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0:00
Hello
0:14
and welcome to The History of Philosophy in
0:16
China, by Peter Adamson and Karen Lai, brought
0:19
to you with the support of the Philosophy Department
0:21
at King's College London and the LMU in Munich,
0:23
online at historyofphilosophy.net. Today's
0:27
episode, The Only Constant,
0:29
Change and the Yi Qing. Kang
0:33
Tzu, often known as Confucius in the
0:35
West, once said that when he engaged
0:37
in divination, he got it correct only
0:39
70 out of 100 times. What
0:42
is divination and can it be that
0:44
one of China's foremost sages is only
0:46
a 70% achiever? The
0:48
practice of divination, broadly speaking, is to
0:51
forecast what might happen in the future.
0:53
It was widely practiced and documented in
0:56
Chinese texts from as early as the
0:58
9th century BCE. You might
1:00
already know something about the Book of Changes, or
1:02
the Yi Qing. Parts
1:04
of this text were compiled almost 3000 years ago. The Yi
1:06
Qing is
1:09
a multi-layered text in more ways than one.
1:12
Its different parts were put together in
1:14
different periods and these different layers served
1:16
quite different functions. Its earliest
1:18
sections were used for divination, while the latter
1:20
ones record reflections on the process of divination
1:22
and the place of divination in life. The
1:26
earlier layer is made up of sections
1:28
containing hexagram symbols made up of six
1:30
lines in a stack. These
1:32
symbols were accompanied by statements about each hexagram
1:35
as well as a line statement for each
1:37
of the six lines of every hexagram. The
1:40
lines that make up the hexagrams
1:42
are either broken or continuous, traditionally
1:44
associated with the familiar pairing Yin
1:47
and Yang respectively. Yin
1:49
has a range of connotations, including
1:51
shade, cold, and femininity, and Yang
1:53
is associated with light, warmth, and
1:55
masculinity. The six line figures that
1:58
may be a combination of broken or continuous with
2:00
lines allow for 64
2:02
permutations of hexagrams in total. The
2:04
hexagrams, its statements, and the line statements are
2:07
often referred to in a set as the
2:09
Tso-Yi. The compilation of
2:11
this layer is understood to be associated with
2:13
the Tso people who lived in the Tso plains.
2:16
The Tso dynasty is also named after the people
2:18
who lived here. In
2:20
divination practices involving the use of
2:22
the Tso-Yi layer, typically milfoil or
2:25
yarrow stocks would be used to
2:27
determine the appropriate hexagram relating to
2:29
an inquirer's question. Inquirers
2:31
could come with questions on any matter,
2:33
for example, on health, marriage, childbearing, or
2:36
travel. Rulers and courts
2:38
might seek to ascertain whether it is
2:40
auspicious or inauspicious to carry out military
2:42
advances at particular times about
2:45
harvests, natural disasters, or climatic
2:47
changes. The forecast
2:49
for the inquirer would be determined in
2:51
relation to a particular hexagram identified by
2:53
the use of the milfoil stocks, and
2:55
the hexagrams associated statements and line statements
2:58
would be interpreted accordingly. What
3:00
was the purpose of divination for the early
3:02
Chinese of their attempts to know what the
3:04
future holds? Edward Shaughnessy, an
3:07
expert on early China and in particular
3:09
on the Yiqing, suggests three
3:11
breed reasons, to resolve doubt, to
3:13
have one's intention confirmed, and to
3:15
engage in communion with spirits. The
3:19
layer of the Yiqing that was
3:21
added subsequently allows us glimpses into
3:23
the motivations, underlying assumptions and processes
3:25
of divination practices. These
3:28
10 commentaries, or appendices, which were
3:30
already referred to in the early
3:32
Han period, around 200 BCE,
3:34
are known as the Ten Wings,
3:37
Shi Yi. The
3:39
Ten Wings, together with the earlier layer
3:41
of hexagram figures, statements, and line statements,
3:43
that is the Zou Yi, comprise what
3:45
we call the Yi Jing. As
3:48
the Ten Wings reflect on the nature
3:50
of divination, its discussions revealed the motivations
3:52
for developing a system that aids in
3:54
foretelling the future. We are
3:56
told in the Zizi Sun, one of the
3:58
appendices, that anxiety is a anxiety prompted this.
