Episode Transcript
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0:00
Michael? Peter. So what do you know
0:02
about the end of history? I mostly
0:04
know that eighty percent of the arguments
0:07
about it were about the title, not the actual
0:09
book. So
0:25
before we talk about the
0:27
essay, and the book. We should probably
0:29
talk about Francis Fukiama.
0:32
He's a political philosopher
0:35
her who starts to work at the Rand
0:37
Corporation
0:38
in nineteen seventy nine. Fukushima
0:41
is also doing he worked for the
0:43
Reagan administration and the state department, the
0:45
Bush administration, the Bush one administration. And
0:47
in the summer of Nineteen
0:51
eighty nine, he publishes a little
0:53
essay called The End of History
0:55
Question mark. Oh, Summer of
0:57
Eighty nine, so before the Wall came down. It
0:59
is it is before the wall came
1:01
down. A wall comes down, I think, towards the end
1:03
of the year. Right? November -- Yep. -- and, you know, the
1:06
the Soviet Union is teetering, but
1:08
still won't formally dissolve for couple
1:10
of years. There's an understanding that
1:13
at this point, the Cold War is ending.
1:16
There's this lingering question
1:18
in everyone's mind of what comes
1:20
next, what comes next for all of us, what comes next
1:22
for America, And the end
1:24
of history is Fukuyama's attempt
1:27
to answer that question. And
1:29
his answer really like captures the imagination
1:32
of political elites especially and
1:34
really defines how American
1:37
politicians, Western politicians and
1:39
academics look at the world
1:41
--
1:42
Yeah. -- for
1:42
the next, like, quarter century.
1:44
You could not get away from this book.
1:46
Yeah. I was in college in the mid
1:48
odds. And it was assigned -- Oh, yeah. -- by
1:50
more than one professor. I read this book
1:52
twice once in grad
1:54
school and once in other
1:57
grad school. And I
2:00
barely remember it. Yeah. I think
2:02
a lot of that comes from like his writing
2:04
style. Yeah. I
2:05
mean, Look, Fukushima is
2:07
a he's a smart guy. Mhmm. But he
2:10
rebels in the safety of
2:11
abstraction. Right. And I'm
2:13
not in point of political philosophy. I
2:15
enjoy it, but there is a
2:17
type of dumb person that
2:19
thrives in the realm of political philosophy
2:22
because philosophical analysis provides
2:24
so much abstraction
2:26
that
2:26
you can readily hide the fact that
2:28
you are not able to accurately describe
2:30
the world.
2:31
Also Peter don't know if you know this, but I
2:33
have a master's degree in political philosophy.
2:35
I did not know that. And
2:37
and what you're saying about people not knowing
2:40
what the fuck they're talking about is exactly like
2:42
my grad school experience. I
2:45
remember just being like, what do you mean what
2:47
exactly do you
2:48
mean, please, and people not being able
2:50
to articulate it?
2:51
I I have a political science degree. So I'm kind
2:53
of a STEM guy.
2:54
Oh, the hard science
2:56
and the soft science. Now, the thesis
2:59
is best summarized by a quote
3:01
from the original essay. What
3:03
we may be witnessing is not just the end
3:05
of the Cold War, but the end of history
3:07
as such. That is the endpoint
3:10
of mankind's ideological evolution
3:12
and the universalization
3:14
of Western liberal democracy as
3:16
the final form of human
3:18
government. We
3:19
did it, Gang. We came up with the ideal
3:22
way to run a country. I know it's crazy,
3:25
but I think we got this. I think
3:27
we actually got this human society
3:29
thing forever. So
3:31
yeah, you know, the initial essay is
3:34
just fifteen pages or so, published in
3:36
a little conservative journal called The National Interest.
3:39
The book comes a couple years later
3:41
in nineteen ninety two, and
3:44
it's called the end of history and the
3:46
last man. So no more question
3:48
mark.
3:48
We're making statements now.
3:50
Yeah. He's he's getting cocky. I have
3:52
been looking forward to this episode because
3:55
I always thought of him as someone who
3:57
I don't agree with. Like, I think that the central
3:59
thesis of his book is
4:01
wrong. But I also think that it contains
4:04
some, like, genuine insights --
4:06
Yeah. --
4:06
and a lot of the discussion and criticism
4:09
of his book did in fact seem
4:11
like it was coming from people who thought
4:13
that he was saying that, like, stuff wasn't
4:15
going to happen anymore. Like
4:18
See, Francis, something happened.
