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583. Are We Living Through the Most Revolutionary Period in History?

583. Are We Living Through the Most Revolutionary Period in History?

Released Thursday, 4th April 2024
 1 person rated this episode
583. Are We Living Through the Most Revolutionary Period in History?

583. Are We Living Through the Most Revolutionary Period in History?

583. Are We Living Through the Most Revolutionary Period in History?

583. Are We Living Through the Most Revolutionary Period in History?

Thursday, 4th April 2024
 1 person rated this episode
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my sense of reading you

1:00

overall, particularly reading your new

1:03

book, Age of Revolutions, is a sense of

1:05

sadness and surprise that

1:08

the world finds itself today in a

1:10

state of peril, that the powers of

1:12

populism and darkness and closed thinking are

1:14

battling hard and

1:17

maybe winning against what seemed to be the liberal

1:19

trend or a trend toward a new

1:22

world. And I think that's a good thing. What

1:24

seemed to be the liberal trend or

1:26

a trend toward openness and relative peacefulness.

1:28

Is that too dark a read of

1:30

your views? No, I think you

1:32

put it exactly right. It's a sadness. Since

1:35

the fall of the Berlin Wall, it

1:37

seemed as though many of the

1:39

great enlightenment liberal progressive projects in

1:42

the world were moving forward and

1:44

being embraced by people from Eastern

1:46

Europe to Latin America, to Africa,

1:49

opening up, holding elections, many of

1:51

them free and fair. Markets

1:54

that were often closed, opening

1:56

up so that people had many more

1:58

opportunities to move on. up trade

2:01

between countries, growing tourism between countries

2:03

growing and then the information revolution

2:05

which was bringing us all together,

2:07

binding us together. All these

2:10

forces seem to be moving forward. They

2:12

were each reinforcing the other in a

2:14

kind of virtuous cycle. And

2:16

then what we've seen over the last

2:18

10 years is every one of the

2:20

trends I just mentioned has reversed. We

2:22

are in a democratic recession. We

2:25

are in an age of rising trade

2:27

and tariff barriers and protectionism. We

2:29

are in an age where information systems

2:32

that were once open are increasingly

2:34

being cordoned off, monitored, regulated.

2:37

And all of it is fueled

2:39

by a certain degree of popular

2:41

sentiment which says, stop this strain.

2:43

We're moving too fast and I

2:45

need to protect myself. That

2:50

is Farid Zakaria. I host

2:52

a show on CNN, write a column for the

2:54

Washington Post, and write books like

2:56

this one. Today

3:21

on Freakonomics Radio, we talk about why left and right is

3:23

no longer the correct way to think about the political divide.

3:26

We talk about China and Russia, of course. And we talk

3:28

about the world. And

3:51

the new calculus in the Middle East. We

4:00

don't like the fact that Hamas is backed by Iran.

4:02

We also talk about the scarcity of

4:05

moral courage. History is

4:07

complicated. Sometimes the bad guys

4:09

win. Roughly half of

4:11

the world's population live in

4:13

countries that are holding national elections this year. So,

4:16

will things get even more chaotic, or

4:19

will they settle down? You

4:22

probably have some thoughts about this. We

4:24

will hear Farid Zakaria's thoughts beginning

4:27

now. This

4:41

is Freakonomics Radio, a podcast

4:44

that explores the hidden side

4:46

of everything with your host,

4:48

Steven Devner. Can

4:59

you tell me your life story in just

5:01

a couple minutes? A little bit about your upbringing and how

5:03

you got to where you are today? I

5:05

grew up in India in the 70s. I

5:08

managed to get a scholarship to

5:10

Yale and went there, had a

5:13

fantastic time, then got my PhD

5:15

at Harvard in political science and

5:17

international relations. And

5:19

then proceeded to go into the world of

5:21

journalism. With a PhD in Pali

5:23

Sai, did you consider academia at all or

5:25

no? Oh, very much so. In fact, I

5:28

remember very well this moment

5:30

where I was finishing up my PhD.

5:33

I was having lunch in New

5:35

York with Walter Isaacson, who was a senior

5:37

editor at Time. And

5:39

he said to me, there's a job in New

5:41

York managing editor of foreign affairs. You're a little

5:43

young for it, but you should throw your hat

5:45

in the ring. And I said

5:48

to him, Walter, I have no interest in that.

5:50

I think I'm on track to be offered an

5:52

assistant professorship at Harvard. And

5:54

he said to me, I'm talking about the

5:57

managing editor for foreign affairs. And I said,

5:59

yeah, and I'm talking about it. about an assistant professorship

6:01

at Harvard. And it's a wonderful example

6:03

of how you get siloed. Each of

6:05

us thought that what we were talking

6:07

about was a much bigger deal than

6:09

the other person thought. I

6:11

ended up going to foreign affairs. And

6:14

I've always been fascinated by international

6:16

affairs. My mom was a journalist,

6:18

and I think I was 14 years

6:20

old when Henry Kissinger's memoirs came out.

6:23

And I must have read them because I

6:25

remember telling my mom she was

6:27

working at the Times of India, which had accepted

6:29

the memoirs. And I told her,

6:32

you missed a couple of really good

6:34

sections. Now, your father, I understand, was

6:36

a member of the Indian National Congress?

6:38

Correct. He was a member of the

6:40

party that liberated India, gained independence, and

6:42

dominated it for the next 50, 60

6:44

years. I've read

6:46

that he was also an Islamic theologian.

6:48

Is that accurate? No. Wikipedia sometimes gets

6:51

things wrong. And it's particularly on issues

6:53

of Islam. It's an interesting

6:55

flaw in Wikipedia. He was a scholar

6:57

who was interested in Islam. He was

7:00

a completely secular man, but he

7:02

was always very interested and particularly interested

7:04

in the Indian experience. He

7:06

did write a little bit about theology, but

7:08

mostly it was history of India,

7:11

history of Indian Muslims. So

7:13

growing up as a Muslim in India, what share

7:15

of the population was Muslim by that point? It's

7:17

always been somewhere between 10% to 12%, 13%. And

7:22

what was that like for you, just as

7:24

an experience as a young person learning to

7:26

look around the world in a certain way,

7:28

being in a minority in a very, very

7:31

big country like that? When

7:33

I was growing up, I was

7:35

very conscious of being a minority

7:37

in a very secular, pluralistic, and

7:40

diverse country, and a country

7:42

that took enormous pride in the

7:44

fact that it was secular, and

7:47

pluralistic, and diverse. There was an

7:49

extraordinary emphasis that Nehru and Gandhi

7:51

placed, the two founding fathers of

7:53

the Congress Party and Indian independence,

7:56

enormous emphasis that they placed on the idea

7:58

of tolerance and pluralism. secularism

8:02

meaning really that there was no favoritism

8:04

toward one religion or the other. And,

8:06

you know, Nehru, he was India's first

8:08

prime minister, he wouldn't go to openings

8:10

of temples because he felt that that

8:13

would be unfairly putting his thumb on

8:15

the scale of one religion versus another.

8:18

And that was in some ways my father's

8:20

life work. He told me once that the

8:22

most important political choice he ever made was

8:24

when he was 13 or 14

8:26

as a young Indian Muslim in the 30s where

8:29

he chose Nehru's vision

8:31

of secular nationalism rather than

8:34

Jinnah's vision of religious nationalism.

8:36

He was very committed to a

8:38

secular India and a pluralistic India.