4:01
As for the rise of the changes, was
4:03
it not in middle antiquity? Was the maker
4:06
of the changes not one with worries and
4:08
anxieties? We
4:10
can of course understand that life brings
4:12
many worries, especially during a time prior
4:14
to effective storage of food, machines to
4:16
assist with work, a scientific understanding of
4:19
human health, medicines to treat illnesses, and
4:21
when the majority could not independently access
4:23
information. Anxiety about
4:25
the lack of stability in life drove many,
4:27
it seems, to try to predict how future
4:30
events might turn out. Hence
4:32
the text, the tool for divination, is
4:34
named the changes, expressing anticipation of change,
4:36
apprehension about it, and a desire to
4:39
accurately predict what is to come. From
4:42
this perspective, divination can be considered
4:44
an epistemological tool, that
4:46
is, a technique for achieving knowledge and
4:48
control over events. This
4:50
is also something we saw when we looked at
4:52
divination in the context of traditional African practices. Change
4:56
is also associated with the ideas of
4:58
alternation and transformation in
5:01
the sì zì zuán. In
5:04
the words of Edward Shaughnessy, a diviner
5:06
needs to grasp the alternation or oscillation
5:08
between two opposed poles, or the ebb
5:10
and flow of events, so as to
5:12
intuit how and when these changes will
5:14
take place. Divination
5:17
practices were widespread during the Tso Dynasty,
5:19
prior to it and after it, and
5:21
we should not assume that what we call
5:24
texts, such as the changes written on bamboo
5:26
slips or silk, were the only tools. Another
5:29
method was to create lines on ox
5:31
scapula and turtle plastrons with a heated
5:33
instrument, and then read the cracks that
5:35
formed. So in a way these
5:37
could be considered texts, too. So
5:40
popular was the yī qīn, that there
5:42
were many versions of appendices that accompanied
5:44
the tso yī, the earlier hexagram wire.
5:47
In some of the versions, there were even
5:49
differences in the tso yī itself, in the
5:51
order of hexagrams, which reflected different rationales for
5:53
placing the hexagrams in relation to each other.
5:57
For example, one version of the yī
5:59
qīn, exge- excavated from a tomb in
6:01
Ma Guangdui in 1937, has a different
6:03
hexagram order than in the extant Yi
6:06
Qing. The Ma Wong
6:08
Zhi Yi Qing also includes other appendices not
6:10
found in the ten wings of the Yi
6:12
Qing. Gungso's comment that
6:14
he did not do so well in divination
6:16
appears in one of the Ma Wong Zhi
6:19
appendices. More versions of
6:21
the Yi Qing have been excavated, prompting questions about
6:23
the nature of these texts and the level of
6:25
interest in it. But
6:27
there are this many versions of the text
6:30
to date, both extant and excavated, suggest the
6:32
high likelihood that there were many more circulating
6:34
over the course of the 4th and 3rd
6:36
centuries BCE. These
6:39
texts captured both the popular and philosophical
6:41
imagination of the Chinese. The
6:43
key debate on the significance of the
6:45
Yi Qing concerns whether we see it
6:47
as an oracle text or as one
6:49
that is more reflective about one's priorities,
6:52
typically in connection with Confucian virtues. These
6:55
decisions were in part tied up with how the
6:57
layers of the Yi Qing were accentuated and how
6:59
they were organized. For example,
7:01
Wang Bi, a prominent 3rd century
7:03
CE thinker who annotated many classical
7:05
texts, rearranged the layers of the
7:07
Yi Qing, incorporating sections from
7:09
the ten wings with the hexagrams in
7:11
the Zou Yi portions. His
7:14
intention, allegedly, was to remove the speculation
7:16
associated with the study of the Yi
7:18
Qing that dominated debates during the Han
7:21
Dynasty. Yet much
7:23
later, the influential neo-Confucian thinker Zou Xi
7:25
sought to revive the Yi Qing as
7:27
an oracle text and did so by
7:29
organizing the ten wings separately from the
7:32
Zou Yi. Let
7:34
us now turn to some of the more
7:36
reflective views expressed in the ten wings on
7:39
the nature of change and humanity's possible responses
7:41
to it. In the Zizi
7:43
Quan, one of the ten wings' appendices, Kong
7:45
Zi is depicted as advising that we should
7:47
not expect things around us to continue in
7:49
the way they've been going. That's
7:52
good advice. To Take a not
7:54
so random example, dangerous pandemics can erupt with
7:56
great suddenness, and the more we have assumed
7:58
that things would go on. The in the
8:00
same the last Friday we will be to deal
8:02
with such temperatures. Concert.
