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my sense of reading you
1:00
overall, particularly reading your new
1:03
book, Age of Revolutions, is a sense of
1:05
sadness and surprise that
1:08
the world finds itself today in a
1:10
state of peril, that the powers of
1:12
populism and darkness and closed thinking are
1:14
battling hard and
1:17
maybe winning against what seemed to be the liberal
1:19
trend or a trend toward a new
1:22
world. And I think that's a good thing. What
1:24
seemed to be the liberal trend or
1:26
a trend toward openness and relative peacefulness.
1:28
Is that too dark a read of
1:30
your views? No, I think you
1:32
put it exactly right. It's a sadness. Since
1:35
the fall of the Berlin Wall, it
1:37
seemed as though many of the
1:39
great enlightenment liberal progressive projects in
1:42
the world were moving forward and
1:44
being embraced by people from Eastern
1:46
Europe to Latin America, to Africa,
1:49
opening up, holding elections, many of
1:51
them free and fair. Markets
1:54
that were often closed, opening
1:56
up so that people had many more
1:58
opportunities to move on. up trade
2:01
between countries, growing tourism between countries
2:03
growing and then the information revolution
2:05
which was bringing us all together,
2:07
binding us together. All these
2:10
forces seem to be moving forward. They
2:12
were each reinforcing the other in a
2:14
kind of virtuous cycle. And
2:16
then what we've seen over the last
2:18
10 years is every one of the
2:20
trends I just mentioned has reversed. We
2:22
are in a democratic recession. We
2:25
are in an age of rising trade
2:27
and tariff barriers and protectionism. We
2:29
are in an age where information systems
2:32
that were once open are increasingly
2:34
being cordoned off, monitored, regulated.
2:37
And all of it is fueled
2:39
by a certain degree of popular
2:41
sentiment which says, stop this strain.
2:43
We're moving too fast and I
2:45
need to protect myself. That
2:50
is Farid Zakaria. I host
2:52
a show on CNN, write a column for the
2:54
Washington Post, and write books like
2:56
this one. Today
3:21
on Freakonomics Radio, we talk about why left and right is
3:23
no longer the correct way to think about the political divide.
3:26
We talk about China and Russia, of course. And we talk
3:28
about the world. And
3:51
the new calculus in the Middle East. We
4:00
don't like the fact that Hamas is backed by Iran.
4:02
We also talk about the scarcity of
4:05
moral courage. History is
4:07
complicated. Sometimes the bad guys
4:09
win. Roughly half of
4:11
the world's population live in
4:13
countries that are holding national elections this year. So,
4:16
will things get even more chaotic, or
4:19
will they settle down? You
4:22
probably have some thoughts about this. We
4:24
will hear Farid Zakaria's thoughts beginning
4:27
now. This
4:41
is Freakonomics Radio, a podcast
4:44
that explores the hidden side
4:46
of everything with your host,
4:48
Steven Devner. Can
4:59
you tell me your life story in just
5:01
a couple minutes? A little bit about your upbringing and how
5:03
you got to where you are today? I
5:05
grew up in India in the 70s. I
5:08
managed to get a scholarship to
5:10
Yale and went there, had a
5:13
fantastic time, then got my PhD
5:15
at Harvard in political science and
5:17
international relations. And
5:19
then proceeded to go into the world of
5:21
journalism. With a PhD in Pali
5:23
Sai, did you consider academia at all or
5:25
no? Oh, very much so. In fact, I
5:28
remember very well this moment
5:30
where I was finishing up my PhD.
5:33
I was having lunch in New
5:35
York with Walter Isaacson, who was a senior
5:37
editor at Time. And
5:39
he said to me, there's a job in New
5:41
York managing editor of foreign affairs. You're a little
5:43
young for it, but you should throw your hat
5:45
in the ring. And I said
5:48
to him, Walter, I have no interest in that.
5:50
I think I'm on track to be offered an
5:52
assistant professorship at Harvard. And
5:54
he said to me, I'm talking about the
5:57
managing editor for foreign affairs. And I said,
5:59
yeah, and I'm talking about it. about an assistant professorship
6:01
at Harvard. And it's a wonderful example
6:03
of how you get siloed. Each of
6:05
us thought that what we were talking
6:07
about was a much bigger deal than
6:09
the other person thought. I
6:11
ended up going to foreign affairs. And
6:14
I've always been fascinated by international
6:16
affairs. My mom was a journalist,
6:18
and I think I was 14 years
6:20
old when Henry Kissinger's memoirs came out.
6:23
And I must have read them because I
6:25
remember telling my mom she was
6:27
working at the Times of India, which had accepted
6:29
the memoirs. And I told her,
6:32
you missed a couple of really good
6:34
sections. Now, your father, I understand, was
6:36
a member of the Indian National Congress?
6:38
Correct. He was a member of the
6:40
party that liberated India, gained independence, and
6:42
dominated it for the next 50, 60
6:44
years. I've read
6:46
that he was also an Islamic theologian.
6:48
Is that accurate? No. Wikipedia sometimes gets
6:51
things wrong. And it's particularly on issues
6:53
of Islam. It's an interesting
6:55
flaw in Wikipedia. He was a scholar
6:57
who was interested in Islam. He was
7:00
a completely secular man, but he
7:02
was always very interested and particularly interested
7:04
in the Indian experience. He
7:06
did write a little bit about theology, but
7:08
mostly it was history of India,
7:11
history of Indian Muslims. So
7:13
growing up as a Muslim in India, what share
7:15
of the population was Muslim by that point? It's
7:17
always been somewhere between 10% to 12%, 13%. And
7:22
what was that like for you, just as
7:24
an experience as a young person learning to
7:26
look around the world in a certain way,
7:28
being in a minority in a very, very
7:31
big country like that? When
7:33
I was growing up, I was
7:35
very conscious of being a minority
7:37
in a very secular, pluralistic, and
7:40
diverse country, and a country
7:42
that took enormous pride in the
7:44
fact that it was secular, and
7:47
pluralistic, and diverse. There was an
7:49
extraordinary emphasis that Nehru and Gandhi
7:51
placed, the two founding fathers of
7:53
the Congress Party and Indian independence,
7:56
enormous emphasis that they placed on the idea
7:58
of tolerance and pluralism. secularism
8:02
meaning really that there was no favoritism
8:04
toward one religion or the other. And,
8:06
you know, Nehru, he was India's first
8:08
prime minister, he wouldn't go to openings
8:10
of temples because he felt that that
8:13
would be unfairly putting his thumb on
8:15
the scale of one religion versus another.
8:18
And that was in some ways my father's
8:20
life work. He told me once that the
8:22
most important political choice he ever made was
8:24
when he was 13 or 14
8:26
as a young Indian Muslim in the 30s where
8:29
he chose Nehru's vision
8:31
of secular nationalism rather than
8:34
Jinnah's vision of religious nationalism.
8:36
He was very committed to a
8:38
secular India and a pluralistic India.
8:41
So for me growing up there was a
8:43
lot of pride in that version of the
8:45
polity of Indian civil society. You
8:48
were conscious you were a minority. So my father
8:50
was conscious, for example, that while he was a
8:52
politician he could never be prime minister
8:54
of India. There was always
8:57
that understanding that you were a
8:59
minority. But it was, as
9:01
I say, a country that he took enormous
9:03
pride in. And by the end
9:05
of his life there was a lot of
9:07
sadness about the rise of Hindu nationalism, a
9:09
kind of militant Hindu nationalism that was tearing
9:12
away at the fabric of what
9:14
had kept this country so vibrant
9:16
and admirable for him. You're one
9:18
of the few nationally prominent Muslim
9:21
journalists in the United States. I'm
9:23
curious if you feel that
9:25
places expectations on you when
9:28
talking about important global
9:30
events that involve Muslims, of which there are
9:32
many in the last few decades. What
9:35
I've always tried to do is use
9:37
that background as a way to
9:39
elucidate, to inform, to give my
9:41
viewers and readers a sense that
9:43
I kind of know that world
9:45
and I have an insight into
9:48
it. I really don't
9:50
like identity politics and don't really believe in
9:52
it. So I've very rarely written a column
9:55
or an opening commentary for my show which
9:57
says something like, as a Muslim. as
10:00
an Indian. You say, I
10:02
really don't like identity politics. I think
10:04
that's one of the reasons why I
10:06
like your commentary so much, because what's
10:09
at the core is the actual politics
10:11
and economics and social movements and so
10:13
on. But that said, much
10:15
of the political and social discourse in
10:18
this country and elsewhere these days is
10:20
really rooted in identity politics. And I'd
10:22
like to hear your comment on how
10:24
costly you think that may be. I
10:27
think it comes from a good place in
10:30
some cases. It comes from a sense that
10:32
people's experiences and the history
10:35
of certain communities have not
10:37
been adequately looked at and
10:39
analyzed and honored. And I
10:41
get all that. But I
10:43
think it's fundamentally illiberal, because
10:45
it is fundamentally saying, I
10:47
have this identity and that
10:49
identity trumps everything else, that
10:52
you can't understand what I'm saying.