8:41

So for me growing up there was a

8:43

lot of pride in that version of the

8:45

polity of Indian civil society. You

8:48

were conscious you were a minority. So my father

8:50

was conscious, for example, that while he was a

8:52

politician he could never be prime minister

8:54

of India. There was always

8:57

that understanding that you were a

8:59

minority. But it was, as

9:01

I say, a country that he took enormous

9:03

pride in. And by the end

9:05

of his life there was a lot of

9:07

sadness about the rise of Hindu nationalism, a

9:09

kind of militant Hindu nationalism that was tearing

9:12

away at the fabric of what

9:14

had kept this country so vibrant

9:16

and admirable for him. You're one

9:18

of the few nationally prominent Muslim

9:21

journalists in the United States. I'm

9:23

curious if you feel that

9:25

places expectations on you when

9:28

talking about important global

9:30

events that involve Muslims, of which there are

9:32

many in the last few decades. What

9:35

I've always tried to do is use

9:37

that background as a way to

9:39

elucidate, to inform, to give my

9:41

viewers and readers a sense that

9:43

I kind of know that world

9:45

and I have an insight into

9:48

it. I really don't

9:50

like identity politics and don't really believe in

9:52

it. So I've very rarely written a column

9:55

or an opening commentary for my show which

9:57

says something like, as a Muslim. as

10:00

an Indian. You say, I

10:02

really don't like identity politics. I think

10:04

that's one of the reasons why I

10:06

like your commentary so much, because what's

10:09

at the core is the actual politics

10:11

and economics and social movements and so

10:13

on. But that said, much

10:15

of the political and social discourse in

10:18

this country and elsewhere these days is

10:20

really rooted in identity politics. And I'd

10:22

like to hear your comment on how

10:24

costly you think that may be. I

10:27

think it comes from a good place in

10:30

some cases. It comes from a sense that

10:32

people's experiences and the history

10:35

of certain communities have not

10:37

been adequately looked at and

10:39

analyzed and honored. And I

10:41

get all that. But I

10:43

think it's fundamentally illiberal, because

10:45

it is fundamentally saying, I

10:47

have this identity and that

10:49

identity trumps everything else, that

10:52

you can't understand what I'm saying.

10:55

And I think that if you make that

10:57

argument, you're essentially making an argument against

11:00

knowledge and certainly against the Enlightenment

11:02

project. The whole point is

11:05

that we can all live together because

11:07

I can understand your circumstances and we

11:09

can come up with solutions and policies

11:11

and legislation that allow us

11:13

to benefit each other and the whole.

11:16

The whole point of great literature is

11:19

that you have the ability to understand

11:21

other people. Shakespeare was not

11:23

Danish, yet he wrote a play

11:25

about a Danish prince. I

11:27

think the whole idea that you cannot understand

11:29

me because your skin color is different or

11:32

because your parents took you to a different

11:34

house of worship when you were young, it

11:37

doesn't to my mind recognize

11:39

that the whole point, certainly

11:41

since the Enlightenment, that we've been moving towards

11:43

is the idea that we can all understand

11:45

each other. Let's go back in

11:47

history a little bit. Let's get a little of the

11:49

flavor of your book. There's one

11:51

history that I found so interesting

11:53

and it may feel banal

11:56

to you, I hope not, but if you would,

11:58

tell us the history. of why today

12:01

many of us still talk about the left and

12:03

the right, where that comes from. That

12:05

was one of the things that I was most

12:07

surprised by and delighted by because it was such

12:10

a wonderful little quirk of

12:12

history. And it turns out to be

12:14

largely accidental, almost architectural. The basic story

12:16

of the French Revolution is the king

12:19

needs to raise taxes and

12:21

calls the National Assembly into session for the first time

12:23

in like 150 years. They meet in this

12:26

semicircular fashion where basically the king sits in

12:28

the front. In front of him are all

12:31

his nobles and the priests and way at

12:33

the back are all the commoners. And

12:36

because the debate gets so furious,

12:39

almost spontaneously the two sides

12:41

ideologically start to sit together.

12:43

One of the people who was

12:45

there at the time, a French nobleman says,

12:47

those of us who wanted to keep the

12:50

present system ended up on the right-hand side

12:52

of the chair and the

12:54

people who wanted to abolish the monarchy

12:56

or who were the radicals ended up

12:58

on the left-hand side. Then this architect,

13:00

Pierre Adrian Paris, is asked to build

13:02

a new home for the National

13:04

Assembly. So they move from Versailles to

13:07

Paris and he finds this long rectangular

13:09

room and they don't have the space

13:11

for a semicircular configuration. So he sets

13:13

it up with what we now think

13:15

of as the kind of British parliamentary

13:17

setup, right where you have the chair

13:20

and then long benches on either side

13:22

facing each other. And what

13:24

ends up happening is all the people who

13:26

want to abolish the monarchy are on the

13:28

left, all the people who want to uphold

13:30

the monarchy are on the right. And

13:33

that is why we talk about left-wingers and

13:35

right-wingers to this day. Most

13:37

of us talk about left-wingers

13:39

and right-wingers, but you have

13:41

moved on. You'd prefer to

13:43

characterize this split really as

13:45

open versus closed. This

13:47

is really the origins of the book,

13:49

where about 10 years ago I began

13:52

to realize that this divide that had

13:54

served us very well analytically in terms

13:56

of understanding politics for at least a

13:58

hundred years was a. No longer

14:00

really valid. It really was left

14:03

right on the economy. The left

14:05

wing wanted more state involvement in

14:07

the economy and more redistribution, and

14:09

the right wanted less state involvement

14:11

in the economy and less redistribution.

14:14

And that's perfectly well explained. Left

14:16

wing vs. Right Wing in the

14:18

United States and Europe in India

14:20

and Brazil. Everywhere. And

14:23

what was increasingly happening was

14:25

said. We were moving into

14:27

a realm of new issues,

14:30

largely. Defined by identity, culture

14:32

and Babs fundamentally determined by

14:34

where you stood on this

14:36

question of do one of

14:39

world of open Economics, open

14:41

politics, open technology, Open culture,

14:43

diversity. Or. Do you want the

14:45

opposite? I remember reading about a very

14:48

good analysis that see the Scotch Ball,

14:50

the legendary social scientists to jail dead

14:52

on the Tea party. She said the

14:54

Tea party presented itself as being kind

14:56

of Libertarian wanting blow government spending. but

14:59

when you talk to them and you

15:01

looked at all the focus groups and

15:03

you looked at how they voted, that

15:05

wasn't a concern. The real concerns were

15:07

called throw it was immigration, it was

15:10

assimilation, was diversity. Was what we would

15:12

now call the Woke Agenda. That

15:14

was really what was animating them.

15:16

And you move to cigarettes like

15:19

Donald Trump. Trump's entire message

15:21

has nothing to do with the old

15:23

Reagan formula of low taxes, balanced budget,

15:25

spread democracy abroad, sped market Soprano. His

15:28

basic message was, the Mexicans are stealing

15:30

your jobs, The Chinese are stealing your

15:32

factories, the Muslims are trying to kill

15:34

you. I'll beat them all up and

15:37

you'll be great again. Threats that has

15:39

nothing to do with Reagan. Sunny, optimistic

15:41

Libertarian vision and watching the change, I

15:43

realize okay, this is new. A lot

15:46

of these people say yeah, the economy's

15:48

doing well, but I hate immigrants. I

15:50

hate what's happening on the border. I hate

15:52

the woke agenda. Those are the driving issues.

15:55

We've always tended to think it's the other

15:57

way around. It's economics is dominant and this

15:59

guy. Rooftop is a little bit of

16:01

fluff and is really inverted. know. What

16:04

is your take on why so

16:06

many people in the Us which

16:08

is a done of Kennedy famously

16:10

called us a nation of immigrants

16:12

have become so hostile to immigration?

16:14

Do you feel it's on the

16:16

merits to some significant degree economically

16:18

and order insecurity and so on?

16:21

Or do you feel it's more

16:23

of their cultural touchstone. It's

16:26

a complicated question. First, I think

16:28

it's important to remember that we

16:30

have the mythology that America has

16:32

always been enormously open to immigrants,

16:34

but the reality is, we have

16:36

always had periods of huge backlash.

16:38

Think about, you know, the know

16:40

nothing party in the nineteenth century

16:42

founded basically to oppose Irish immigration

16:44

and then Italian immigration, the Chinese

16:46

Exclusion Act which is the first

16:48

time we actually ban a certain

16:50

group of be both the quotas

16:53

that will put in place and

16:55

Nineteen Twenty Four. Which are extraordinary.

16:57

It's beyond anything even Trump is

16:59

talking about right now, and that

17:01

lasted till Nineteen Sixty Five. So

17:03

we that long periods of enormous

17:06

open the sword immigration, but long

17:08

periods of enormous hostility. The way

17:10

I think about it is immigration

17:12

is sort of the human face

17:14

of this world of openness that

17:17

I'm describing is something like global

17:19

capital flows is an abstract idea.