4:21
Like, your book is wrong. It's
4:23
like, it's not really what he was
4:25
saying. Yeah. No. I think that's right.
4:27
A lot of the criticism I saw
4:30
was a little bit off base and mischaracterized
4:32
his work. The ways in which he was
4:34
wrong were much more subtle. Put it that
4:37
way. Right? He takes care to say,
4:39
I'm not I'm not talking about the end of things
4:41
happening. Humanity has sort
4:43
of decided upon a
4:46
structure of governance for itself.
4:49
Right. What's behind this thesis is the idea
4:52
that originated at least in Western philosophy
4:54
with Haigel, who articulated this
4:57
idea of the dialectical view
4:59
of history, which just means that history has
5:02
a narrative arc. There's a beginning.
5:04
There's a middle. There's an end. And
5:06
it ends when society meets mankind's
5:09
most fundamental needs and wants.
5:11
Right. So, like, Marx was a proponent
5:13
of this dialectical view. Right? His belief was
5:15
that the course of history is defined
5:18
by class struggle and the
5:20
endpoint is a stateless communist society.
5:22
Fuciano's proposing something conceptually similar
5:24
with a different endpoint. Right? Two world
5:27
wars have been fought, the result of
5:29
which He believes the defeat of fascism.
5:31
And now you he's seeing the Soviet Union fall.
5:34
So he is witnessing in his mind
5:36
A point in history where Western liberal
5:39
democracy is not only Ascendant,
5:41
but is the final stage of
5:44
human governance, Right. Alternatives have
5:46
been vanquished in the battlefield of
5:47
ideas.
5:48
Mhmm. And I don't wanna get too deep into
5:50
his discussion of, like, human nature
5:53
but he believes that liberal
5:55
democracy satisfies mankind's
5:58
innate desire for recognition. And
6:01
that's why it's fundamentally appealing
6:03
to people. And that's why it has
6:05
prevailed and why there is no next
6:07
step. I have a huge fetish for like theory
6:09
of everything books. These books
6:11
like the end of history because they're
6:14
always wrong. always
6:16
wrong in, like, such fundamental ways just
6:19
like as a methodology.
6:20
Here's the one true narrative. They
6:23
never hold up to specifics. Yeah.
6:26
III enjoy a narrative. I think it can
6:28
be useful there's only so far you can zoom
6:30
out. Right? And I and Fukuyama has
6:33
zoomed out impossibly far.
6:35
Yeah. That's like the problem with the type of abstraction
6:38
he uses where you
6:40
get this essay. It's it's a
6:42
short essay. Makes this quick point.
6:44
And then I look at the glance of the book
6:47
and it's four hundred something pages. And I was
6:49
like, oh, he's going to, like, use
6:52
data to support his
6:53
assays. No.
6:56
Naive, Peter. That was deeply
6:58
naive. That was Peter three weeks ago.
7:03
A young boy with the whole life in front of him.
7:06
No. It was actually four hundred
7:08
pages of extrapolation on
7:10
the essay. Yeah. Each of those fifteen
7:13
pages in the original essay yanked
7:15
into, like, fifty.
7:17
Yeah. It it just goes on and on
7:19
and on. The same idea rephrase
7:22
over and over again. I remember
7:25
this from his future books too that
7:27
both of them. I mean, they're big. They're like
7:29
bricks. And both of them easily could
7:31
have been a New Yorker article. Right.
7:33
He does a lot of, like, in this SAI
7:35
will, like, setting the table stuff. Does
7:37
he do that in end of history too? Where, like,
7:39
the first four pages of every chapter are
7:41
him, like, describing what he's about to do. Yes.
7:44
And then he describes the exact same thing again
7:46
in, like, twenty pages. And then he does,
7:48
like, what I've just described is,
7:50
like, described the same thing
7:52
in, like, another four pages.
7:54
When you're bullshitting this much, you have to remind
7:56
people what you're talking about. It's incredible. And
7:58
then you look back on the chapter and you're like, well, he only gave
8:00
me, like, one example of what he was actually talking
8:02
about.
8:03
Like, there's no actual information
8:05
in these chapters. It's just like pros.
8:08
Oh, so much pros, man. He's
8:10
trying to write a book about the entire
8:12
structure of human society and
8:15
why he believes liberal democracy both
8:17
has prevailed and will continue to prevail.