10:55
And I think that if you make that
10:57
argument, you're essentially making an argument against
11:00
knowledge and certainly against the Enlightenment
11:02
project. The whole point is
11:05
that we can all live together because
11:07
I can understand your circumstances and we
11:09
can come up with solutions and policies
11:11
and legislation that allow us
11:13
to benefit each other and the whole.
11:16
The whole point of great literature is
11:19
that you have the ability to understand
11:21
other people. Shakespeare was not
11:23
Danish, yet he wrote a play
11:25
about a Danish prince. I
11:27
think the whole idea that you cannot understand
11:29
me because your skin color is different or
11:32
because your parents took you to a different
11:34
house of worship when you were young, it
11:37
doesn't to my mind recognize
11:39
that the whole point, certainly
11:41
since the Enlightenment, that we've been moving towards
11:43
is the idea that we can all understand
11:45
each other. Let's go back in
11:47
history a little bit. Let's get a little of the
11:49
flavor of your book. There's one
11:51
history that I found so interesting
11:53
and it may feel banal
11:56
to you, I hope not, but if you would,
11:58
tell us the history. of why today
12:01
many of us still talk about the left and
12:03
the right, where that comes from. That
12:05
was one of the things that I was most
12:07
surprised by and delighted by because it was such
12:10
a wonderful little quirk of
12:12
history. And it turns out to be
12:14
largely accidental, almost architectural. The basic story
12:16
of the French Revolution is the king
12:19
needs to raise taxes and
12:21
calls the National Assembly into session for the first time
12:23
in like 150 years. They meet in this
12:26
semicircular fashion where basically the king sits in
12:28
the front. In front of him are all
12:31
his nobles and the priests and way at
12:33
the back are all the commoners. And
12:36
because the debate gets so furious,
12:39
almost spontaneously the two sides
12:41
ideologically start to sit together.
12:43
One of the people who was
12:45
there at the time, a French nobleman says,
12:47
those of us who wanted to keep the
12:50
present system ended up on the right-hand side
12:52
of the chair and the
12:54
people who wanted to abolish the monarchy
12:56
or who were the radicals ended up
12:58
on the left-hand side. Then this architect,
13:00
Pierre Adrian Paris, is asked to build
13:02
a new home for the National
13:04
Assembly. So they move from Versailles to
13:07
Paris and he finds this long rectangular
13:09
room and they don't have the space
13:11
for a semicircular configuration. So he sets
13:13
it up with what we now think
13:15
of as the kind of British parliamentary
13:17
setup, right where you have the chair
13:20
and then long benches on either side
13:22
facing each other. And what
13:24
ends up happening is all the people who
13:26
want to abolish the monarchy are on the
13:28
left, all the people who want to uphold
13:30
the monarchy are on the right. And
13:33
that is why we talk about left-wingers and
13:35
right-wingers to this day. Most
13:37
of us talk about left-wingers
13:39
and right-wingers, but you have
13:41
moved on. You'd prefer to
13:43
characterize this split really as
13:45
open versus closed. This
13:47
is really the origins of the book,
13:49
where about 10 years ago I began
13:52
to realize that this divide that had
13:54
served us very well analytically in terms
13:56
of understanding politics for at least a
13:58
hundred years was a. No longer
14:00
really valid. It really was left
14:03
right on the economy. The left
14:05
wing wanted more state involvement in
14:07
the economy and more redistribution, and
14:09
the right wanted less state involvement
14:11
in the economy and less redistribution.
14:14
And that's perfectly well explained. Left
14:16
wing vs. Right Wing in the
14:18
United States and Europe in India
14:20
and Brazil. Everywhere. And
14:23
what was increasingly happening was
14:25
said. We were moving into
14:27
a realm of new issues,
14:30
largely. Defined by identity, culture
14:32
and Babs fundamentally determined by
14:34
where you stood on this
14:36
question of do one of
14:39
world of open Economics, open
14:41
politics, open technology, Open culture,
14:43
diversity. Or. Do you want the
14:45
opposite? I remember reading about a very
14:48
good analysis that see the Scotch Ball,
14:50
the legendary social scientists to jail dead
14:52
on the Tea party. She said the
14:54
Tea party presented itself as being kind
14:56
of Libertarian wanting blow government spending. but
14:59
when you talk to them and you
15:01
looked at all the focus groups and
15:03
you looked at how they voted, that
15:05
wasn't a concern. The real concerns were
15:07
called throw it was immigration, it was
15:10
assimilation, was diversity. Was what we would
15:12
now call the Woke Agenda. That
15:14
was really what was animating them.
15:16
And you move to cigarettes like
15:19
Donald Trump. Trump's entire message
15:21
has nothing to do with the old
15:23
Reagan formula of low taxes, balanced budget,
15:25
spread democracy abroad, sped market Soprano. His
15:28
basic message was, the Mexicans are stealing
15:30
your jobs, The Chinese are stealing your
15:32
factories, the Muslims are trying to kill
15:34
you. I'll beat them all up and
15:37
you'll be great again. Threats that has
15:39
nothing to do with Reagan. Sunny, optimistic
15:41
Libertarian vision and watching the change, I
15:43
realize okay, this is new. A lot
15:46
of these people say yeah, the economy's
15:48
doing well, but I hate immigrants. I
15:50
hate what's happening on the border. I hate
15:52
the woke agenda. Those are the driving issues.
15:55
We've always tended to think it's the other
15:57
way around. It's economics is dominant and this
15:59
guy. Rooftop is a little bit of
16:01
fluff and is really inverted. know. What
16:04
is your take on why so
16:06
many people in the Us which
16:08
is a done of Kennedy famously
16:10
called us a nation of immigrants
16:12
have become so hostile to immigration?
16:14
Do you feel it's on the
16:16
merits to some significant degree economically
16:18
and order insecurity and so on?
16:21
Or do you feel it's more
16:23
of their cultural touchstone. It's
16:26
a complicated question. First, I think
16:28
it's important to remember that we
16:30
have the mythology that America has
16:32
always been enormously open to immigrants,
16:34
but the reality is, we have
16:36
always had periods of huge backlash.
16:38
Think about, you know, the know
16:40
nothing party in the nineteenth century
16:42
founded basically to oppose Irish immigration
16:44
and then Italian immigration, the Chinese
16:46
Exclusion Act which is the first
16:48
time we actually ban a certain
16:50
group of be both the quotas
16:53
that will put in place and
16:55
Nineteen Twenty Four. Which are extraordinary.
16:57
It's beyond anything even Trump is
16:59
talking about right now, and that
17:01
lasted till Nineteen Sixty Five. So
17:03
we that long periods of enormous
17:06
open the sword immigration, but long
17:08
periods of enormous hostility. The way
17:10
I think about it is immigration
17:12
is sort of the human face
17:14
of this world of openness that
17:17
I'm describing is something like global
17:19
capital flows is an abstract idea.
17:21
Trade is largely an abstract idea.
17:23
Even open Technology systems is an
17:25
abstract. Idea. But. Human
17:28
beings. Who. Look different.
17:30
Who sound different? Who worship
17:32
different gods? That's visceral and
17:34
so people focus on that.