17:21

Trade is largely an abstract idea.

17:23

Even open Technology systems is an

17:25

abstract. Idea. But. Human

17:28

beings. Who. Look different.

17:30

Who sound different? Who worship

17:32

different gods? That's visceral and

17:34

so people focus on that.

17:36

Doesn't. seem like a very outdated

17:39

construct though for a civilization it's

17:41

relatively modern because if you think

17:43

about it people moving around the world

17:45

are really not very different than commodities

17:47

and trends and goods and services

17:49

moving around the world so why is

17:52

it so hard for people to accept

17:54

that people are part of the

17:56

economy and people moving is actually the

17:58

opposite of friction actually grease in

18:00

the system. Oh, gosh. I

18:02

mean, of course, I agree with you theoretically,

18:05

but I think it would be missing a

18:07

lot to not understand that that's how human

18:09

beings react. We're tribal and

18:11

we get more tribal when things are

18:13

changing. So you write

18:15

that our times are revolutionary. Wherever

18:17

you look, you see dramatic radical

18:20

change. Elsewhere you write an

18:22

international system that had seemed stable

18:24

and familiar is now changing fast

18:26

with challenges from a rising China

18:29

and a revanchist Russia. What

18:32

is the best evidence that the pace of

18:34

change and the intensity of the change are

18:36

really, as you put it, unrivaled? Because yes,

18:38

life was stable during the Middle Ages and

18:41

no one wants to return to that, but

18:43

in the modern era, the one

18:45

constant has been changed. And so

18:47

is it really that there's more

18:49

change at the moment or is

18:51

it that so many of

18:53

us are kept apprised of every tiny

18:55

piece of change via a

18:58

new constant global digital media

19:00

and therefore we think

19:02

there's more change or even chaos than there

19:04

is plus switch. We all know about this

19:07

negativity bias, which is the human animal

19:10

is more sensitive to bad news than

19:12

to good. So first to just

19:14

take something you said, which is

19:16

very important, which is that information

19:18

technology might itself be accelerating

19:21

our sense of how much this is

19:23

changing, but that's a reality you can't

19:25

get away from. That is part of

19:28

the change that has taken place, this

19:30

explosion in information technology. But let's look

19:32

at the objective data because you're right

19:34

to wonder. If you look at politically,

19:37

as I said, the number of democracies

19:39

has just exploded. And remember, democracy is

19:41

a very new, unwieldy, chaotic form of

19:44

government for most countries that have had

19:46

a very different top down system rather than

19:48

the bottom up one. If you look at

19:50

trade, there was an earlier boast of globalization.

19:53

In fact, probably two, there was one around

19:55

the early to mid 19th century and then

19:57

one that takes place sort of in the.

20:00

It's the 50s after World War II. But

20:02

I do think the fall of the Berlin Wall

20:05

really turns out to be one of these seismic

20:07

events. If you think about

20:09

trade, the number of countries that come

20:11

online, come into the open world economy,

20:14

in the 50s, Europe returns

20:16

and then Japan starts to come

20:18

back. And then Korea, then you

20:21

have Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong. In

20:24

the 80s and 90s, you get

20:26

China, India. That's two and

20:28

a half billion people, all

20:30

of Eastern Europe, most of Latin America,

20:33

half of Africa. So suddenly you go from, if

20:35

you were to do it on a per year

20:37

basis, 10 or 20 million people

20:40

joining the open trading system to

20:43

three, 400 million joining when

20:45

China comes in. So I've

20:47

often thought that that's part of the China shock. It's

20:50

just the size, it was so different

20:52

from anything we had ever experienced that

20:55

it has had a real effect, but also

20:57

a psychological effect. Okay, let's

20:59

take 1991 as a start date,

21:02

the dissolution of the Soviet Union,

21:04

the subsequent rise of the

21:06

US as the lone superpower for time,

21:08

at least. In

21:10

your work, you often point out that the

21:12

so-called good old days in the US weren't

21:14

actually very good, at least for most people.

21:17

So let's go with that

21:19

somewhat optimistic theme. When

21:21

you think about the US since

21:23

1991, what would you say have

21:25

been some of the best long-term

21:27

geopolitical decisions since the collapse of

21:29

the Soviet Union? I think

21:31

probably the most fundamental one was

21:33

to not retreat into isolationism again,

21:35

as the United States had a

21:38

tendency to want to do after

21:40

every major war. After

21:42

World War I, famously, Wilson tries to

21:44

commit the United States to a new

21:46

global system, the League of Nations, and

21:48

the US basically pulls back, which

21:51

then is a huge factor in

21:53

the rise of fascism, the collapse of

21:55

the global economic order, all that. After

21:58

1945, there were a lot of people. who wanted

22:01

rapid demobilization. NATO was

22:03

very unpopular among Republicans.

22:05

So after 1989, there

22:08

was none of that. There was a very

22:10

clear sense that the United

22:12

States needed to stay engaged in

22:14

the world. The key to America's

22:16

hegemony has been this idea that

22:19

we will work on geopolitical stability

22:21

and we will be very sensitive,

22:24

shall we say, jealous of anyone

22:26

who tries to challenge our geopolitical

22:28

hegemony. But you can get rich. You

22:31

can thrive. You can prosper in the world.

22:33

You can raise your people's standards of living.

22:36

And that bargain has worked

22:38

miraculously. I think the biggest

22:41

mistakes probably are all

22:43

ones where the United States overextended

22:46

itself in the

22:48

search for some kind of perfect

22:50

stability, bringing democracy to Iraq, even

22:52

to Afghanistan, rather than

22:54

a narrower focus on punishing Al

22:57

Qaeda and the Taliban for what

22:59

it did in 9-11. That's an

23:01

interesting distinction you draw between enabling

23:03

prosperity in other countries versus the

23:05

more common label of spreading

23:07

democracy. But I am curious to

23:09

know what you think about the

23:11

width and breadth and sustainability, I

23:14

guess, of democracy. So this year, more

23:16

than 50 countries representing about half

23:19

the global population are holding national

23:21

elections. The US, of course, but

23:24

also India, Indonesia, the UK,

23:26

I believe they're early 2025, Pakistan,

23:29

Taiwan, Mexico, South Africa. So

23:32

what do you think is the

23:34

significance of this year for democracy,

23:36

per se? And how

23:39

do you see that affecting long-term

23:41

US interests? I

23:43

Think the biggest challenge we face

23:45

this year, and it's a larger

23:47

trend, of course, is the one

23:49

that I identified about 20 years

23:52

ago, which is the rise of

23:54

illiberal democracy. I've always thought the

23:56

United States does better when it

23:58

encourages conditions that lead to the

24:00

spread of democracy, rather than the

24:02

rise of democracy. that an imposing

24:04

it by forcing elections. If you

24:06

think about countries that modernize the

24:09

economy's modernize the society's often under

24:11

dictatorships and then modernize the political

24:13

systems. If you look at South

24:15

Korea and Taiwan, the two most

24:17

consolidated liberal democracies and a sub

24:19

were the first to modernize the

24:21

economy. Then that results in the

24:23

creation of a middle class. Then

24:26

that very reluctantly and under enormous

24:28

pressure opened up the political system.

24:30

But that stuff that ended up giving

24:32

you a much more stable basis than

24:34

say holding election in Pakistan without any

24:37

of those can com it and forces

24:39

a big surprise that do it you

24:41

end up with is a very liberal

24:43

democracy but ultimately a sign of the

24:45

victory of democracy ideologically is even the

24:47

dictators hold elections skyn of i would

24:50

goodness going to hold an election the

24:52

run as they used to be an

24:54

old joke about Mubarak when he was

24:56

the president of Egypt which is that

24:58

he would hold the election. And welcomed

25:00

him and say your Excellency we have

25:03

good news. The. Election has taken

25:05

place. You have one ninety seven percent

25:07

of the vote. What more can you

25:09

ask for? Your excellency and he would

25:11

say the names of the three percent

25:14

who did not vote from the assessment.

25:16

But the real significance is. We're.