8:20
When the thesis is that broad, It's
8:22
hard to know where and how
8:25
to start critiquing it. But I think
8:27
when you glance at the thesis, A
8:30
couple of major threshold questions pop
8:32
up. Namely, you're saying
8:34
liberal democracy is the final form of human
8:36
government. But how are you defining
8:38
liberal
8:39
democracy? How
8:40
does he answer that? He defines it.
8:42
He says, the state that emerges at
8:44
the end of history is liberal insofar as it
8:46
recognizes and protects through a system of laws,
8:48
man's universal right to freedom, and
8:50
democratic and so far as it exists only
8:52
with the consent of the governed. So
8:55
right off the bat, we're working with a definition that
8:57
is simultaneously vague and like
8:59
clearly untrue at least around the
9:02
margins. Right. Because he's describing it
9:04
in these like super idealized terms.
9:06
That, like, it recognizes our deepest desires
9:09
and everybody gets to participate or whatever.
9:11
But then you look around at actual
9:14
liberal democracies and all of them
9:16
are doing that to varying degrees.
9:18
Right? Like, none of them are actually reaching this,
9:21
like, high minded definition that he's set.
9:23
Even though he's trying to describe the real world
9:26
with
9:26
this. He is incredibly credulous
9:29
about, like, the extent to which countries that claim
9:31
they are liberal democracies are actually
9:34
either liberal or
9:35
democratic. Right. I
9:36
mean, and a good example is
9:38
he will describe aspects of
9:40
the United States as like inherent
9:43
to the United States, while writing off
9:45
other very real aspects of the United
9:47
States as like not inherent. He
9:49
says, the US is fundamentally
9:52
egalitarian. Sure. In making
9:54
that argument, he acknowledges like disproportionate
9:57
black poverty. For example. But he
9:59
says that that's not fundamental to the US.
10:01
It's just the legacy of slavery
10:04
and racism. Right. But, like,
10:06
why is a Gallitarianism
10:07
fundamental to America while racism
10:10
is not?
10:10
Yeah. The three
10:11
fifths compromises in the fucking constitution. But
10:13
it's basically this thing that we saw when
10:15
all the Abu Dhabi stuff came out
10:17
where George w Bush was like, we do not
10:19
torture. Right. Like, yeah, we tortured
10:21
a bunch of people. Right. And like, yeah, it was US government
10:23
policy and
10:24
everything, but we're not the kind of people
10:26
who do that. Give me a break. Right. It's
10:29
the international policy equivalent
10:32
of your dog bites someone and you're
10:34
like, he's he never does that.
10:36
Yes. In in the
10:38
book, he makes an argument that there
10:40
are more liberal democracies now
10:43
than in seventeen ninety. He says that
10:45
there were three in seventeen ninety.
10:47
France, Switzerland, and the United
10:49
States. I get what he's going for here,
10:51
but is that right? What's the United States
10:54
a liberal democracy in seventeen
10:56
ninety? Does it make sense to call a country
10:58
where only white male landowners
11:00
could vote? Yeah. And one out
11:02
of every what? Seven or eight people was a slave.
11:05
Is that a liberal democracy?
11:07
I don't know. I I don't really
11:09
think so. Well, okay. I remember
11:11
very vividly this part of the book, and I actually,
11:14
at least from my, like, now fifteen year old
11:16
memories of the book, I actually thought that this
11:18
was one of the better parts of it and one of the
11:20
more convincing cases. Mhmm. I
11:22
I think it's a much more deep insight when you look
11:24
at the post world war two world. You know,
11:26
if if you look at the nineteen sixties and nineteen
11:28
seventies, most of Latin America
11:31
was under some form of dictatorship. Spain,
11:34
Portugal, all, like,
11:36
the entire USSR -- Mhmm. -- a
11:38
a huge number of people who
11:40
used to be living under totalitarian regimes
11:43
are at least nominally living under
11:45
democratically elected regimes. Mhmm. And,
11:47
like, I know that that's like a that's a blurry distinction
11:50
or whatever. But, like, there is actually
11:52
a pretty big difference
11:53
between, like, living under Franco and,
11:55
like, living under, like, modern Spain.
11:58
Completely agree. And I think that the
12:00
good faith read of his
12:02
argument is that, like, Democratic values
12:05
are originating and spreading.
12:07
Right? Not necessarily that all these countries
12:09
are embracing them in full. Right. But
12:11
there's this problem that he starts to run into
12:14
where if you make that argument
12:16
about the early US. Right?
12:18
It is espousing democratic values.