17:36
Doesn't. seem like a very outdated
17:39
construct though for a civilization it's
17:41
relatively modern because if you think
17:43
about it people moving around the world
17:45
are really not very different than commodities
17:47
and trends and goods and services
17:49
moving around the world so why is
17:52
it so hard for people to accept
17:54
that people are part of the
17:56
economy and people moving is actually the
17:58
opposite of friction actually grease in
18:00
the system. Oh, gosh. I
18:02
mean, of course, I agree with you theoretically,
18:05
but I think it would be missing a
18:07
lot to not understand that that's how human
18:09
beings react. We're tribal and
18:11
we get more tribal when things are
18:13
changing. So you write
18:15
that our times are revolutionary. Wherever
18:17
you look, you see dramatic radical
18:20
change. Elsewhere you write an
18:22
international system that had seemed stable
18:24
and familiar is now changing fast
18:26
with challenges from a rising China
18:29
and a revanchist Russia. What
18:32
is the best evidence that the pace of
18:34
change and the intensity of the change are
18:36
really, as you put it, unrivaled? Because yes,
18:38
life was stable during the Middle Ages and
18:41
no one wants to return to that, but
18:43
in the modern era, the one
18:45
constant has been changed. And so
18:47
is it really that there's more
18:49
change at the moment or is
18:51
it that so many of
18:53
us are kept apprised of every tiny
18:55
piece of change via a
18:58
new constant global digital media
19:00
and therefore we think
19:02
there's more change or even chaos than there
19:04
is plus switch. We all know about this
19:07
negativity bias, which is the human animal
19:10
is more sensitive to bad news than
19:12
to good. So first to just
19:14
take something you said, which is
19:16
very important, which is that information
19:18
technology might itself be accelerating
19:21
our sense of how much this is
19:23
changing, but that's a reality you can't
19:25
get away from. That is part of
19:28
the change that has taken place, this
19:30
explosion in information technology. But let's look
19:32
at the objective data because you're right
19:34
to wonder. If you look at politically,
19:37
as I said, the number of democracies
19:39
has just exploded. And remember, democracy is
19:41
a very new, unwieldy, chaotic form of
19:44
government for most countries that have had
19:46
a very different top down system rather than
19:48
the bottom up one. If you look at
19:50
trade, there was an earlier boast of globalization.
19:53
In fact, probably two, there was one around
19:55
the early to mid 19th century and then
19:57
one that takes place sort of in the.
20:00
It's the 50s after World War II. But
20:02
I do think the fall of the Berlin Wall
20:05
really turns out to be one of these seismic
20:07
events. If you think about
20:09
trade, the number of countries that come
20:11
online, come into the open world economy,
20:14
in the 50s, Europe returns
20:16
and then Japan starts to come
20:18
back. And then Korea, then you
20:21
have Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong. In
20:24
the 80s and 90s, you get
20:26
China, India. That's two and
20:28
a half billion people, all
20:30
of Eastern Europe, most of Latin America,
20:33
half of Africa. So suddenly you go from, if
20:35
you were to do it on a per year
20:37
basis, 10 or 20 million people
20:40
joining the open trading system to
20:43
three, 400 million joining when
20:45
China comes in. So I've
20:47
often thought that that's part of the China shock. It's
20:50
just the size, it was so different
20:52
from anything we had ever experienced that
20:55
it has had a real effect, but also
20:57
a psychological effect. Okay, let's
20:59
take 1991 as a start date,
21:02
the dissolution of the Soviet Union,
21:04
the subsequent rise of the
21:06
US as the lone superpower for time,
21:08
at least. In
21:10
your work, you often point out that the
21:12
so-called good old days in the US weren't
21:14
actually very good, at least for most people.
21:17
So let's go with that
21:19
somewhat optimistic theme. When
21:21
you think about the US since
21:23
1991, what would you say have
21:25
been some of the best long-term
21:27
geopolitical decisions since the collapse of
21:29
the Soviet Union? I think
21:31
probably the most fundamental one was
21:33
to not retreat into isolationism again,
21:35
as the United States had a
21:38
tendency to want to do after
21:40
every major war. After
21:42
World War I, famously, Wilson tries to
21:44
commit the United States to a new
21:46
global system, the League of Nations, and
21:48
the US basically pulls back, which
21:51
then is a huge factor in
21:53
the rise of fascism, the collapse of
21:55
the global economic order, all that. After
21:58
1945, there were a lot of people. who wanted
22:01
rapid demobilization. NATO was
22:03
very unpopular among Republicans.
22:05
So after 1989, there
22:08
was none of that. There was a very
22:10
clear sense that the United
22:12
States needed to stay engaged in
22:14
the world. The key to America's
22:16
hegemony has been this idea that
22:19
we will work on geopolitical stability
22:21
and we will be very sensitive,
22:24
shall we say, jealous of anyone
22:26
who tries to challenge our geopolitical
22:28
hegemony. But you can get rich. You
22:31
can thrive. You can prosper in the world.
22:33
You can raise your people's standards of living.
22:36
And that bargain has worked
22:38
miraculously. I think the biggest
22:41
mistakes probably are all
22:43
ones where the United States overextended
22:46
itself in the
22:48
search for some kind of perfect
22:50
stability, bringing democracy to Iraq, even
22:52
to Afghanistan, rather than
22:54
a narrower focus on punishing Al
22:57
Qaeda and the Taliban for what
22:59
it did in 9-11. That's an
23:01
interesting distinction you draw between enabling
23:03
prosperity in other countries versus the
23:05
more common label of spreading
23:07
democracy. But I am curious to
23:09
know what you think about the
23:11
width and breadth and sustainability, I
23:14
guess, of democracy. So this year, more
23:16
than 50 countries representing about half
23:19
the global population are holding national
23:21
elections. The US, of course, but
23:24
also India, Indonesia, the UK,
23:26
I believe they're early 2025, Pakistan,
23:29
Taiwan, Mexico, South Africa. So
23:32
what do you think is the
23:34
significance of this year for democracy,
23:36
per se? And how
23:39
do you see that affecting long-term
23:41
US interests? I
23:43
Think the biggest challenge we face
23:45
this year, and it's a larger
23:47
trend, of course, is the one
23:49
that I identified about 20 years
23:52
ago, which is the rise of
23:54
illiberal democracy. I've always thought the
23:56
United States does better when it
23:58
encourages conditions that lead to the
24:00
spread of democracy, rather than the
24:02
rise of democracy. that an imposing
24:04
it by forcing elections. If you
24:06
think about countries that modernize the
24:09
economy's modernize the society's often under
24:11
dictatorships and then modernize the political
24:13
systems. If you look at South
24:15
Korea and Taiwan, the two most
24:17
consolidated liberal democracies and a sub
24:19
were the first to modernize the
24:21
economy. Then that results in the
24:23
creation of a middle class. Then
24:26
that very reluctantly and under enormous
24:28
pressure opened up the political system.
24:30
But that stuff that ended up giving
24:32
you a much more stable basis than
24:34
say holding election in Pakistan without any
24:37
of those can com it and forces
24:39
a big surprise that do it you
24:41
end up with is a very liberal
24:43
democracy but ultimately a sign of the
24:45
victory of democracy ideologically is even the
24:47
dictators hold elections skyn of i would
24:50
goodness going to hold an election the
24:52
run as they used to be an
24:54
old joke about Mubarak when he was
24:56
the president of Egypt which is that
24:58
he would hold the election. And welcomed
25:00
him and say your Excellency we have
25:03
good news. The. Election has taken
25:05
place. You have one ninety seven percent
25:07
of the vote. What more can you
25:09
ask for? Your excellency and he would
25:11
say the names of the three percent
25:14
who did not vote from the assessment.
25:16
But the real significance is. We're.
25:18
Seeing democracy? But are we
25:20
seeing Liberal democracy? The.
25:22
Distinction I make is that there
25:24
was a liberal tradition to democracy,
25:26
rule of law, separation of powers,
25:28
individual rights, minority rights, or that
25:30
those are being undermined in many
25:32
of these places. So. You
25:35
write a lot in this book
25:37
and elsewhere about the rise of
25:39
populist politics in the current era.