25:18

Seeing democracy? But are we

25:20

seeing Liberal democracy? The.

25:22

Distinction I make is that there

25:24

was a liberal tradition to democracy,

25:26

rule of law, separation of powers,

25:28

individual rights, minority rights, or that

25:30

those are being undermined in many

25:32

of these places. So. You

25:35

write a lot in this book

25:37

and elsewhere about the rise of

25:39

populist politics in the current era.

25:41

It's certainly not the first time,

25:43

but also, eve Disgust a recent

25:45

interesting reversal. And that's in Poland.

25:48

The. our is really is fascinating to

25:50

see what you have an eastern europe

25:52

is this a dramatic shift and liberal

25:55

democracy asked of the soviet union collapses

25:57

and so we all celebrated and we

25:59

forget that these are still societies

26:01

that are not that advanced economically, they

26:03

don't have large middle classes. They've

26:06

lost whatever tradition they had of

26:09

rule of law and independent institutions because

26:11

they've been under communism for

26:13

half a century and under Russian

26:15

occupation effectively for half a century.

26:18

And so they're still scarred societies.

26:21

What we discovered in Poland is that

26:24

there were these deeply illiberal

26:26

populist forces there and once

26:29

the system sort of shook out,

26:31

you saw the rise of classic

26:33

illiberal populism, which after all is

26:35

a very familiar story in Europe.

26:37

This is the land of Hitler

26:39

and Mussolini and its classic illiberal

26:41

democracy, voted in democratically, and

26:44

then they start to use the state

26:46

media which had been set up in

26:48

Poland almost like the BBC and they

26:50

turn it into basically state propaganda. They

26:53

try to back the judiciary and strip

26:55

it of some of its independence. They

26:57

try to back the bureaucracy. They

27:00

want to fill it with their party loyalists. But

27:02

the good news, it turns out there

27:05

is a very core liberal democratic fabric in

27:07

the country still and they had

27:09

these recent elections in which it was clear what

27:11

was at stake and you got

27:13

a higher turnout in that election than

27:15

you got in the election that led

27:17

to the fall of communism in 89.

27:20

You had, I think, 72% turnout. Were

27:23

you surprised that the existing rulers allowed

27:25

an actual fair and open election there

27:27

in Poland? Because in many countries,

27:29

they don't. We read the data out

27:32

of Iran, for instance. If we

27:34

believe that data, we would think that if

27:36

there were an open election held that the

27:38

theocracy would be gone tomorrow, correct? Yeah,

27:41

I suspect so, though. I think it

27:43

has more support than we realize. But

27:45

I think that it's important to note

27:47

the progress implied in what you're describing,

27:49

which is people want

27:51

democracy. People want the legitimacy

27:53

that comes from choice and

27:56

public participation. And that's

27:58

a good thing. It just needs to be

28:00

a good thing. accompanied also with liberalism and

28:02

constitutionalism and the rule of law. So

28:06

what happens in a society

28:08

without those things? Putin represents

28:10

this feeling that we

28:12

were once great and we have

28:14

been stripped of our greatness. I'm Stephen

28:16

Dubner. This is Freakonomics Radio. We will

28:19

be right back with Fareed Zakaria. And

28:27

be safe out there. Freakonomics Radio is

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to get started today. Farid

30:25

Zakaria is host of the weekly

30:27

CNN program GPS that stands for

30:29

Global Public Square, and

30:31

he has written several books including

30:33

The Post-American World and The Future

30:35

of Freedom. His new book

30:37

is called Age of Revolutions, in

30:40

which he argues that we are living

30:42

through possibly the most revolutionary period in

30:44

human history. At first

30:46

glance, that claim might

30:49

seem hyperbolic. There aren't so

30:51

many people storming so many

30:53

barricades, but that makes Zakaria's

30:55

point. The current revolution, he

30:57

argues, is a retreat

31:00

from a massive trend toward

31:02

open societies replaced by

31:04

a facsimile of openness that

31:06

is usually stage managed by

31:09

an autocrat. Here's what

31:11

Zakaria writes about Russia. Vladimir

31:13

Putin has harnessed identity politics

31:16

and jingoism as a response

31:18

to his nation's structural decline.

31:21

And Zakaria says Putin has done

31:23

this masterfully. He's

31:27

stripped the country of any opposition. He

31:29

stripped the country of the civic culture

31:31

that allows for free exchange of ideas

31:34

and organization of opposition politics and all

31:36

that. And within that

31:39

denuded desert landscape, he

31:41

is popular. As we heard

31:43

Zakaria say earlier, the fall of

31:45

the Berlin Wall and the collapse

31:47

of Soviet communism was a seismic

31:49

event. He also argues

31:51

that this shock was felt most acutely

31:54

in Russia, where it continues to resonate.

31:56

Russia is fundamentally a

31:59

revulsion. Great Power. The

32:01

Soviet Empire is about 70 years old.

32:03

The Russian Empire is three to four

32:05

hundred years old. That's

32:08

part of what is the

32:10

great wave of nostalgia that

32:12

Putin represents, this feeling that

32:14

we were once great and we have

32:16

been stripped of our greatness. And Russia

32:18

really was on its knees in the

32:20

1990s. I point out in the book

32:22

the Russian economy shrunk by 50% in

32:25

five or six years. That's more than

32:27

it shrunk during World War Two. So it

32:30

really was on its back. Life expectancy

32:32

plummeted and by the way still

32:34

in very bad shape. But then

32:36

because of all the other forces

32:38

we've talked about growing globalization and

32:40

liberalization, the economy starts growing mightily.

32:43

And Russia is the greatest provider

32:45

of natural resources in the world.

32:47

It's not just oil, it's natural

32:49

gas, it's coal, it's nickel, it's

32:52

aluminum. So it rides on

32:54

this wave of global growth. And

32:56

does it rise so much that it creates

32:59

a rich Russia? No, because

33:01

the economy is still fundamentally screwed up,

33:03

but it rises enough that it creates

33:05

a very rich Russian state. Now,

33:07

when you say the economy is screwed up,

33:09

there was an opportunity there, right? When all

33:11

kinds of firms were privatized, it became the

33:14

worst kind of crony capitalism. But theoretically, a

33:17

pivot could have been done there that might

33:19

have resulted in an actually rich country for

33:21

the people who live there. Yeah? Oh,

33:24

absolutely. The 1990s were a fascinating

33:26

experiment where you tried to take

33:28

a country that had been a

33:30

totally communist economy and figure out

33:32

how to make a capitalist economy

33:34

out of it. Clearly, it failed.

33:37

I don't want to say we failed because

33:39

I think that gives the US too much

33:41

agency. The US did give lots of advice.

33:43

Much of it was probably bad. But

33:45

it's one of these things that

33:48

what works better are slow, incremental,

33:50

organic changes. And so it

33:53

turned into a disaster. It turned into,

33:55

as you say, the worst kind of

33:57

crony capitalism. Russia has such a deep

33:59

tradition of statism. So maybe it was never

34:01

going to work, but certainly we didn't do a

34:03

good job. When you talk about

34:05

that deep tradition of statism, it makes me

34:07

want to ask you a question that is

34:10

the kind of question that I think is

34:12

very unpopular in political science circles and in

34:14

public as well. And that comes to national

34:16

character. So if you read politics, you know,

34:20

40, 50, 100 years ago, there was a lot of discussion about how

34:23

the national character of a place like

34:25

Russia determined a lot of its political

34:27

and economic moves. And the same could

34:29

be said of many other countries, especially

34:31

older countries. And the US was seen

34:33

as still kind of a teenager in

34:35

that regard. Would you say

34:37

that Russia is continuing a manifestation

34:40

of its age old Russian empire

34:42

national character now, potentially at the

34:45

expense of better options? I

34:47

would. And I think there's no

34:49

question that Russia has this very

34:52

deep imperial culture that comes

34:54

out of its history. It's the

34:56

last multinational empire. And it is trying to

34:58

hold on to its empire and the way

35:01

that the French did in Algeria

35:03

and in Vietnam and the British did in

35:05

Kenya. It never ends well, does it, when

35:07

they try to hold on? Right. And then

35:09

think about it. The French killed one million

35:11

people in Algeria trying to hold on. But

35:13

you raise an interesting issue, which is this

35:15

issue of national culture. And

35:17

you're right, people have kind of ambivalent feelings about it.

