators. There
2:53:36
was no regard, I think there
2:53:39
has been a certain amount of apologetics trying
2:53:42
to say this was less barbaric for the victims as
2:53:44
well, but that's clearly nonsense. When you read the description,
2:53:46
one of the things I want to do in the
2:53:48
book actually was to say that when you look at
2:53:51
the death camps, they're
2:53:53
not this clean
2:53:55
industrial process of murder sites
2:53:58
that they're sometimes thought of. They
2:54:00
were extremely brutal, violent and nasty,
2:54:03
and that way of killing
2:54:05
people is also horrendous, and
2:54:07
by no means efficient
2:54:09
and clean. Nevertheless, from the perpetrators'
2:54:11
point of view, it took far
2:54:13
fewer people. And
2:54:16
when you look at the places
2:54:18
like the Reinhard camps, a
2:54:21
very small corps of SS
2:54:24
and local helpers could
2:54:27
kill thousands and thousands of victims
2:54:29
very quickly. But again,
2:54:31
that transition, I don't think it was
2:54:34
only driven by psychological needs. It was
2:54:36
also contingent, that's to say, that the
2:54:39
idea for the gas chamber came from the so-called
2:54:43
euthanasia program beforehand, so
2:54:45
that the T4 project to kill the
2:54:47
disabled, not
2:54:51
necessarily, not primarily Jews, but members
2:54:53
of the Aryan race in
2:54:55
Germany who were considered to be deficient and disabled
2:54:57
and should be done away with. It
2:55:00
was there that gas chambers were first
2:55:02
created. And as that program
2:55:04
was being wound up, many
2:55:06
of the leaders of it
2:55:09
were transferred then to the Reinhard camps
2:55:11
because they'd suggested that this would be
2:55:13
a more appropriate way of
2:55:16
killing Jews than simply shooting
2:55:18
them. So the psychological explanation
2:55:23
is, I think, a correct one, but
2:55:25
it also has to be understood as emerging
2:55:28
out of other things that were
2:55:30
happening in the first mass
2:55:33
murder projects being carried out by Nazi Germany. That's
2:55:35
to say, the euthanasia program. Maybe
2:55:37
some of it also goes to the idea of hiding this
2:55:39
sort of stuff. I was shocked to
2:55:42
read an account from early
2:55:44
1942 talking about the
2:55:46
Baviar area where the mass grave
2:55:49
was and that when things
2:55:51
started to unfreeze that there were
2:55:53
like minor explosions created by
2:55:55
the gas from the bodies buried in
2:55:57
the pit. You think to yourself about
2:56:00
creating. crematoriums and whatnot maybe solving that
2:56:02
problem somewhat, but it is a you know
2:56:04
it seems to me that The
2:56:06
reason maybe we focus so much on on that even
2:56:09
if it wasn't this factory line Genocide
2:56:11
as we've always thought is because that's the
2:56:13
great break from past history right Genghis Khan
2:56:15
can kill a lot of people too But
2:56:18
he does it the same way the ions
2:56:20
that's group and did essentially the the new
2:56:22
you know It's almost a science fiction Star
2:56:25
Trek episode to go in there and white
2:56:27
people out. I mean I I'm Levin's
2:56:30
book from the late 1960s has this rundown and
2:56:33
we're gonna use it in the show Where
2:56:35
they go from like the train you know that
2:56:37
the announcement that the train is arriving all the
2:56:39
way to pulling the bodies
2:56:41
out of the out of the gas
2:56:44
chamber and Efficiency
2:56:46
is an interesting word I mean I
2:56:48
was struck by the little things like
2:56:50
that there were geraniums planted along the
2:56:52
way little things that were It's
2:56:55
just if you were making a horror movie.
2:56:57
There's something worse About putting geraniums
2:56:59
along the side than just making it
2:57:02
like a bunch of cattle going to
2:57:04
slaughter There's no question there,
2:57:07
but what does that make you think about? I
2:57:11
mean, I think I think you're right that there is the reason
2:57:14
I think why we're still Morbidly
2:57:18
fascinated with Auschwitz is precisely because it
2:57:20
does mark this break that you described
2:57:22
that there's Something
2:57:25
about the modernist architecture,
2:57:27
you know the Bauhaus inspired architecture
2:57:29
of the entrance gate to Birkenau
2:57:31
the The
2:57:34
railway age, you know the epitome of
2:57:36
modernity being used Nothing
2:57:42
more than a killing factory that's
2:57:44
there is something That
2:57:47
remains shocking about that and
2:57:49
I've said so in the book, you know, I refer
2:57:51
to Auschwitz there is an
2:57:54
abattoir of concentrated genocidal
2:57:56
fantasy and and that's that's
2:57:58
what it is At the
2:58:00
same time, I also wanted to say
2:58:02
that there's more to the Holocaust than
2:58:04
Auschwitz and the death camps. By
2:58:07
saying that, I don't mean to
2:58:10
detract from the significance of Auschwitz. It
2:58:12
is the peak point, if you like,
2:58:14
of the Nazis' genocidal
2:58:17
program. I mean, with respect
2:58:19
to the geraniums and so on, again,
2:58:22
it's become a kind of well-worn
2:58:24
cliché that we see, you know, the
2:58:26
land of... Yeah, this trope of
2:58:29
the land of the poets and
2:58:31
thinkers also being the land of murderers.
2:58:33
If you think about, you
2:58:35
know, the piano playing murderer in
2:58:37
Schindler's List or the pianist or whatever, I
2:58:39
mean, George Steiner wrote about this kind of
2:58:42
thing in his essays in the 1960s. And
2:58:45
it remains the case today that we're still kind of shocked
2:58:47
when we see these murderers,
2:58:50
people we like, we want to think
2:58:52
of as crazy sadists and so on,
2:58:54
sitting down to play a Bach sonata.
2:58:57
At the end of the film Conspiracy, which is the
2:58:59
film about the Vanzet Conference, which
2:59:02
is one of the few truly
2:59:04
great docudramas about the Holocaust, at
2:59:06
the end of that film, you
2:59:09
see... You
2:59:12
see Heydrich and Eichmann settling down
2:59:14
with a brandy listening to classical
2:59:17
music. Again, Schubert
2:59:20
maybe, I can't remember, but this
2:59:22
is something that continues
2:59:24
to shock us, and it shouldn't
2:59:26
shock us anymore because we understand
2:59:29
there's this dialectic of civilization and
2:59:31
barbarism that characterizes the
2:59:33
Third Reich. But that goes all
2:59:36
the way through from the individual perpetrators
2:59:38
and their sensibilities through to the architecture
2:59:40
of the death camps. I love the
2:59:42
line, the banality of evil. So
2:59:45
let's bring that up a little
2:59:47
bit because you mentioned shock, and I think that's an
2:59:49
interesting word when we talk about events from 70-plus years
2:59:51
ago now. One
2:59:54
almost feels like it's good to be
2:59:56
in shock about something like this, but
2:59:59
Shock wears off.
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