25:41
It's certainly not the first time,
25:43
but also, eve Disgust a recent
25:45
interesting reversal. And that's in Poland.
25:48
The. our is really is fascinating to
25:50
see what you have an eastern europe
25:52
is this a dramatic shift and liberal
25:55
democracy asked of the soviet union collapses
25:57
and so we all celebrated and we
25:59
forget that these are still societies
26:01
that are not that advanced economically, they
26:03
don't have large middle classes. They've
26:06
lost whatever tradition they had of
26:09
rule of law and independent institutions because
26:11
they've been under communism for
26:13
half a century and under Russian
26:15
occupation effectively for half a century.
26:18
And so they're still scarred societies.
26:21
What we discovered in Poland is that
26:24
there were these deeply illiberal
26:26
populist forces there and once
26:29
the system sort of shook out,
26:31
you saw the rise of classic
26:33
illiberal populism, which after all is
26:35
a very familiar story in Europe.
26:37
This is the land of Hitler
26:39
and Mussolini and its classic illiberal
26:41
democracy, voted in democratically, and
26:44
then they start to use the state
26:46
media which had been set up in
26:48
Poland almost like the BBC and they
26:50
turn it into basically state propaganda. They
26:53
try to back the judiciary and strip
26:55
it of some of its independence. They
26:57
try to back the bureaucracy. They
27:00
want to fill it with their party loyalists. But
27:02
the good news, it turns out there
27:05
is a very core liberal democratic fabric in
27:07
the country still and they had
27:09
these recent elections in which it was clear what
27:11
was at stake and you got
27:13
a higher turnout in that election than
27:15
you got in the election that led
27:17
to the fall of communism in 89.
27:20
You had, I think, 72% turnout. Were
27:23
you surprised that the existing rulers allowed
27:25
an actual fair and open election there
27:27
in Poland? Because in many countries,
27:29
they don't. We read the data out
27:32
of Iran, for instance. If we
27:34
believe that data, we would think that if
27:36
there were an open election held that the
27:38
theocracy would be gone tomorrow, correct? Yeah,
27:41
I suspect so, though. I think it
27:43
has more support than we realize. But
27:45
I think that it's important to note
27:47
the progress implied in what you're describing,
27:49
which is people want
27:51
democracy. People want the legitimacy
27:53
that comes from choice and
27:56
public participation. And that's
27:58
a good thing. It just needs to be
28:00
a good thing. accompanied also with liberalism and
28:02
constitutionalism and the rule of law. So
28:06
what happens in a society
28:08
without those things? Putin represents
28:10
this feeling that we
28:12
were once great and we have
28:14
been stripped of our greatness. I'm Stephen
28:16
Dubner. This is Freakonomics Radio. We will
28:19
be right back with Fareed Zakaria. And
28:27
be safe out there. Freakonomics Radio is
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to get started today. Farid
30:25
Zakaria is host of the weekly
30:27
CNN program GPS that stands for
30:29
Global Public Square, and
30:31
he has written several books including
30:33
The Post-American World and The Future
30:35
of Freedom. His new book
30:37
is called Age of Revolutions, in
30:40
which he argues that we are living
30:42
through possibly the most revolutionary period in
30:44
human history. At first
30:46
glance, that claim might
30:49
seem hyperbolic. There aren't so
30:51
many people storming so many
30:53
barricades, but that makes Zakaria's
30:55
point. The current revolution, he
30:57
argues, is a retreat
31:00
from a massive trend toward
31:02
open societies replaced by
31:04
a facsimile of openness that
31:06
is usually stage managed by
31:09
an autocrat. Here's what
31:11
Zakaria writes about Russia. Vladimir
31:13
Putin has harnessed identity politics
31:16
and jingoism as a response
31:18
to his nation's structural decline.
31:21
And Zakaria says Putin has done
31:23
this masterfully. He's
31:27
stripped the country of any opposition. He
31:29
stripped the country of the civic culture
31:31
that allows for free exchange of ideas
31:34
and organization of opposition politics and all
31:36
that. And within that
31:39
denuded desert landscape, he
31:41
is popular. As we heard
31:43
Zakaria say earlier, the fall of
31:45
the Berlin Wall and the collapse
31:47
of Soviet communism was a seismic
31:49
event. He also argues
31:51
that this shock was felt most acutely
31:54
in Russia, where it continues to resonate.
31:56
Russia is fundamentally a
31:59
revulsion. Great Power. The
32:01
Soviet Empire is about 70 years old.
32:03
The Russian Empire is three to four
32:05
hundred years old. That's
32:08
part of what is the
32:10
great wave of nostalgia that
32:12
Putin represents, this feeling that
32:14
we were once great and we have
32:16
been stripped of our greatness. And Russia
32:18
really was on its knees in the
32:20
1990s. I point out in the book
32:22
the Russian economy shrunk by 50% in
32:25
five or six years. That's more than
32:27
it shrunk during World War Two. So it
32:30
really was on its back. Life expectancy
32:32
plummeted and by the way still
32:34
in very bad shape. But then
32:36
because of all the other forces
32:38
we've talked about growing globalization and
32:40
liberalization, the economy starts growing mightily.
32:43
And Russia is the greatest provider
32:45
of natural resources in the world.
32:47
It's not just oil, it's natural
32:49
gas, it's coal, it's nickel, it's
32:52
aluminum. So it rides on
32:54
this wave of global growth. And
32:56
does it rise so much that it creates
32:59
a rich Russia? No, because
33:01
the economy is still fundamentally screwed up,
33:03
but it rises enough that it creates
33:05
a very rich Russian state. Now,
33:07
when you say the economy is screwed up,
33:09
there was an opportunity there, right? When all
33:11
kinds of firms were privatized, it became the
33:14
worst kind of crony capitalism. But theoretically, a
33:17
pivot could have been done there that might
33:19
have resulted in an actually rich country for
33:21
the people who live there. Yeah? Oh,
33:24
absolutely. The 1990s were a fascinating
33:26
experiment where you tried to take
33:28
a country that had been a
33:30
totally communist economy and figure out
33:32
how to make a capitalist economy
33:34
out of it. Clearly, it failed.
33:37
I don't want to say we failed because
33:39
I think that gives the US too much
33:41
agency. The US did give lots of advice.
33:43
Much of it was probably bad. But
33:45
it's one of these things that
33:48
what works better are slow, incremental,
33:50
organic changes. And so it
33:53
turned into a disaster. It turned into,
33:55
as you say, the worst kind of
33:57
crony capitalism. Russia has such a deep
33:59
tradition of statism. So maybe it was never
34:01
going to work, but certainly we didn't do a
34:03
good job. When you talk about
34:05
that deep tradition of statism, it makes me
34:07
want to ask you a question that is
34:10
the kind of question that I think is
34:12
very unpopular in political science circles and in
34:14
public as well. And that comes to national
34:16
character. So if you read politics, you know,
34:20
40, 50, 100 years ago, there was a lot of discussion about how
34:23
the national character of a place like
34:25
Russia determined a lot of its political
34:27
and economic moves. And the same could
34:29
be said of many other countries, especially
34:31
older countries. And the US was seen
34:33
as still kind of a teenager in
34:35
that regard. Would you say
34:37
that Russia is continuing a manifestation
34:40
of its age old Russian empire
34:42
national character now, potentially at the
34:45
expense of better options? I
34:47
would. And I think there's no
34:49
question that Russia has this very
34:52
deep imperial culture that comes
34:54
out of its history. It's the
34:56
last multinational empire. And it is trying to
34:58
hold on to its empire and the way
35:01
that the French did in Algeria
35:03
and in Vietnam and the British did in
35:05
Kenya. It never ends well, does it, when
35:07
they try to hold on? Right. And then
35:09
think about it. The French killed one million
35:11
people in Algeria trying to hold on. But
35:13
you raise an interesting issue, which is this
35:15
issue of national culture. And
35:17
you're right, people have kind of ambivalent feelings about it.
35:20
It's absolutely clear that national culture
35:23
makes a huge difference. But
35:25
it's important to understand that national
35:27
culture is not genetic. It is
35:29
the product of history and institutions
35:31
and policy. And it
35:33
can change. Look, why does Russia
35:35
have this vast imperial tradition? It's
35:37
vast open space, easily conquerable. Western
35:40
Europe in 1500 had 500 different
35:42
states, if you count all
35:45
the duchies and principalities. Why?