35:20

It's absolutely clear that national culture

35:23

makes a huge difference. But

35:25

it's important to understand that national

35:27

culture is not genetic. It is

35:29

the product of history and institutions

35:31

and policy. And it

35:33

can change. Look, why does Russia

35:35

have this vast imperial tradition? It's

35:37

vast open space, easily conquerable. Western

35:40

Europe in 1500 had 500 different

35:42

states, if you count all

35:45

the duchies and principalities. Why?

35:48

Because it's riven with rivers and

35:50

mountains. So it's very easy to

35:52

defend and very hard to conquer.

35:54

Whereas China and Russia, these vast

35:56

open plains, which ended up with

35:58

vast single empires with centralized power.

36:02

All this matters, but you

36:04

can change it. Daniel Patrick Moynihan,

36:06

the great senator-intellectual, had a line

36:08

where he said, the central conservative

36:10

insight is that culture is more

36:13

important than politics. People

36:15

often use that line, but they forget

36:17

his second line, which was, the central

36:19

liberal insight is that politics can

36:21

change culture. That's a

36:23

really interesting summary and observation. It does

36:25

make me wonder, the people who study

36:28

and have influence in the realms of

36:30

politics and economics, two separate sets of

36:32

people, but they have a lot of

36:35

leverage. The people who study and explain

36:37

culture, I would argue, have

36:39

much less leverage. Do you think that's a problem?

36:41

And if so, what do you think should be

36:44

done about it? Yeah, it's a

36:46

huge problem. And I think it explains many

36:48

of our greatest policy failures. If

36:50

there's a central policy failure in American foreign

36:52

policy over the last 75 years, I would

36:55

say it's our inability

36:57

to understand nationalism. We

36:59

didn't understand nationalism in Vietnam. We

37:01

didn't understand it in Iraq. The

37:04

greatest lost opportunity was in the 50s

37:06

and 60s, all these third

37:08

world countries were fundamentally

37:12

pro-American in the sense that they looked

37:14

at the old colonial empires of Europe

37:16

and hated them. They looked at America

37:18

and admired a lot about America. And

37:22

we blew it all because we got

37:24

into this mindset that ideology was all

37:26

that mattered, that communism versus capitalism was

37:28

the great divide. We didn't

37:30

understand the complexity of the situation. I'll give

37:32

you an example of the country I grew

37:34

up in. India was

37:36

not fundamentally pro-Soviet in any

37:38

sense, but the

37:41

people who had supported Indian independence when

37:43

it was a colony of Britain were

37:45

all the socialist states. So there

37:48

was a kind of left-wing orientation

37:50

to India's founding because those were

37:52

its comrades. But it

37:54

was all misread as some kind of anti-democratic,

37:57

anti-Western view. The

38:00

most famous example of this, I think, is we

38:02

misread Ho Chi Minh, who when he started out

38:05

petitioned the United States for help in the 40s.

38:08

And instead we branded him from the

38:10

start a communist. Flash forward to Iraq,

38:13

where we fundamentally didn't understand that the

38:15

country's nationalism was very complicated because it

38:17

had these three communities, the Shia, the

38:19

Sunni, and the Kurds, who hated each

38:21

other, who had never really been part

38:23

of one country except for a brief

38:25

period. So do you think the U.S.

38:27

has become less ideological in that regard in the last

38:29

20 years? No,

38:32

I don't think so. Because I see it in

38:34

China. Russia actually benefits

38:36

from global instability and tension, because

38:38

whenever that happens, the prices of

38:41

commodities, particularly oil, go up. So

38:43

it almost has a structural reason to be

38:45

a spoiler. Whereas the Chinese

38:48

are the opposite. They are a low-resource

38:50

economy. They depend on

38:52

global capital, global investment, global

38:54

markets, and they have

38:56

benefited enormously from that process. The

38:59

world historical mission of the United States

39:02

is to make the world like it, to

39:04

make the world democratic. The

39:06

world historical mission of China is to make

39:08

China great. When they go to Kenya,

39:11

they don't look at Kenya and say, you could

39:13

be like us. They look at Kenya and say,

39:15

you will never be like us, because you're not

39:17

Han Chinese. I've always thought that

39:19

it comes out of the high Protestant tradition.

39:21

If you think of Britain and the United

39:24

States, these two great high Protestant countries, there

39:26

is a universalism inherent in Christianity. That

39:28

is one of the most revolutionary aspects

39:31

of Christianity, which is that we are

39:33

all created the same in God's eyes.

39:35

And that is one of the most wonderful things

39:38

about Christianity, in my view. The last shall be

39:40

first and the first shall be last. The meek

39:42

shall inherit the earth. It's all about

39:44

that. Where the Chinese don't

39:46

believe that at all. They feel like we're

39:48

Chinese, you're not. And so

39:50

that gives it a different outward orientation

39:53

toward the world. Let's talk about

39:55

the Middle East for a bit. First of

39:57

all, if one was around in the early

39:59

2010s, during the Arab Spring,

40:01

one might have thought that that part of the

40:03

world would be radically different than it is in

40:05

2024. I would argue

40:08

it's not very different. Can you talk about

40:10

that, what happened, and what are

40:12

some useful lessons to be drawn from the Arab

40:14

Spring? You know, in 2003,

40:16

I wrote that book, The Future of

40:18

Freedom, about a liberal democracy. I

40:21

basically made the case that the

40:23

Arab world was fundamentally unready for

40:25

liberal democracy. Because of oil wealth, it

40:27

had been able to stop

40:30

the process of modernization, economic modernization,

40:32

social modernization, to an extent that

40:34

no other part of the world

40:36

had been able to. The

40:38

whole structure of that region ended up being

40:41

that the governments didn't need

40:43

to modernize their economies to get

40:45

tax revenue. That's the fundamental

40:48

reason why society is modernized. If

40:50

you think of the American Revolution,

40:52

you know, no taxation without representation.

40:54

So the Saudis basically say it's

40:56

the flip side of that. No

40:59

taxation, no representation. I mean, nice work

41:01

if you can get it, right? Right,

41:03

right. Don't worry, we're not going

41:05

to tax you. And by the way, we're

41:07

not going to represent you either. So that

41:09

model, that stagnancy, sort of infused the Arab

41:11

world. And when you just

41:14

rip the bandit and say, okay,

41:16

let's liberalize, let's hold elections, it's

41:18

not going to work out well. And that's

41:20

exactly what happened with the Arab Spring. Every one

41:23

of those countries has now reverted. Now,

41:25

I will say there's one hopeful sign,

41:27

which is that the Gulf Arab

41:29

states have really become

41:32

very forward-looking, not just economically,

41:34

but socially. You look at

41:36

what MBS is doing in Saudi Arabia with

41:38

women. He's really dismantled

41:40

the whole religious police. He's largely

41:43

dismantling the religious educational establishment. He's

41:45

allowing much more freedom of speech

41:47

and, you know, initially it's entertainment

41:50

and all that. These are real

41:52

steps forward for a society that was really,

41:55

in many ways, run like it had been

41:57

run in the Middle Ages. Let

41:59

me ask you to just. give a

42:01

quick description of the differences between the

42:03

leading Arab states today versus the leading

42:06

Arab states a few decades ago. You've

42:08

explained why the shift has happened. It's

42:10

about resources and so on, but can

42:12

you talk about how that may manifest

42:15

itself in geopolitical relationships there, including Israel,

42:17

but also with the rest of the

42:19

world? Yeah, it's really fascinating. So if

42:21

you think back to the Arab world,

42:23

what we meant by the Arab world

42:25

30 or 40 years ago, what we

42:27

really meant were the big Arab countries,

42:30

Iraq, Syria, and above all Egypt. Egypt

42:32

is the cultural heart of the Arab

42:35

world. All great political trends have

42:37

come out of Egypt in the 50s, 60s, 70s.