8:04
Is effectively telling us to anticipate
8:07
change. In the same passage
8:09
from the seats, a son, he says that
8:11
a person might find themselves in danger if
8:13
they believe their position as secure. They.
8:15
Might suffer severe losses if they expect always
8:17
to maintain what they have and chaos might
8:20
result from their belief that order well indoor.
8:23
These. Statements are intended to shake readers out
8:25
of their complacency. The.
8:27
Thrust of this advice is that it is
8:29
naive to expected things will continue along the
8:31
same way. I'm Food brings his
8:33
wise counsel to a close by suggesting that
8:36
we should take steps to ensure that what
8:38
we value is properly established and anchored. Coin.
8:41
Is based on a section of that's A
8:43
He Comes It says. The. Changes
8:45
say this might be lost. This
8:47
might be lost so tired to
8:49
a healthy flourishing Mulberry. As
8:52
metaphorical statements expresses concern response to
8:54
change which is to ensure that what
8:56
we value most will be able to
8:59
withstand whatever comes ahead. His
9:01
passes leans on the figure of cancer to
9:03
express his particular view on how a person
9:06
can set themselves up to cope with change.
9:09
Their other images of concerts and the
9:11
appendices of the each including his comment
9:13
about getting divination right only seventy percent
9:15
of the time. We. Might can
9:17
have this modest remark to what he then says
9:20
as the passage continuous. Concert. Informs
9:22
his father a gun that in his
9:24
use of that so he he distinguishes
9:26
himself from scribes and shamans. Council.
9:29
Says that he uses the text in some
9:32
ways as the others do, but unlike them
9:34
he does not seek fortune are only to
9:36
be an auspicious circumstances. His
9:39
is a different destination Concert claims
9:41
he sees the virtue of the
9:43
each. Country
9:45
was not in south the author of these
9:47
appendices, but rather he was portrayed as master
9:50
in many versions of the eg. The.
9:52
historian richard russia has reminded us that
9:55
such attempts to install com soon as
9:57
the master in the gym or found
9:59
only after Han Dynasty. Ruch
10:01
writes that there is no evidence that
10:03
prior to the Han, the Yijing was
10:06
ever considered Confucian. Moreover,
10:08
ongoing debates among scholars about whether
10:10
the Ma Wangdui appendices are more
10:12
closely aligned with Taoist or Confucian
10:14
views should alert us to the
10:16
fact that our understanding of the
10:18
Yijing should extend beyond its association
10:20
with Confucianism. We know that
10:22
the Zou Yi was used widely across Chinese
10:24
society for a long period of time, and
10:27
it is highly likely that its views on
10:29
predicting and responding to change would have been
10:31
shared more widely among thinkers of different persuasions.
10:35
In the remainder of this episode, we
10:37
will consider how some assumptions concerning change
10:39
have permeated early Chinese philosophy. We
10:41
look at this issue through a particular angle,
10:44
thinking about how it is possible to prepare
10:46
for change. We seek some
10:48
answers through an unusual but illuminating approach,
10:50
which is to explore models, models of
10:53
exemplary people and sages, in a number
10:55
of different traditions. It
10:57
stands to reason that early Chinese thinkers would have
10:59
thought about how we can best harness and develop
11:01
human capacities in order to be resourceful and resilient
11:03
in the face of change. It
11:06
also makes sense that these desirable qualities would
11:08
be embodied by exemplary people. We've
11:11
seen in the last episode that
11:13
the Confucian Dao provides guidance for
11:15
people to develop appropriate dispositions and
11:17
capacities. We could say that in
11:19
this tradition, the most important method for growing in
11:21
this way is to learn from models. This
11:24
is how we learn, says Kung Tzu in
11:26
the Analects, a text that supposedly records
11:28
his conversations. Kung
11:30
Tzu commented that among three people, he
11:33
will always find teachers. He
11:35
selects what is desirable in them so
11:37
that he may himself pursue those ways,
11:39
and with what is undesirable, he corrects
11:41
himself. Which reminds me of something
11:43
my grandfather, who was himself something of a
11:45
sage, used to say, everyone is useful
11:48
if only to serve as a bad example. Belief
11:51
in the power of example undergirds
11:53
Confucian political philosophy. Ideally,
11:55
the king who embodies benevolence, or
11:58
ends, in all his undertaking. And
12:00
interactions will transform his people morally.