35:48
Because it's riven with rivers and
35:50
mountains. So it's very easy to
35:52
defend and very hard to conquer.
35:54
Whereas China and Russia, these vast
35:56
open plains, which ended up with
35:58
vast single empires with centralized power.
36:02
All this matters, but you
36:04
can change it. Daniel Patrick Moynihan,
36:06
the great senator-intellectual, had a line
36:08
where he said, the central conservative
36:10
insight is that culture is more
36:13
important than politics. People
36:15
often use that line, but they forget
36:17
his second line, which was, the central
36:19
liberal insight is that politics can
36:21
change culture. That's a
36:23
really interesting summary and observation. It does
36:25
make me wonder, the people who study
36:28
and have influence in the realms of
36:30
politics and economics, two separate sets of
36:32
people, but they have a lot of
36:35
leverage. The people who study and explain
36:37
culture, I would argue, have
36:39
much less leverage. Do you think that's a problem?
36:41
And if so, what do you think should be
36:44
done about it? Yeah, it's a
36:46
huge problem. And I think it explains many
36:48
of our greatest policy failures. If
36:50
there's a central policy failure in American foreign
36:52
policy over the last 75 years, I would
36:55
say it's our inability
36:57
to understand nationalism. We
36:59
didn't understand nationalism in Vietnam. We
37:01
didn't understand it in Iraq. The
37:04
greatest lost opportunity was in the 50s
37:06
and 60s, all these third
37:08
world countries were fundamentally
37:12
pro-American in the sense that they looked
37:14
at the old colonial empires of Europe
37:16
and hated them. They looked at America
37:18
and admired a lot about America. And
37:22
we blew it all because we got
37:24
into this mindset that ideology was all
37:26
that mattered, that communism versus capitalism was
37:28
the great divide. We didn't
37:30
understand the complexity of the situation. I'll give
37:32
you an example of the country I grew
37:34
up in. India was
37:36
not fundamentally pro-Soviet in any
37:38
sense, but the
37:41
people who had supported Indian independence when
37:43
it was a colony of Britain were
37:45
all the socialist states. So there
37:48
was a kind of left-wing orientation
37:50
to India's founding because those were
37:52
its comrades. But it
37:54
was all misread as some kind of anti-democratic,
37:57
anti-Western view. The
38:00
most famous example of this, I think, is we
38:02
misread Ho Chi Minh, who when he started out
38:05
petitioned the United States for help in the 40s.
38:08
And instead we branded him from the
38:10
start a communist. Flash forward to Iraq,
38:13
where we fundamentally didn't understand that the
38:15
country's nationalism was very complicated because it
38:17
had these three communities, the Shia, the
38:19
Sunni, and the Kurds, who hated each
38:21
other, who had never really been part
38:23
of one country except for a brief
38:25
period. So do you think the U.S.
38:27
has become less ideological in that regard in the last
38:29
20 years? No,
38:32
I don't think so. Because I see it in
38:34
China. Russia actually benefits
38:36
from global instability and tension, because
38:38
whenever that happens, the prices of
38:41
commodities, particularly oil, go up. So
38:43
it almost has a structural reason to be
38:45
a spoiler. Whereas the Chinese
38:48
are the opposite. They are a low-resource
38:50
economy. They depend on
38:52
global capital, global investment, global
38:54
markets, and they have
38:56
benefited enormously from that process. The
38:59
world historical mission of the United States
39:02
is to make the world like it, to
39:04
make the world democratic. The
39:06
world historical mission of China is to make
39:08
China great. When they go to Kenya,
39:11
they don't look at Kenya and say, you could
39:13
be like us. They look at Kenya and say,
39:15
you will never be like us, because you're not
39:17
Han Chinese. I've always thought that
39:19
it comes out of the high Protestant tradition.
39:21
If you think of Britain and the United
39:24
States, these two great high Protestant countries, there
39:26
is a universalism inherent in Christianity. That
39:28
is one of the most revolutionary aspects
39:31
of Christianity, which is that we are
39:33
all created the same in God's eyes.
39:35
And that is one of the most wonderful things
39:38
about Christianity, in my view. The last shall be
39:40
first and the first shall be last. The meek
39:42
shall inherit the earth. It's all about
39:44
that. Where the Chinese don't
39:46
believe that at all. They feel like we're
39:48
Chinese, you're not. And so
39:50
that gives it a different outward orientation
39:53
toward the world. Let's talk about
39:55
the Middle East for a bit. First of
39:57
all, if one was around in the early
39:59
2010s, during the Arab Spring,
40:01
one might have thought that that part of the
40:03
world would be radically different than it is in
40:05
2024. I would argue
40:08
it's not very different. Can you talk about
40:10
that, what happened, and what are
40:12
some useful lessons to be drawn from the Arab
40:14
Spring? You know, in 2003,
40:16
I wrote that book, The Future of
40:18
Freedom, about a liberal democracy. I
40:21
basically made the case that the
40:23
Arab world was fundamentally unready for
40:25
liberal democracy. Because of oil wealth, it
40:27
had been able to stop
40:30
the process of modernization, economic modernization,
40:32
social modernization, to an extent that
40:34
no other part of the world
40:36
had been able to. The
40:38
whole structure of that region ended up being
40:41
that the governments didn't need
40:43
to modernize their economies to get
40:45
tax revenue. That's the fundamental
40:48
reason why society is modernized. If
40:50
you think of the American Revolution,
40:52
you know, no taxation without representation.
40:54
So the Saudis basically say it's
40:56
the flip side of that. No
40:59
taxation, no representation. I mean, nice work
41:01
if you can get it, right? Right,
41:03
right. Don't worry, we're not going
41:05
to tax you. And by the way, we're
41:07
not going to represent you either. So that
41:09
model, that stagnancy, sort of infused the Arab
41:11
world. And when you just
41:14
rip the bandit and say, okay,
41:16
let's liberalize, let's hold elections, it's
41:18
not going to work out well. And that's
41:20
exactly what happened with the Arab Spring. Every one
41:23
of those countries has now reverted. Now,
41:25
I will say there's one hopeful sign,
41:27
which is that the Gulf Arab
41:29
states have really become
41:32
very forward-looking, not just economically,
41:34
but socially. You look at
41:36
what MBS is doing in Saudi Arabia with
41:38
women. He's really dismantled
41:40
the whole religious police. He's largely
41:43
dismantling the religious educational establishment. He's
41:45
allowing much more freedom of speech
41:47
and, you know, initially it's entertainment
41:50
and all that. These are real
41:52
steps forward for a society that was really,
41:55
in many ways, run like it had been
41:57
run in the Middle Ages. Let
41:59
me ask you to just. give a
42:01
quick description of the differences between the
42:03
leading Arab states today versus the leading
42:06
Arab states a few decades ago. You've
42:08
explained why the shift has happened. It's
42:10
about resources and so on, but can
42:12
you talk about how that may manifest
42:15
itself in geopolitical relationships there, including Israel,
42:17
but also with the rest of the
42:19
world? Yeah, it's really fascinating. So if
42:21
you think back to the Arab world,
42:23
what we meant by the Arab world
42:25
30 or 40 years ago, what we
42:27
really meant were the big Arab countries,
42:30
Iraq, Syria, and above all Egypt. Egypt
42:32
is the cultural heart of the Arab
42:35
world. All great political trends have
42:37
come out of Egypt in the 50s, 60s, 70s.
42:39
All the great pop music stars came out of
42:41
Egypt. All the great writing came
42:43
out of Egypt. Egypt was the center
42:46
of Arab culture, and it
42:48
was deeply infused with this idea
42:50
of pan-Arabism, which was basically all
42:52
the Arabs should be one language,
42:54
one society, one culture, maybe even
42:56
one country. In fact, Narsa tried
42:58
to create a union between Egypt and
43:00
Syria, which actually happened for a few years.
43:02
They were one country, and
43:05
all of it was very anti-Israel.