42:39

All the great pop music stars came out of

42:41

Egypt. All the great writing came

42:43

out of Egypt. Egypt was the center

42:46

of Arab culture, and it

42:48

was deeply infused with this idea

42:50

of pan-Arabism, which was basically all

42:52

the Arabs should be one language,

42:54

one society, one culture, maybe even

42:56

one country. In fact, Narsa tried

42:58

to create a union between Egypt and

43:00

Syria, which actually happened for a few years.

43:02

They were one country, and

43:05

all of it was very anti-Israel.

43:07

It was almost defined by its

43:09

anti-Israeli quality. And why was that,

43:11

Fried? I've always wondered. I mean, it's an obvious

43:13

target for theological

43:16

reasons and some land displacement, but I mean,

43:18

as many people have made the point since

43:20

the October 7th attacks, there have been billions

43:22

of refugees throughout the history of the world,

43:25

and this one has turned out different. So

43:27

why was that pan-Arab position against Israel so

43:29

strong? I think it's a

43:31

great, great point. And it's largely

43:34

because you were searching for a

43:36

way to unify these very disparate

43:38

countries that are actually not- Common

43:40

enemy is a good tactic. Exactly.

43:42

In fact, it wasn't very religious.

43:44

It was fundamentally they're different. They're

43:46

newcomers. They're alien. Let's gang up

43:48

against them. And that became the

43:50

animating part of pan-Arabism. It

43:53

never really worked. Pan-Arabism collapsed because these

43:55

countries are very different, and they often

43:57

don't like each other much. And

44:00

now what you have in a

44:02

post-industrial economy, in a post-industrial world,

44:05

is that the Gulf states

44:07

have become so rich that they

44:10

absolutely dominate the Arab world. Egypt

44:13

is now in a tight police state

44:15

dictatorship. Syria is in chaos. Iraq is

44:17

in chaos. And they all

44:19

depend on handouts from the Gulf states.

44:21

So the Gulf states have realized that

44:24

as very rich hedge funds, if you

44:26

will, they need stability. They

44:28

need predictability. And they look at

44:30

Israel and think, this is a

44:32

natural partnership. We have the money.

44:34

They have the brains, to put it crudely, as one

44:36

Saudi told me. We should

44:38

be making alliances. That's been going

44:40

on behind the scenes for years now, yes? Absolutely.

44:44

The UAE, for example, has

44:46

had active intelligence cooperation with

44:48

Israel for at least a decade that I

44:51

know of. Qatar had very, very close relations

44:53

with Israel. They cut them off after

44:55

one of the attacks on Hamas in

44:58

Gaza, but they still maintain informal contacts.

45:00

And the Saudis are itching to do

45:02

it. So how do the

45:04

Saudis and the UAE, and

45:06

even Qatar, see the

45:08

Hamas attack of Israel on October We've

45:11

read a lot about how the

45:13

Hamas attack was connected to the

45:16

Iranian position in the region. I'm

45:18

just curious how you think those Gulf state powers actually see

45:20

it, and what they think is

45:22

a viable outcome for them. With

45:25

the exception of Qatar, I think they all view

45:27

it as an unfortunate interruption

45:29

of trends that they were hoping

45:32

would move in that direction. In

45:34

other words, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi have

45:36

no love for Hamas. They hate

45:38

Hamas. They don't like Islamic fundamentalism.

45:41

And they ban all the stuff in their own

45:43

countries very viciously. And they don't

45:46

like the fact that Hamas is backed

45:48

by Iran. But they recognize that the

45:50

Palestinian cause is very popular at home.

45:52

I mean, it's wildly popular. And

45:54

so they've all backed off. But

45:56

you notice not one of them has several relations with Israel,

45:59

not for the rest of one of them, they're

46:01

all trying to basically find a way to

46:03

get back on track how much would we

46:05

need to do on the Palestinian issue so

46:07

that we can get back to what we

46:09

really want to do, which is to establish

46:12

relations with Israel. I heard

46:14

a recent interview with John Bolton, the former

46:16

national security advisor. He was asked what he

46:18

would advise the Israeli government do next in

46:20

Gaza. That was a phrase. And

46:23

he said, the important strategic contest for Israel and

46:25

for the United States is to see that this

46:27

is a struggle not just against Hamas but against

46:29

Iran. And what Hamas instituted

46:32

on October 7th was part of

46:34

the Revolutionary Guard's Ring of Fire

46:36

strategy around Israel. I'd never

46:38

heard of Iran's Ring of Fire strategy. I

46:40

assume you could explain it to me. Sure.

46:43

They sometimes call it an axis of resistance. And

46:45

I don't think John is exaggerating when he

46:47

says it's a Ring of Fire around Israel.

46:50

Iran's fundamentally concerned about

46:52

Iran. What it has done over

46:54

the last 20 years is recognizing

46:57

that it is weak, that it is

46:59

under sanctions, that it is not going

47:01

to be able to compete. Saudi Arabia's

47:04

defense budget is, I think, roughly 10

47:06

times Iran's. So Iran, most of

47:08

you don't realize, is actually fundamentally weak. But

47:11

out of its weakness, because it's a very shrewd

47:13

strategic player. I mean, the Persian Empire is 5,000 years

47:15

old. They have

47:18

come up with this asymmetrical strategy,

47:20

which is they have infiltrated themselves

47:22

with a series of militias around

47:25

the world. So it's Hamas

47:27

in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon,

47:29

the Houthis in Yemen, the

47:31

militias of Iraq, Assad.

47:34

In Syria, they actually have the Assad government.

47:36

They fund them, but the funding is very,

47:38

you know, again, it's an asymmetrical strategy.

47:40

This is pennies on the dollar that Saudi

47:43

Arabia uses to buy defense weaponry from

47:45

the U.S. But it's very

47:47

effective because it keeps everyone off edge. It

47:49

gives them the ability to kind of harass

47:51

and put you on the defense. And

47:54

that is their fundamental strategy. Some of

47:57

this helps them harass

47:59

Israel. and they want to do

48:01

that. But it's important to realize it's fundamentally

48:03

about preserving Iran and its freedom of maneuver.

48:06

Are you surprised the extent to

48:08

which so many Western supporters, mostly

48:10

liberal Western supporters, have gotten behind

48:13

the Palestinian cause considering the fact

48:15

that the Hamas attack is essentially

48:17

tied to Iran? I

48:19

think that what most people are doing

48:21

is not thinking about that geopolitical dimension

48:24

to it, and just thinking about the

48:26

fact that the Palestinians have been living

48:28

under occupation for 56 years. And

48:31

there's a sad story there that you

48:33

can latch onto, but it does

48:35

mean that you're forgetting or ignoring

48:37

that there is also a geopolitical play here. And

48:39

the way I would put it is the Iranians

48:41

have used that occupation,

48:44

used it to infiltrate themselves into the

48:46

circumstance and turned it into a geopolitical

48:48

issue. I'm

48:51

Stephen Dubner, this is Free Climate's Radio. We

48:53

don't talk about geopolitics too often on this

48:55

show, but it does come up. One

48:58

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50:58

the 2010s, the dream of artificial

51:00

intelligence that could rival and even

51:02

surpass the human brain became real.

51:05

The big tech companies, Google,

51:07

Facebook, Meta, knew they'd have

51:09

to harness this technology if they were going

51:11

to win the new AI race. In

51:14

fact, it was key to their

51:16

very survival. But researchers within each company

51:18

would soon sound the alarm that if

51:20

the tech giants moved too fast, the

51:23

consequences could be devastating. Hi,

51:25

I'm David Brown, the host of Wondery Show Business

51:27

Wars. We go deep into some of

51:29

the biggest corporate rivalries of all time. And

51:32

in our latest season, the tech behemoth

51:34

spiked to dominate the artificial intelligence space

51:37

and reckon with the costs. Follow

51:39

Business Wars wherever you get your podcasts.

51:41

You can listen ad-free on the Amazon

51:43

Music or Wondery app. When

51:52

Fareed Zakaria writes in his new book,

51:54

Age of Revolutions, that we are living

51:56

through an intensely revolutionary era, he

51:59

isn't only talking about... about geopolitics.