12:03
In. The months it a major warring States
12:05
confusion Text a benevolent king is at
12:08
the center of benevolent doesn't. This.
12:10
Idealistic Pictures felt that with details of
12:12
how a benevolent Kingwood treatise people well
12:15
and would watch over there material well
12:17
being. In. The
12:19
condition tradition the highest accolade for
12:21
a king is sage. For sage
12:23
can. The. Idea says minas
12:25
cannot be confined to a theoretical
12:27
definition. They are most often
12:30
portrayed as embodying virtue. For.
12:32
Example: Sage can now go canals
12:34
to divert funds and and saw
12:36
the succession plan amongst other achievements.
12:38
Said can son was exemplary and
12:40
filial devotion as we saw last
12:42
episode and cancer is known as
12:45
the Sage of Timeliness even though
12:47
concert never regarded himself as a
12:49
sage. The. Idea of
12:51
timeliness of us better understand how a
12:53
person responds to changing circumstances. For.
12:56
Example consists: decisions are time. It's because
12:58
he knows when he should take on
13:00
an official position, when he should withdraw,
13:02
and when he should continue. The.
13:04
Shouldn't have another confusion. Texts discusses
13:06
the adaptive know of the sage
13:09
to different circumstances. One.
13:11
Passenger specifically address the question of how
13:13
to engage in. The.
13:16
Same says what is appropriate in
13:18
circumstances and his responsiveness to change
13:20
presumably the turns an argument taken
13:23
by his opponents is inexhaustible. A
13:26
common in the Monster sums up well
13:28
the idea that acting virtuously as a
13:31
sage does and vary depending on circumstances.
13:33
It. says. The. Sages have differed in
13:36
their actions. The point of convergence has
13:38
been in keeping their persons sure. That
13:40
is all. The. Monster in
13:42
particular shows rather than tells us what
13:44
sadly this is there by using literary
13:47
methods that align closely with it's own
13:49
commitment to learning from models. What?
13:52
We have so far as a picture
13:54
of confusion. sage kings who act responsibly
13:56
to change. The. sit uncomfortably with
13:58
a widespread view of Confucian philosophy
14:00
as traditionalist and focused on
14:02
compliance. Could it be
14:05
that early Confucianism offers a two-tiered morality,
14:07
one for the sages and another for
14:09
everyone else? According
14:11
to this view, discretion is an option
14:13
only for those deemed exemplary or who
14:15
are sages. Unless jarring
14:17
account of Confucian philosophy might instead explain
14:20
the use of discretion and the emphasis
14:22
on compliance differently. The
14:24
guiding hand is more prominent in a
14:26
person's earlier stages of moral development, with
14:28
compliance being an aspect of these stages.
14:32
Discretion comes later, as one gains maturity
14:34
in reflection. The
14:36
level of discretion as this is sages is
14:38
only for the few, at least in Mengzi
14:41
and Xunzi's time. We'll
14:43
revisit these questions in later episodes on
14:45
Confucian philosophy. The
14:48
trust Confucians place on sages is absent
14:50
among a set of thinkers commonly known
14:52
as legalists. This phrase is
14:54
misleading, as not only did the text collected
14:57
under this grouping have diverse themes, but the
14:59
views on law barely correspond to what we
15:01
designate by the terms legal and law. The
15:04
term Chinese legalism is a simple translation of
15:06
the term 我见, referring
15:09
to those who emphasized penal law as
15:11
a method for the state to control
15:13
unruly behavior. However, the
15:16
term 我见 itself is a facile oversimplification
15:18
of a set of texts that move
15:20
well beyond the use of penal law.