43:07
It was almost defined by its
43:09
anti-Israeli quality. And why was that,
43:11
Fried? I've always wondered. I mean, it's an obvious
43:13
target for theological
43:16
reasons and some land displacement, but I mean,
43:18
as many people have made the point since
43:20
the October 7th attacks, there have been billions
43:22
of refugees throughout the history of the world,
43:25
and this one has turned out different. So
43:27
why was that pan-Arab position against Israel so
43:29
strong? I think it's a
43:31
great, great point. And it's largely
43:34
because you were searching for a
43:36
way to unify these very disparate
43:38
countries that are actually not- Common
43:40
enemy is a good tactic. Exactly.
43:42
In fact, it wasn't very religious.
43:44
It was fundamentally they're different. They're
43:46
newcomers. They're alien. Let's gang up
43:48
against them. And that became the
43:50
animating part of pan-Arabism. It
43:53
never really worked. Pan-Arabism collapsed because these
43:55
countries are very different, and they often
43:57
don't like each other much. And
44:00
now what you have in a
44:02
post-industrial economy, in a post-industrial world,
44:05
is that the Gulf states
44:07
have become so rich that they
44:10
absolutely dominate the Arab world. Egypt
44:13
is now in a tight police state
44:15
dictatorship. Syria is in chaos. Iraq is
44:17
in chaos. And they all
44:19
depend on handouts from the Gulf states.
44:21
So the Gulf states have realized that
44:24
as very rich hedge funds, if you
44:26
will, they need stability. They
44:28
need predictability. And they look at
44:30
Israel and think, this is a
44:32
natural partnership. We have the money.
44:34
They have the brains, to put it crudely, as one
44:36
Saudi told me. We should
44:38
be making alliances. That's been going
44:40
on behind the scenes for years now, yes? Absolutely.
44:44
The UAE, for example, has
44:46
had active intelligence cooperation with
44:48
Israel for at least a decade that I
44:51
know of. Qatar had very, very close relations
44:53
with Israel. They cut them off after
44:55
one of the attacks on Hamas in
44:58
Gaza, but they still maintain informal contacts.
45:00
And the Saudis are itching to do
45:02
it. So how do the
45:04
Saudis and the UAE, and
45:06
even Qatar, see the
45:08
Hamas attack of Israel on October We've
45:11
read a lot about how the
45:13
Hamas attack was connected to the
45:16
Iranian position in the region. I'm
45:18
just curious how you think those Gulf state powers actually see
45:20
it, and what they think is
45:22
a viable outcome for them. With
45:25
the exception of Qatar, I think they all view
45:27
it as an unfortunate interruption
45:29
of trends that they were hoping
45:32
would move in that direction. In
45:34
other words, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi have
45:36
no love for Hamas. They hate
45:38
Hamas. They don't like Islamic fundamentalism.
45:41
And they ban all the stuff in their own
45:43
countries very viciously. And they don't
45:46
like the fact that Hamas is backed
45:48
by Iran. But they recognize that the
45:50
Palestinian cause is very popular at home.
45:52
I mean, it's wildly popular. And
45:54
so they've all backed off. But
45:56
you notice not one of them has several relations with Israel,
45:59
not for the rest of one of them, they're
46:01
all trying to basically find a way to
46:03
get back on track how much would we
46:05
need to do on the Palestinian issue so
46:07
that we can get back to what we
46:09
really want to do, which is to establish
46:12
relations with Israel. I heard
46:14
a recent interview with John Bolton, the former
46:16
national security advisor. He was asked what he
46:18
would advise the Israeli government do next in
46:20
Gaza. That was a phrase. And
46:23
he said, the important strategic contest for Israel and
46:25
for the United States is to see that this
46:27
is a struggle not just against Hamas but against
46:29
Iran. And what Hamas instituted
46:32
on October 7th was part of
46:34
the Revolutionary Guard's Ring of Fire
46:36
strategy around Israel. I'd never
46:38
heard of Iran's Ring of Fire strategy. I
46:40
assume you could explain it to me. Sure.
46:43
They sometimes call it an axis of resistance. And
46:45
I don't think John is exaggerating when he
46:47
says it's a Ring of Fire around Israel.
46:50
Iran's fundamentally concerned about
46:52
Iran. What it has done over
46:54
the last 20 years is recognizing
46:57
that it is weak, that it is
46:59
under sanctions, that it is not going
47:01
to be able to compete. Saudi Arabia's
47:04
defense budget is, I think, roughly 10
47:06
times Iran's. So Iran, most of
47:08
you don't realize, is actually fundamentally weak. But
47:11
out of its weakness, because it's a very shrewd
47:13
strategic player. I mean, the Persian Empire is 5,000 years
47:15
old. They have
47:18
come up with this asymmetrical strategy,
47:20
which is they have infiltrated themselves
47:22
with a series of militias around
47:25
the world. So it's Hamas
47:27
in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon,
47:29
the Houthis in Yemen, the
47:31
militias of Iraq, Assad.
47:34
In Syria, they actually have the Assad government.
47:36
They fund them, but the funding is very,
47:38
you know, again, it's an asymmetrical strategy.
47:40
This is pennies on the dollar that Saudi
47:43
Arabia uses to buy defense weaponry from
47:45
the U.S. But it's very
47:47
effective because it keeps everyone off edge. It
47:49
gives them the ability to kind of harass
47:51
and put you on the defense. And
47:54
that is their fundamental strategy. Some of
47:57
this helps them harass
47:59
Israel. and they want to do
48:01
that. But it's important to realize it's fundamentally
48:03
about preserving Iran and its freedom of maneuver.
48:06
Are you surprised the extent to
48:08
which so many Western supporters, mostly
48:10
liberal Western supporters, have gotten behind
48:13
the Palestinian cause considering the fact
48:15
that the Hamas attack is essentially
48:17
tied to Iran? I
48:19
think that what most people are doing
48:21
is not thinking about that geopolitical dimension
48:24
to it, and just thinking about the
48:26
fact that the Palestinians have been living
48:28
under occupation for 56 years. And
48:31
there's a sad story there that you
48:33
can latch onto, but it does
48:35
mean that you're forgetting or ignoring
48:37
that there is also a geopolitical play here. And
48:39
the way I would put it is the Iranians
48:41
have used that occupation,
48:44
used it to infiltrate themselves into the
48:46
circumstance and turned it into a geopolitical
48:48
issue. I'm
48:51
Stephen Dubner, this is Free Climate's Radio. We
48:53
don't talk about geopolitics too often on this
48:55
show, but it does come up. One
48:58
of our most popular episodes of all time is
49:01
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49:03
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49:05
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Plus Amica says empathy is our
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best policy. In
50:58
the 2010s, the dream of artificial
51:00
intelligence that could rival and even
51:02
surpass the human brain became real.
51:05
The big tech companies, Google,
51:07
Facebook, Meta, knew they'd have
51:09
to harness this technology if they were going
51:11
to win the new AI race. In
51:14
fact, it was key to their
51:16
very survival. But researchers within each company
51:18
would soon sound the alarm that if
51:20
the tech giants moved too fast, the
51:23
consequences could be devastating. Hi,
51:25
I'm David Brown, the host of Wondery Show Business
51:27
Wars. We go deep into some of
51:29
the biggest corporate rivalries of all time. And
51:32
in our latest season, the tech behemoth
51:34
spiked to dominate the artificial intelligence space
51:37
and reckon with the costs. Follow
51:39
Business Wars wherever you get your podcasts.
51:41
You can listen ad-free on the Amazon
51:43
Music or Wondery app. When
51:52
Fareed Zakaria writes in his new book,
51:54
Age of Revolutions, that we are living
51:56
through an intensely revolutionary era, he
51:59
isn't only talking about... about geopolitics.
52:02
It is true that some regimes may be on
52:04
the verge of collapse, or at least radical change,
52:06
but he's also concerned about the
52:08
other revolutions we are living through. Economic,
52:12
technological, even emotional. On
52:14
the emotional front, it does sometimes feel
52:17
like all eight billion of us are
52:19
playing a tug of war between universalism
52:22
and tribalism. Here's
52:24
how Zakaria puts it in his book. Modern
52:26
civilization has given ordinary human beings
52:29
greater freedom, wealth, and dignity than
52:31
any before it. If
52:33
it collapses and the new dark
52:35
ages arrive, it will be because
52:37
in our myopia and our
52:39
petty rivalries, we lost sight
52:42
of the fact that we are the heirs
52:44
to the greatest tradition in human history, one
52:46
that liberated the human mind and spirit and
52:49
whose greatest achievements are yet to come."