52:02

It is true that some regimes may be on

52:04

the verge of collapse, or at least radical change,

52:06

but he's also concerned about the

52:08

other revolutions we are living through. Economic,

52:12

technological, even emotional. On

52:14

the emotional front, it does sometimes feel

52:17

like all eight billion of us are

52:19

playing a tug of war between universalism

52:22

and tribalism. Here's

52:24

how Zakaria puts it in his book. Modern

52:26

civilization has given ordinary human beings

52:29

greater freedom, wealth, and dignity than

52:31

any before it. If

52:33

it collapses and the new dark

52:35

ages arrive, it will be because

52:37

in our myopia and our

52:39

petty rivalries, we lost sight

52:42

of the fact that we are the heirs

52:44

to the greatest tradition in human history, one

52:46

that liberated the human mind and spirit and

52:49

whose greatest achievements are yet to come."

52:54

So Fareed Zakaria has an

52:56

optimistic streak. Our greatest achievements

52:58

are yet to come, but

53:01

he is also a true student of history.

53:04

So there was something I wanted to run

53:06

past him. This was a question sent in

53:08

by a listener. Here's

53:11

an easy question. Is the US in

53:13

a state of decline that we might

53:15

recognize from the decline of the Roman

53:17

Empire, let's say, or nowhere near that?

53:21

Getting it close, the United States is

53:23

probably more dominant in many core measures

53:25

than it has ever been. And I

53:27

think it's fundamentally important that we understand

53:29

this because a lot of

53:31

our bad policies come out of

53:33

a mistaken fear of decline. The

53:36

whole policy toward China economically is

53:38

premised on the idea that the

53:40

US has been declining, it has

53:43

been hollowed out industrially, China

53:45

has taken advantage of it and is

53:47

rising, and it's all wrong. One

53:50

of the key measures of your long-term

53:52

strength is who dominates the world of

53:54

technology. Go back to the 16th century,

53:56

it was the Dutch, 18th century, it

53:58

was the British. Americans have

54:00

certainly been for the 20th century. If

54:03

you were to look in 1980 and

54:05

say, what were the dominant technology companies

54:07

in the world by market cap, the

54:09

US would probably have three or four.

54:12

Today when you look at the biggest technology

54:14

companies by market cap, they're all American. We've

54:17

never been more dominant technologically. It's

54:19

in software, it's in hardware, it's

54:22

in artificial intelligence, it's in quantum,

54:24

it's now going to be in

54:26

nanotechnology. Even if you look

54:28

at demographics, another core indicator, we are

54:30

the only rich country in the world

54:32

that is demographically vibrant. Europe

54:35

is turning into a retirement community. Although

54:37

we are growing primarily by immigration because

54:39

our fertility rate has fallen. Yeah, our

54:41

fertility rate is basically the same as

54:44

Europe's. The only difference is we take

54:46

in one million people a year legally

54:48

and we assimilate them very well, I

54:50

would argue, as an immigrant. But as

54:52

a result, we are demographically vibrant and

54:55

we will continue to be demographically vibrant

54:57

unless we do some kind

54:59

of Trumpian quotas or

55:01

freeze. If you look at energy,

55:03

this is a total transformation from the last 25

55:05

years. We were the world's

55:07

biggest energy importer. We are now the

55:10

world's biggest energy producer. We produce more

55:12

natural gas than Qatar. We produce more

55:14

oil than Saudi Arabia. It's

55:16

extraordinary. And we have this Green Revolution

55:18

where we're becoming dominant players there. So

55:20

I look at this sometimes and I

55:22

think to myself, what country would you

55:24

have traded places with over the last

55:26

30 years? We have

55:29

the best hand in the world. Your

55:31

answer suggests that we also lead the

55:33

world, however, in beating ourselves up. We've

55:36

always been somewhat introspective and I think that's a

55:38

good tendency and I think worrying about it is

55:40

a good idea because it forces

55:42

you to fix your problems. But not

55:44

when you sort of get paralyzed and

55:46

you start making these mistakes. Why have

55:48

we done so well? Because we are

55:50

a thriving free market economy where we

55:52

allow our companies to be

55:54

tested against the world. Would the American car industry

55:57

have been better off if we had shielded it

55:59

for the future? from Japanese competition? Would

56:01

our information technology companies be better off

56:03

if they lived in a hermetically sealed

56:05

bubble and never had to be tested

56:08

against the Alibaba's of the world and

56:10

the TikToks of the world? So I

56:12

worry a lot that the fundamental driver

56:14

of American strength has been the fact

56:17

that we compete, we go out

56:19

there and we hustle and we do it against

56:21

the best in the world. As long as we

56:23

keep that goose that lays the golden egg going,

56:26

we'll be fine. China hasn't become

56:28

more like us, but we have become a

56:30

lot more like China in the last 10 years. If

56:33

Trump were to win the presidency

56:35

this fall, how seriously do you

56:37

believe we should take his talk

56:39

of, as I read it,

56:41

essentially wanting to establish a dictatorship or

56:43

something that looks like one, much closer

56:45

than we've had in this country? You

56:48

never know with Trump because he's such a

56:50

kind of weird

56:52

narcissist that everything is

56:54

filtered through the question of, is this

56:57

good for me? When he

56:59

was president, he literally passed executive orders

57:01

that would have essentially banned TikTok and

57:03

the courts overturned them saying, you can't

57:05

do this by fiat. And now

57:07

he says, he doesn't want to ban TikTok. Why? Because

57:10

it would give Facebook more business and he thinks

57:12

Facebook is against him. So the

57:14

whole thing is always interpreted through the lens of

57:16

what will this do to me? He

57:18

is the first president in

57:20

American history to contest the

57:22

elections that were clearly free

57:25

and fair and attempt to

57:27

subvert that process of peaceful

57:29

transfer. That's a pretty core

57:31

element of the American constitution.

57:33

It may be the essence of

57:36

democracy. Which political leaders

57:38

past or present does Trump remind

57:40

you most of? That's

57:42

a very good question. I would say

57:44

he reminds me right now of Erdogan

57:47

in Turkey. Trump is not

57:49

as popular as Erdogan, but Erdogan

57:51

certainly has the same completely cavalier

57:54

towards norms, traditions. He

57:56

uses his political power to

57:58

prosecute his enemies. enemies. And

58:01

as a result, Turkey is one of these places

58:03

where I feel the sadness you were talking about

58:05

because there's no question in my mind that

58:08

over the last 20 years, Turkey

58:10

has gone significantly backward

58:14

on many core elements of what make

58:16

a good society. For his entire span

58:18

in office, he has undermined the rule

58:20

of law, undermined the courts, undermined the

58:22

bureaucracy, used political power to

58:25

persecute his enemies, upended old,

58:27

longstanding norms, practically ran a third time

58:29

when he was not supposed to by

58:31

changing the constitution. So Trump

58:34

is a lot like that. Okay, so assuming

58:36

it's Biden, Trump, who do you see winning?

58:38

The polls right now suggest Trump.

58:41

The elections right now suggest Biden.

58:43

I'm not copying out, but polling

58:46

sometimes reflects people's

58:48

general attitude, their feeling of unhappiness.

58:50

They think Biden is too old.

58:53

But an election is about you in the

58:55

booth and you have a choice between these

58:57

two people and it's serious. It's not just

58:59

you mouthing off to a pollster. If

59:02

I would be forced to bet, I would

59:04

put a small amount of money on Biden.

59:07

But I'd say this with very low

59:09

confidence only because of the craziness of

59:11

our electoral system. There's no

59:13

question Biden will win by over seven

59:15

million, probably nine million votes nationally.

59:18

The question is how will about 150,000 votes

59:22

distribute themselves in four states,

59:24

Georgia, Arizona, Wisconsin,

59:27

and Pennsylvania? That

59:29

I don't know. So Fareed,

59:31

I'm a fan of your CNN

59:34

show GPS. You interview politicians and

59:36

institutional leaders, public intellectuals, sometimes artists.