12:20
And while it's not really embracing them in
12:22
full, it's taking
12:25
steps towards that. Right? I
12:27
get that. But what he ends
12:29
up doing is then sort of failing
12:32
to ask the important questions about,
12:34
like, the late later stage democracies.
12:37
Right? About whether they are in fact
12:39
furthering Democratic and liberal
12:41
values. Mhmm. So to give an example, there
12:43
there are couple of chapters where he describes what
12:45
he calls the weakness of strong
12:48
states. Meaning, like, the decline
12:50
of authoritarian governments across
12:53
the globe, especially in the
12:55
post world war two era. His
12:57
basic claim is like, authoritarian
12:59
governments are losing their grip on power because
13:01
the people yearn for liberal democracy.
13:04
He mentions the example of Latin America, which
13:07
had a surge of Democratic governance
13:09
starting in the nineteen eighties. This
13:12
is why debunking this book is so fucking
13:14
annoying because Yes, that is
13:16
true in a sense, but he's also hiding
13:18
the ball when he has his discussion because
13:21
he starts in the nineteen eighties. And if
13:24
you're asking yourself why the nineteen eighties?
13:26
Probably because if you go back before that,
13:29
a lot of the history of Latin American
13:31
Politics involves the United States
13:34
orchestrating violent coups -- Right.
13:36
-- that, like, replaced authoritarian regimes
13:39
into power. Right. I'm gonna send you
13:41
a a
13:44
little
13:45
excerpt. He says, the
13:47
nineteen eighty two Falklands Malvenous
13:50
War precipitated the downfall of the
13:52
militaryunta in Argentina and the
13:54
rise of the democratically elected Alfonsen
13:56
government. The Argentinian transition
13:58
was quickly followed by others throughout Latin
14:00
America with military regimes stepping
14:02
down in Uruguay and Brazil in nineteen
14:05
eighty three and nineteen eighty four respectively. By
14:07
the end of the decade, the dictatorships of
14:09
Strozner in Paraguay and pinochet in
14:11
Chile had given way to popularly elected
14:14
governments. Look
14:15
at that. Everything's coming up
14:17
democracy. So look, I I know
14:19
that you're not a historian and neither
14:22
MI, but Do you know what
14:24
literally every single one of those
14:26
authoritarian regimes has in common?
14:29
They were put into place or
14:31
materially supported by the United
14:33
States.
14:34
Nice. He specifically mentions the fall
14:36
of pinochet in Chile as a win for
14:38
liberal democracy. But
14:41
Chile had a long Democratic
14:43
tradition that was purposefully and
14:45
violently interrupted by the
14:47
United States Right. Which
14:49
Fukuyama considers like an o g
14:51
bastion of liberal democracy. Right.
14:53
You know, if you wanted to look at the pinochet
14:55
regime, and say, well, this is good example
14:58
of how authoritarian government struggled to hold
15:00
on to power. That in
15:02
and of itself isn't isn't particularly offensive
15:04
to me. Right. What's offensive is
15:06
when you basically give
15:09
almost no examples of your thesis
15:11
in your -- Right. -- four hundred and fifty eight
15:13
book. And when you do,
15:15
you take a an incredibly complex
15:18
story that involves a a huge
15:20
amount of malfeasance by the United
15:22
States. And you just compress that down
15:24
to, like, authoritarian states lose power.
15:26
Right. That might be a forgivable oversight if you're
15:29
a college freshman writing baby's first
15:31
Poly sci paper. But this dude
15:33
worked in the state department under
15:35
Reagan and Bush. Yeah. If
15:37
you work at the state department in the nineteen
15:40
eighties, you would come to work
15:42
And there was, like, a big button on your desk
15:44
that said genocide. And you would just
15:46
smack that button over and over for
15:48
eight hours --
15:49
Yeah. -- wash the clock and go home.
15:50
He's doing reply all on, like, should
15:52
we kill this guy emails? He
15:55
knows what's up. It it takes a certain
15:57
kind of rotten brain. To be like a
15:59
literal state department employee pointing
16:02
to Latin America -- Right. -- as proof
16:04
that, like, liberal democracy sort of organically
16:07
triumphs. Over any ideological
16:09
opponents. So I guess it's like
16:11
you go into neighborhood and you bulldoze a bunch
16:13
of homes and you put up tennis
16:15
courts. And then, like, ten years later, you're
16:17
like, oh my god, everybody's playing tennis. These people
16:19
love tennis.
16:20
People love tennis these days. I guess,
16:22
tennis is just like the best sport.