52:54
So Fareed Zakaria has an
52:56
optimistic streak. Our greatest achievements
52:58
are yet to come, but
53:01
he is also a true student of history.
53:04
So there was something I wanted to run
53:06
past him. This was a question sent in
53:08
by a listener. Here's
53:11
an easy question. Is the US in
53:13
a state of decline that we might
53:15
recognize from the decline of the Roman
53:17
Empire, let's say, or nowhere near that?
53:21
Getting it close, the United States is
53:23
probably more dominant in many core measures
53:25
than it has ever been. And I
53:27
think it's fundamentally important that we understand
53:29
this because a lot of
53:31
our bad policies come out of
53:33
a mistaken fear of decline. The
53:36
whole policy toward China economically is
53:38
premised on the idea that the
53:40
US has been declining, it has
53:43
been hollowed out industrially, China
53:45
has taken advantage of it and is
53:47
rising, and it's all wrong. One
53:50
of the key measures of your long-term
53:52
strength is who dominates the world of
53:54
technology. Go back to the 16th century,
53:56
it was the Dutch, 18th century, it
53:58
was the British. Americans have
54:00
certainly been for the 20th century. If
54:03
you were to look in 1980 and
54:05
say, what were the dominant technology companies
54:07
in the world by market cap, the
54:09
US would probably have three or four.
54:12
Today when you look at the biggest technology
54:14
companies by market cap, they're all American. We've
54:17
never been more dominant technologically. It's
54:19
in software, it's in hardware, it's
54:22
in artificial intelligence, it's in quantum,
54:24
it's now going to be in
54:26
nanotechnology. Even if you look
54:28
at demographics, another core indicator, we are
54:30
the only rich country in the world
54:32
that is demographically vibrant. Europe
54:35
is turning into a retirement community. Although
54:37
we are growing primarily by immigration because
54:39
our fertility rate has fallen. Yeah, our
54:41
fertility rate is basically the same as
54:44
Europe's. The only difference is we take
54:46
in one million people a year legally
54:48
and we assimilate them very well, I
54:50
would argue, as an immigrant. But as
54:52
a result, we are demographically vibrant and
54:55
we will continue to be demographically vibrant
54:57
unless we do some kind
54:59
of Trumpian quotas or
55:01
freeze. If you look at energy,
55:03
this is a total transformation from the last 25
55:05
years. We were the world's
55:07
biggest energy importer. We are now the
55:10
world's biggest energy producer. We produce more
55:12
natural gas than Qatar. We produce more
55:14
oil than Saudi Arabia. It's
55:16
extraordinary. And we have this Green Revolution
55:18
where we're becoming dominant players there. So
55:20
I look at this sometimes and I
55:22
think to myself, what country would you
55:24
have traded places with over the last
55:26
30 years? We have
55:29
the best hand in the world. Your
55:31
answer suggests that we also lead the
55:33
world, however, in beating ourselves up. We've
55:36
always been somewhat introspective and I think that's a
55:38
good tendency and I think worrying about it is
55:40
a good idea because it forces
55:42
you to fix your problems. But not
55:44
when you sort of get paralyzed and
55:46
you start making these mistakes. Why have
55:48
we done so well? Because we are
55:50
a thriving free market economy where we
55:52
allow our companies to be
55:54
tested against the world. Would the American car industry
55:57
have been better off if we had shielded it
55:59
for the future? from Japanese competition? Would
56:01
our information technology companies be better off
56:03
if they lived in a hermetically sealed
56:05
bubble and never had to be tested
56:08
against the Alibaba's of the world and
56:10
the TikToks of the world? So I
56:12
worry a lot that the fundamental driver
56:14
of American strength has been the fact
56:17
that we compete, we go out
56:19
there and we hustle and we do it against
56:21
the best in the world. As long as we
56:23
keep that goose that lays the golden egg going,
56:26
we'll be fine. China hasn't become
56:28
more like us, but we have become a
56:30
lot more like China in the last 10 years. If
56:33
Trump were to win the presidency
56:35
this fall, how seriously do you
56:37
believe we should take his talk
56:39
of, as I read it,
56:41
essentially wanting to establish a dictatorship or
56:43
something that looks like one, much closer
56:45
than we've had in this country? You
56:48
never know with Trump because he's such a
56:50
kind of weird
56:52
narcissist that everything is
56:54
filtered through the question of, is this
56:57
good for me? When he
56:59
was president, he literally passed executive orders
57:01
that would have essentially banned TikTok and
57:03
the courts overturned them saying, you can't
57:05
do this by fiat. And now
57:07
he says, he doesn't want to ban TikTok. Why? Because
57:10
it would give Facebook more business and he thinks
57:12
Facebook is against him. So the
57:14
whole thing is always interpreted through the lens of
57:16
what will this do to me? He
57:18
is the first president in
57:20
American history to contest the
57:22
elections that were clearly free
57:25
and fair and attempt to
57:27
subvert that process of peaceful
57:29
transfer. That's a pretty core
57:31
element of the American constitution.
57:33
It may be the essence of
57:36
democracy. Which political leaders
57:38
past or present does Trump remind
57:40
you most of? That's
57:42
a very good question. I would say
57:44
he reminds me right now of Erdogan
57:47
in Turkey. Trump is not
57:49
as popular as Erdogan, but Erdogan
57:51
certainly has the same completely cavalier
57:54
towards norms, traditions. He
57:56
uses his political power to
57:58
prosecute his enemies. enemies. And
58:01
as a result, Turkey is one of these places
58:03
where I feel the sadness you were talking about
58:05
because there's no question in my mind that
58:08
over the last 20 years, Turkey
58:10
has gone significantly backward
58:14
on many core elements of what make
58:16
a good society. For his entire span
58:18
in office, he has undermined the rule
58:20
of law, undermined the courts, undermined the
58:22
bureaucracy, used political power to
58:25
persecute his enemies, upended old,
58:27
longstanding norms, practically ran a third time
58:29
when he was not supposed to by
58:31
changing the constitution. So Trump
58:34
is a lot like that. Okay, so assuming
58:36
it's Biden, Trump, who do you see winning?
58:38
The polls right now suggest Trump.
58:41
The elections right now suggest Biden.
58:43
I'm not copying out, but polling
58:46
sometimes reflects people's
58:48
general attitude, their feeling of unhappiness.
58:50
They think Biden is too old.
58:53
But an election is about you in the
58:55
booth and you have a choice between these
58:57
two people and it's serious. It's not just
58:59
you mouthing off to a pollster. If
59:02
I would be forced to bet, I would
59:04
put a small amount of money on Biden.
59:07
But I'd say this with very low
59:09
confidence only because of the craziness of
59:11
our electoral system. There's no
59:13
question Biden will win by over seven
59:15
million, probably nine million votes nationally.
59:18
The question is how will about 150,000 votes
59:22
distribute themselves in four states,
59:24
Georgia, Arizona, Wisconsin,
59:27
and Pennsylvania? That
59:29
I don't know. So Fareed,
59:31
I'm a fan of your CNN
59:34
show GPS. You interview politicians and
59:36
institutional leaders, public intellectuals, sometimes artists.
59:38
And in this realm
59:40
of, let's call it TV journalism, but
59:42
even broader journalism, you strike me as
59:45
one of the few honest brokers we
59:47
have. Now maybe it's all a con
59:49
job and you're being paid by hidden
59:51
forces to groupthink us all into some
59:54
perverse outcome. But I don't think so
59:56
because when I read you
59:58
and I watch your work, I just don't
1:00:00
see the usual tendencies that
1:00:02
a lot of journalism, especially
1:00:04
American journalism, has. You don't
1:00:06
shout, you don't harangue,
1:00:09
but you also don't sugarcoat. And
1:00:11
so I really appreciate
1:00:13
that as a consumer of it, but
1:00:15
as a producer of media myself, I
1:00:17
want to know how you do
1:00:19
that, and how can the rest of us do a little bit
1:00:21
more of that. Dr. S. B. Chitluri I'm very
1:00:24
flattered by what you said, but you
1:00:26
are detecting exactly what I'm trying to do.