15:23
We'll have more to say about these 我 thinkers
15:25
in a later episode. Of
15:27
the Fa group texts, the most prominent is
15:30
the Han Fei Zi, bearing the name
15:32
of the thinker Han Fei. This
15:34
is a multifaceted text with different views, including
15:36
reflections on the capacities of the ruler. Compared
15:40
with the Confucian trust in sage kings
15:42
to exercise discretion in handling matters, the
15:44
Han Fei Zi is less confident about
15:46
the capacities of rulers. Therefore,
15:49
it presents a range of strategies to enable
15:51
rulers to hold on to power. One
15:54
of these tells a ruler how he should
15:56
keep his advisors in check for in handling
15:58
state matters they could deceive him. or
16:00
worse still, they could be traitorous. In
16:03
Chapter 5, entitled The Ruler's Doubt, the
16:05
ruler is told he needs to be
16:07
inscrutable. He hides the fact
16:09
that he is keenly watching over his
16:11
advisors, appearing as if he takes no
16:14
action, ooh, way, in ruling the state.
16:17
However, he holds his advisors to account,
16:19
ensuring that their proposals are carried out.
16:22
He maintains a tally system, and advisors who
16:24
fail to carry out their assignments and duties
16:26
will be punished. Another
16:29
chapter of the Han Fei Tzu responds to
16:31
advocates of a virtuous ruler. In
16:34
the Objection to Positional Power chapter,
16:36
an extended argument is made against
16:38
rule by the morally worthy. The
16:41
Han Fei Tzu argues against a view that
16:43
was held by many, that the worthy should
16:45
rule. Instead, it states
16:47
that what is needed to maintain the
16:49
state is the ruler's positional power, shu.
16:52
In a compelling argument, it says that because
16:54
both sages and tyrants are rare, they must
16:56
be a system to ensure that average rulers
16:58
are able to maintain control of the state.
17:01
It sets up analogies in its argument against the
17:04
widely held belief that rulers must be persons of
17:06
moral worth. If a
17:08
famished person does not eat for a hundred days
17:10
while waiting for fine millet and meat, he will
17:13
not survive. If you
17:15
wait for a great sea swimmer from Yue in
17:17
order to save someone who is drowning in the
17:19
central states, though the people from Yue are good
17:21
enough at swimming, the person who is drowning will
17:23
not be helped. Waiting
17:25
for a sage king to turn up,
17:27
such as Yao or Shun, is analogous
17:30
to these scenarios, the Han Fei Tzu
17:32
argues, which renders that model of leadership
17:34
unviable. This is
17:36
a vision of political leadership that stands in stark
17:38
contrast to that offered by the Confucians. In
17:41
confidence in the people who might actually
17:43
take up positions of power, the Han
17:45
Fei Tzu does not expect a ruler
17:48
to exercise discretion in response to changing
17:50
circumstances. Perhaps it even prefers
17:52
that the ruler not exercise discretion. Henry
17:55
Pines, a scholar of the philosophy of the
17:57
Fa Finkers, suggests that this is one way
17:59
to the Hanfei Zhe safeguards rulers from
18:01
their own weaknesses. Reliance
18:04
on the ruler's status as well as his use
18:06
of other instruments to wield control over the people
18:08
and his advisors reduces the ruler's
18:10
discretion to a minimum. According
18:13
to this view, the Hanfei Zhe's image of
18:15
the ruler is set within a system that
18:17
is built to withstand change rather than respond
18:19
to it. A
18:21
sage in Taoist philosophy could not be more
18:23
different from a ruler in the Hanfei Zhe.
18:26
A Taoist sage acts in a manner
18:28
characterized as wu wei, translated literally
18:31
as non-action. We've
18:33
seen in relation to the Hanfei Zhe that
18:35
the ruler, in being wu wei, hides his
18:37
intentions from his advisors as if he were
18:39
not acting. The Taoists too speak
18:42
of wu wei but mean something quite different
18:44
by it. Far from
18:46
suggesting that a sage takes no action, it
18:48
refers to action that is not constrained by
18:50
specific methods or outcomes. This
18:53
will make more sense if we look more closely at the
18:55
meaning of the term wu wei. The
18:57
word wei does mean to act but also
18:59
to regard things as being a certain way.