59:38

And in this realm

59:40

of, let's call it TV journalism, but

59:42

even broader journalism, you strike me as

59:45

one of the few honest brokers we

59:47

have. Now maybe it's all a con

59:49

job and you're being paid by hidden

59:51

forces to groupthink us all into some

59:54

perverse outcome. But I don't think so

59:56

because when I read you

59:58

and I watch your work, I just don't

1:00:00

see the usual tendencies that

1:00:02

a lot of journalism, especially

1:00:04

American journalism, has. You don't

1:00:06

shout, you don't harangue,

1:00:09

but you also don't sugarcoat. And

1:00:11

so I really appreciate

1:00:13

that as a consumer of it, but

1:00:15

as a producer of media myself, I

1:00:17

want to know how you do

1:00:19

that, and how can the rest of us do a little bit

1:00:21

more of that. Dr. S. B. Chitluri I'm very

1:00:24

flattered by what you said, but you

1:00:26

are detecting exactly what I'm trying to do.

1:00:29

Part of it comes naturally, I really think

1:00:31

of myself as trying to understand each issue

1:00:34

and not start out by saying, you know, I have a

1:00:36

team, and this team is always

1:00:38

right. So on things like the border, I've

1:00:40

been very tough on Biden and said basically

1:00:42

Trump is right about the border crisis. On

1:00:45

a lot of the affirmative action stuff,

1:00:47

the university stuff, I've been more what

1:00:49

people would consider right wing on other

1:00:51

things, I've been more left wing. I've

1:00:54

always been respectful of the other side because

1:00:56

I do think that there are intellectually interesting

1:00:58

arguments on all these sides. You can't have

1:01:01

75 million people voting

1:01:03

in one direction without there being something

1:01:05

interesting to learn about that. But

1:01:08

the thing that I think has been hardest

1:01:10

is just to stick with what you know

1:01:12

is right and real and

1:01:14

true, and not fall into the social

1:01:17

desire to be part of a club,

1:01:19

the commercial realization

1:01:21

that in journalism,

1:01:24

heat works better than light. I

1:01:27

would be a fish out of water trying the other

1:01:29

stuff. I think it has

1:01:31

worked. I've been able to, by counter

1:01:33

programming in a sense, I've built an

1:01:36

audience and we have

1:01:38

good numbers. So I think part of it

1:01:40

is really trying to be true

1:01:42

to yourself, be authentic so that you can

1:01:44

actually build an audience where people can feel

1:01:46

that. That's the hard part

1:01:49

because the short term incentives are

1:01:51

to yell and scream and to be partisan. I

1:01:54

really do worry about that in the broader

1:01:56

media landscape because I think that actually you're

1:01:58

catering to a very... small part of the

1:02:01

country. Effectively, it's the primary voters,

1:02:03

and you're forgetting that. Superfans.

1:02:06

Right, you're forgetting about the broad general, middle

1:02:08

audience. Let me ask you

1:02:10

a last question. I'm curious what you think

1:02:12

of the role of moral

1:02:15

courage in geopolitics. You write these

1:02:17

amazing histories of so many leaders

1:02:19

and outsiders over the course of

1:02:21

many revolutions, over the course of

1:02:24

several centuries. And a

1:02:26

lot of times it's intellect that wins a day,

1:02:28

sometimes it's economic power, sometimes it's luck being in

1:02:31

the right place at the right time. But

1:02:33

if you look at history, you

1:02:35

do see that often it's the

1:02:37

person who had moral courage or

1:02:39

at least a sense of

1:02:42

what that might represent who succeeds.

1:02:44

Not often enough, perhaps. But

1:02:46

I'm curious when you look around the world today

1:02:49

if you can point to some people that you

1:02:51

feel exhibit a high level of that, perhaps? Gosh,

1:02:54

that's a big question. Look, history is

1:02:56

complicated. You know this as well as

1:02:58

I do. Sometimes the bad

1:03:00

guys win. Communism goes on for

1:03:02

decades and decades. Soviet occupations went

1:03:04

on for a long time. Iran

1:03:07

is under a nasty repressive

1:03:09

regime now for 35 years. North Korea,

1:03:13

all those places. What I

1:03:15

would say is that in the

1:03:17

broad sweep of history, countries

1:03:19

and people who have embodied or

1:03:22

in some way encouraged the

1:03:24

best ideas, the ideas that are

1:03:26

most consonant with human flourishing and

1:03:29

development have done remarkably

1:03:31

well. Just the idea of

1:03:33

democracy. When it starts out, it's

1:03:36

a peculiar practice adopted

1:03:38

by a handful of countries nestled

1:03:40

in the North Atlantic. And

1:03:43

look at where it is today. And I

1:03:45

think the extent to which the United States

1:03:47

has been at the forefront

1:03:49

of this process for the last hundred

1:03:51

years is something we should take

1:03:53

enormous pride in. Now there is

1:03:55

a danger to overdoing it,

1:03:58

to pushing too fast. Another

1:04:00

negative lesson is the lesson of the French

1:04:02

Revolution. Not that the ideas of

1:04:04

the French Revolution were bad, they were in many

1:04:06

cases deeply admirable, but they

1:04:08

were overly theoretical, overly

1:04:10

radical, pushing them on society

1:04:13

at a time when they weren't going

1:04:15

to be adopted and produce an enormous

1:04:17

backlash. So I think a

1:04:19

lot of times we've gone astray because

1:04:21

we've curtailed our morality in order to

1:04:23

play power politics, often have done it

1:04:26

very badly, supported some crazy African dictator

1:04:28

for no rhyme or reason. And a lot

1:04:31

in South and Central America and in a

1:04:33

lot of places. Exactly. So we've

1:04:35

deviated from that. But in the main, when

1:04:37

you compare it to the alternatives, in the

1:04:39

20th century you had the great European powers

1:04:42

that were all rapacious colonialists. You

1:04:44

had the Soviet Union, you had

1:04:46

Mao's China, you had Hitler's Germany.

1:04:49

The US really was the best. And

1:04:51

as long as we can continue to push

1:04:54

in the broadest sense for

1:04:56

human beings to flourish, to be

1:04:58

seen, I think we're doing

1:05:00

something very important. I'm an

1:05:02

unabashed patriot in that sense. And I

1:05:05

think what we're trying to do here

1:05:07

is create a country where people from

1:05:09

all backgrounds, not just exist, but are

1:05:12

seen and come out of the shadows

1:05:14

and are able to be themselves and

1:05:16

do not have to conform to somebody

1:05:18

else's version of what they should be. That's

1:05:21

a deeply admirable thing. And I do think, you

1:05:23

know, we are the good guys and we should

1:05:25

take pride in it. Most

1:05:29

of the people we interview on this

1:05:31

show are academic researchers or experts in

1:05:33

some domain. We don't often

1:05:35

interview journalists. That's

1:05:37

what Fareed Zakaria is, albeit a

1:05:39

journalist with a political science PhD.

1:05:43

I loved this conversation with him. I

1:05:45

don't know if that means that

1:05:47

more journalists should have PhDs or

1:05:50

simply that more journalists should

1:05:53

operate like Zakaria with clarity,

1:05:55

compassion, hardheadedness and

1:05:57

an absence of rancor. What

1:06:01

did you think of this conversation? Our

1:06:03

email is radio at freakonomics.com.

1:06:06

We will be back next week. Until then,

1:06:09

take care of yourself, and if you

1:06:11

can, someone else too. Freakonomics

1:06:13

Radio is produced by Stitcher and

1:06:15

Renbud Radio. You can find our

1:06:17

entire archive on any podcast app,

1:06:20

also at freakonomics.com, where we publish

1:06:22

transcripts and show notes. This

1:06:24

episode was produced by Julie Kanfer.

1:06:26

Our staff also includes Alina Coleman,

1:06:29

Augusta Chapman, Eleanor Osborne, Elsa

1:06:31

Hernandez, Gabriel Roth, Greg Ripon, Jasmine

1:06:33

Clinger, Jeremy Johnston, Lyric Boudich, Morgan

1:06:35

Levy, Neil Carruth, Rebecca Lee Douglas,

1:06:37

Sarah Lilly, and Zach Klapinski. Our

1:06:39

theme song is Mr. Fortune by

1:06:41

The Hitchhikers. The rest of our

1:06:43

music is composed by Luis Guerra.

1:06:45

As always, thank you for listening.

1:06:51

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marijuana, and somebody else said, well, what would

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1:07:11

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