1:00:29
Part of it comes naturally, I really think
1:00:31
of myself as trying to understand each issue
1:00:34
and not start out by saying, you know, I have a
1:00:36
team, and this team is always
1:00:38
right. So on things like the border, I've
1:00:40
been very tough on Biden and said basically
1:00:42
Trump is right about the border crisis. On
1:00:45
a lot of the affirmative action stuff,
1:00:47
the university stuff, I've been more what
1:00:49
people would consider right wing on other
1:00:51
things, I've been more left wing. I've
1:00:54
always been respectful of the other side because
1:00:56
I do think that there are intellectually interesting
1:00:58
arguments on all these sides. You can't have
1:01:01
75 million people voting
1:01:03
in one direction without there being something
1:01:05
interesting to learn about that. But
1:01:08
the thing that I think has been hardest
1:01:10
is just to stick with what you know
1:01:12
is right and real and
1:01:14
true, and not fall into the social
1:01:17
desire to be part of a club,
1:01:19
the commercial realization
1:01:21
that in journalism,
1:01:24
heat works better than light. I
1:01:27
would be a fish out of water trying the other
1:01:29
stuff. I think it has
1:01:31
worked. I've been able to, by counter
1:01:33
programming in a sense, I've built an
1:01:36
audience and we have
1:01:38
good numbers. So I think part of it
1:01:40
is really trying to be true
1:01:42
to yourself, be authentic so that you can
1:01:44
actually build an audience where people can feel
1:01:46
that. That's the hard part
1:01:49
because the short term incentives are
1:01:51
to yell and scream and to be partisan. I
1:01:54
really do worry about that in the broader
1:01:56
media landscape because I think that actually you're
1:01:58
catering to a very... small part of the
1:02:01
country. Effectively, it's the primary voters,
1:02:03
and you're forgetting that. Superfans.
1:02:06
Right, you're forgetting about the broad general, middle
1:02:08
audience. Let me ask you
1:02:10
a last question. I'm curious what you think
1:02:12
of the role of moral
1:02:15
courage in geopolitics. You write these
1:02:17
amazing histories of so many leaders
1:02:19
and outsiders over the course of
1:02:21
many revolutions, over the course of
1:02:24
several centuries. And a
1:02:26
lot of times it's intellect that wins a day,
1:02:28
sometimes it's economic power, sometimes it's luck being in
1:02:31
the right place at the right time. But
1:02:33
if you look at history, you
1:02:35
do see that often it's the
1:02:37
person who had moral courage or
1:02:39
at least a sense of
1:02:42
what that might represent who succeeds.
1:02:44
Not often enough, perhaps. But
1:02:46
I'm curious when you look around the world today
1:02:49
if you can point to some people that you
1:02:51
feel exhibit a high level of that, perhaps? Gosh,
1:02:54
that's a big question. Look, history is
1:02:56
complicated. You know this as well as
1:02:58
I do. Sometimes the bad
1:03:00
guys win. Communism goes on for
1:03:02
decades and decades. Soviet occupations went
1:03:04
on for a long time. Iran
1:03:07
is under a nasty repressive
1:03:09
regime now for 35 years. North Korea,
1:03:13
all those places. What I
1:03:15
would say is that in the
1:03:17
broad sweep of history, countries
1:03:19
and people who have embodied or
1:03:22
in some way encouraged the
1:03:24
best ideas, the ideas that are
1:03:26
most consonant with human flourishing and
1:03:29
development have done remarkably
1:03:31
well. Just the idea of
1:03:33
democracy. When it starts out, it's
1:03:36
a peculiar practice adopted
1:03:38
by a handful of countries nestled
1:03:40
in the North Atlantic. And
1:03:43
look at where it is today. And I
1:03:45
think the extent to which the United States
1:03:47
has been at the forefront
1:03:49
of this process for the last hundred
1:03:51
years is something we should take
1:03:53
enormous pride in. Now there is
1:03:55
a danger to overdoing it,
1:03:58
to pushing too fast. Another
1:04:00
negative lesson is the lesson of the French
1:04:02
Revolution. Not that the ideas of
1:04:04
the French Revolution were bad, they were in many
1:04:06
cases deeply admirable, but they
1:04:08
were overly theoretical, overly
1:04:10
radical, pushing them on society
1:04:13
at a time when they weren't going
1:04:15
to be adopted and produce an enormous
1:04:17
backlash. So I think a
1:04:19
lot of times we've gone astray because
1:04:21
we've curtailed our morality in order to
1:04:23
play power politics, often have done it
1:04:26
very badly, supported some crazy African dictator
1:04:28
for no rhyme or reason. And a lot
1:04:31
in South and Central America and in a
1:04:33
lot of places. Exactly. So we've
1:04:35
deviated from that. But in the main, when
1:04:37
you compare it to the alternatives, in the
1:04:39
20th century you had the great European powers
1:04:42
that were all rapacious colonialists. You
1:04:44
had the Soviet Union, you had
1:04:46
Mao's China, you had Hitler's Germany.
1:04:49
The US really was the best. And
1:04:51
as long as we can continue to push
1:04:54
in the broadest sense for
1:04:56
human beings to flourish, to be
1:04:58
seen, I think we're doing
1:05:00
something very important. I'm an
1:05:02
unabashed patriot in that sense. And I
1:05:05
think what we're trying to do here
1:05:07
is create a country where people from
1:05:09
all backgrounds, not just exist, but are
1:05:12
seen and come out of the shadows
1:05:14
and are able to be themselves and
1:05:16
do not have to conform to somebody
1:05:18
else's version of what they should be. That's
1:05:21
a deeply admirable thing. And I do think, you
1:05:23
know, we are the good guys and we should
1:05:25
take pride in it. Most
1:05:29
of the people we interview on this
1:05:31
show are academic researchers or experts in
1:05:33
some domain. We don't often
1:05:35
interview journalists. That's
1:05:37
what Fareed Zakaria is, albeit a
1:05:39
journalist with a political science PhD.
1:05:43
I loved this conversation with him. I
1:05:45
don't know if that means that
1:05:47
more journalists should have PhDs or
1:05:50
simply that more journalists should
1:05:53
operate like Zakaria with clarity,
1:05:55
compassion, hardheadedness and
1:05:57
an absence of rancor. What
1:06:01
did you think of this conversation? Our
1:06:03
email is radio at freakonomics.com.
1:06:06
We will be back next week. Until then,
1:06:09
take care of yourself, and if you
1:06:11
can, someone else too. Freakonomics
1:06:13
Radio is produced by Stitcher and
1:06:15
Renbud Radio. You can find our
1:06:17
entire archive on any podcast app,
1:06:20
also at freakonomics.com, where we publish
1:06:22
transcripts and show notes. This
1:06:24
episode was produced by Julie Kanfer.
1:06:26
Our staff also includes Alina Coleman,
1:06:29
Augusta Chapman, Eleanor Osborne, Elsa
1:06:31
Hernandez, Gabriel Roth, Greg Ripon, Jasmine
1:06:33
Clinger, Jeremy Johnston, Lyric Boudich, Morgan
1:06:35
Levy, Neil Carruth, Rebecca Lee Douglas,
1:06:37
Sarah Lilly, and Zach Klapinski. Our
1:06:39
theme song is Mr. Fortune by
1:06:41
The Hitchhikers. The rest of our
1:06:43
music is composed by Luis Guerra.
1:06:45
As always, thank you for listening.
1:06:51
The founders are almost our
1:06:53
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ask ourselves, what would the founding fathers do?
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If you went to Britain and
1:07:02
said, we have this law in place banning
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marijuana, and somebody else said, well, what would
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fit the elder or Charles James Fox have
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said about this? People would look at
1:07:11
you like you're nuts. But in America, it's
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completely normal to say, well, this is not in
1:07:15
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