19:02
For example, we could say that a
19:04
Confucian regards wu wei benevolence as a
19:06
unique and basic aspect of all human
19:09
beings. And we could
19:11
also say that the Confucian engages in projects
19:13
wu wei in order to grow their benevolence.
19:16
Taoists wu wei by contrast resists thinking
19:18
that is hemmed in by certain expectations
19:21
or action that is goal-driven. So
19:23
the negation wu in wu wei
19:26
expresses its refusal to go along
19:28
with conventional goal-directed projects. The
19:30
Tao de qin, a late warring
19:33
state's text containing 81 passages by
19:35
different authors, rejects conventional ways of
19:37
valuing and thinking about things. It
19:40
exposes the way preoccupation is
19:42
about beauty, goodness, benevolence, greatness,
19:44
wisdom, learning, fame, possessions, skill,
19:47
or cunning, and gain dictate
19:49
our lives. It
19:51
would seem odd that a text would seek only
19:53
to negate all pursuits. In fact,
19:55
though, the Tao de qin does not reject
19:57
all forms of goodness or indeed of sageliness.
20:01
Where it speaks against learning, for example,
20:03
it criticizes those approaches to learning that
20:05
seek to increase a person's conventional wisdom.
20:08
By contrast, the Tao De Ching aims
20:10
to engage in matters without embracing expectations
20:12
that most people hold to. According
20:15
to Tao De Ching, Chapter 2, the Taoist
20:18
sage carries out tasks without being constrained in
20:20
this way. The chapter opens
20:22
by scrutinizing how our pursuits are shaped by our
20:24
views of what is beautiful and of what is
20:27
good. It then asserts
20:29
that the sage's pursuits are not shaped in
20:31
this way. Indeed, they are oo-wei. Because
20:34
the Taoist sage does not encourage a specific
20:36
set of values, he, like the Han Fei
20:38
Tzu's ruler, does not promote worthiness as a
20:41
criterion of leadership. Yet
20:43
it is for different reasons that the two
20:45
texts reject worthiness. The Han Fei
20:47
Tzu thinks insistence on worthiness is unrealistic
20:50
as rulers in its day were merely
20:52
average. In comparison, the Tao
20:54
De Ching is concerned about the imposition
20:56
of norms on human behavior. Moreover,
20:59
unlike the Han Fei Tzu's ruler,
21:01
for whom oo-wei has an element
21:03
of passivity, the Taoist sage who
21:05
embodies oo-wei actively engages with the
21:07
world. It
21:10
is difficult to form a more complete picture
21:12
of sagely oo-wei from the Tao De Ching,
21:14
given its cryptic nature. However,
21:17
it is possible to illustrate what a Taoist
21:19
sagely life might be like by referring to
21:21
a story from the Xian Tzu. In
21:24
the last episode, we saw that the
21:26
Xian Tzu's Tao incorporates open-endedness as a
21:28
person journeys through life. This
21:31
idea is related to sagely oo-wei. In
21:34
fact, Taoist Tao is oo-wei in that
21:36
it is not molded into a particular
21:38
form, like a fixed itinerary for everyone.
21:41
In both Taoist conceptions of Tao and
21:43
oo-wei, a primary focus is on living
21:46
a life that encounters the changing world
21:48
responsibly. A story
21:50
in the Xian Tzu about a wheel maker helps
21:52
us appreciate how it is possible to act in
21:54
such a way. The Wheel
21:56
Maker, whose name means flat, has the
21:59
audacity to. Market an official took
22:01
one is reading the words of men
22:03
who were long dead. His.
22:05
Remarks would have been particularly sensitive as the Duke
22:07
had just told the will make her that he
22:09
was reading the words of the sages. The
22:12
story sets up how the Duke and the Will
22:14
make her are worlds apart and status. In
22:17
the story overturns the conventional set. The.
22:19
Manual Workers challenges the appropriately focused
22:22
official who aims to learn from
22:24
former sages. This. Is a
22:26
story of contrasts while the Duke reads so
22:28
that he may be reliably guided by the
22:30
wisdom of the sages the will make her.
22:32
I like the free hand nature of his
22:34
work. He. Says of his work
22:36
that with his hammer and chisel I feel
22:38
it in my hand and respond to it
22:40
with my her mind. Most.
22:43
Workmen in his day would have
22:45
been guided by measuring instruments collectively
22:47
called contests and square We do.
22:50
However, This will make her undertakes his
22:52
craft. I feel responding to the would he
22:54
has carving with his hammer chisel. Does.
22:57
Important mention that the generic term
22:59
for measuring instruments campus and square
23:02
was also used metaphorically by the
23:04
Confucians to refer to guidance for
23:06
our moral lives. Toward
23:08
the end of the story, the Will Make or
23:11
tells the Duke's that he cannot put his first
23:13
hand experience of know making into words and that
23:15
he has been unable to transmit it to his
23:17
son. This. Is intended to be
23:19
instructive for those who seek to preserve the wisdom
23:21
of sages for the present. How
23:23
can words transmit to us what it
23:25
means to act responsibly. The.
23:28
Signs Point is not that reading as
23:30
a points exercise, Rather, it's question concerns
23:32
how we can learn to be responsive
23:34
to changing circumstances. Can. It be
23:36
that sages, birds which codify values
23:38
and practices enable us to be
23:40
responses. So
23:43
response a decision making is a characteristic
23:45
above confusion and our sages, whereas in
23:47
the hunt it's discretion is not encourage
23:49
nor is it nurtured as it is
23:51
difficult to ensure that rulers will be
23:54
able to reliably to exercise it. de
23:57
haan fits his focus is therefore
24:00
on certain strategies and power infrastructure
24:02
that will persist in spite of
24:04
change. We've also
24:06
considered differences in the ways the Confucians and
24:08
Taoists seek to respond to change. While
24:11
Confucians look to tried and tested ways
24:13
for guidance so that they might act
24:15
as a Sage might have, in their
24:17
circumstances, the Taoist Wu Wei Sage seeks
24:19
to encounter the world and respond to
24:22
it attentively. An idea
24:24
that sums up the difference between the two
24:26
views of Sazley responsiveness is in their thinking
24:28
about the tracks that Sages lead for us
24:31
to follow. The Sun
24:33
Tzu, a Confucian text, discusses how we
24:35
can discern and follow the tracks of
24:37
Sage Kings. By contrast, the
24:39
two Taoist texts we have looked at speak
24:42
of not leaving tracks. The
24:44
Shong Tzu specifically addresses this issue, highlighting
24:46
the difference between what it sees as
24:48
a Confucian approach in contrast to its
24:50
own. In a
24:52
conversation between Lao Dan, the revered author
24:54
of the Doui Qing, and Kong
24:56
Tzu, Lao Dan rejects Kong
24:58
Tzu's reliance on the Six Classics,
25:00
the Confucian canon of texts. Characterizing
25:04
the Six Classics as the tracks or
25:06
footprints of former Kings, Lao Dan says,
25:09
those Six Classics are indeed just the stale
25:11
footprints of the former Kings. How could they
25:13
be that which leaves the footprints? Now
25:16
your present words are just further footprints. Footprints
25:19
are produced by the gate, but they are not the
25:21
gate itself. These
25:24
comments crystallize the complexities surrounding the question
25:26
of how we can effectively draw on
25:28
the insights of Sages, models, and exemplary
25:30
people so that their own views can
25:32
be better informed. How can
25:34
we learn from the past in such a way
25:37
that it enhances rather than inhibits or encounters with
25:39
the world? In
25:42
these opening two episodes, we've pursued a couple
25:44
of major themes in classical Chinese philosophy, the
25:46
Tao and Mao change, to give you an
25:48
introduction to the main currents of thought and
25:50
flavor of what is to come. We'll
25:53
hear more about this in the next episode, as
25:55
I chat with the co-author of this series, Karen
25:57
Lai, about the chronological and thematic scope of the
25:59
series. of the whole series we're planning. To
26:02
be honest, we're going to have to exercise
26:04
some discretion as we go along in response
26:06
to changing circumstances, but it would still be
26:08
sage advice for you to join me and
26:11
Karen here next time on the History of
26:13
Philosophy in June.
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