16:24
Hard not to notice that people love tennis more
16:26
than homes. I remember reading something
16:29
years ago about mass
16:31
shootings they looked at every single
16:33
mass shooter in the United States, and they came up with, I think
16:35
it was, like, five typologies of
16:38
mass shooter. It was, like, the family annihilator,
16:41
the give me attention, something something.
16:43
There were these, like, types of shooters. And
16:45
I think that would be a more accurate
16:47
way to talk about the ways
16:50
that during those couple decades, countries went
16:52
from authoritarian regimes to
16:54
quote unquote liberal democracies because that
16:56
is a real shift in the
16:58
world.
16:58
Yeah. But for him to basically say that, like, there's
17:00
one thing that happened. Seems like
17:03
really silly because we're talking
17:05
about, like, Uganda and
17:08
Chile and South Korea.
17:10
Right.
17:10
I don't think you have to necessarily take it down
17:12
as granularly as, like, every single
17:15
country is individual and you can't pull
17:17
any themes out of
17:18
it, but also saying that there's like one
17:20
theme. Also seems like equally disingenuous
17:22
And it's not yeah. It's not entirely that
17:25
he is necessarily wrong
17:28
about the ways in which authoritarian
17:30
government struggle to hold on to power. Do believe
17:32
that author authoritarian government struggled to hold
17:34
on to power in various little ways.
17:36
Right? And that can manifest in in
17:39
the collapse of those governments it can manifest
17:42
in the tightening of
17:44
the yoke. Right? It there's all sorts of
17:46
shit that can happen. Mhmm. And this is sort of something
17:48
you you saw all over the world at the time. Right?
17:50
United States was not pro liberal democracy.
17:53
It was anti communist.
17:56
Right? Right. Anti socialist. And so
17:58
to the extent that Democratic countries were
18:01
producing left wing governments.
18:03
The United States was stepping in and
18:05
trying to interfere. Right. And that's something
18:07
that just does not get addressed in the end
18:09
of
18:10
history, and it drives me fucking insane. We need
18:12
a segment on the show every time we cover an international
18:14
affairs book just called It's Kissinger.
18:18
Actually Yeah. His, like, his
18:21
head spinning into into frame.
18:23
Oh, god. I really just got so angry.
18:27
Fuck this guy. I have like adrenaline. Okay.
18:30
I got I really lost my ability
18:32
to articulate
18:32
stuff. I was just like
18:33
fuck
18:33
me. We need to do one of those help help books after
18:35
this. One of those, like, mindfulness books. Should
18:38
I help you calm down? Using
18:39
science.
18:40
I I would like to sort of shift my vibes
18:42
from angry snarky lawyer to, like,
18:44
Gwenith Peltro.
18:45
Yeah. Get get smoothie, Peter. So
18:48
fascism and communism. Mhmm. Those are
18:50
the biggies. The the other two.
18:53
And Obviously, a major
18:55
thesis of his is that both of them
18:57
are more or less at this point, done
18:59
for good. Not that they would never appear
19:01
again, but that they are not in serious
19:04
competition for global ideological
19:07
domination. Right. Fukiama really
19:09
seems to think that the military defeat of
19:11
fascist states in World War two is enough
19:14
to signal that fascism is dead. Oh,
19:16
interesting. He he says fascism
19:19
was destroyed as a living ideology by
19:21
World War two. This was a defeat,
19:23
of course, on a very material level
19:26
but it amounted to a defeat of the idea
19:28
as well. What destroyed fascism
19:30
as an idea was not a universal moral
19:33
revulsion against it since plenty of people
19:35
were willing to endorse the idea as long
19:37
as it seemed the wave of the future, but
19:39
its lack of success. So
19:42
he points out that no significant
19:44
fascist nations arose after
19:46
World War two. Right.
19:47
Nobody looked at fascism and was like, let's do
19:49
that. Right.
19:50
And look, I I think that's a
19:53
little too clean-cut of
19:55
an argument. You know, you can say that
19:57
there are degrees to which, like, the
20:00
regimes of pinochet, for example, to use
20:02
that example again, where like Peron
20:04
were fascist. They certainly had significant
20:07
elements of fascism. But
20:09
more importantly, the fact that
20:11
many of the governments popping up across
20:13
the world and the Cold War era were
20:15
either communist or hard right
20:17
capitalist is a
20:19
direct result of the fact that, again,
20:22
they were being propped up by the Soviet
20:24
Union and the US. Right. He just scribes
20:26
all of these cold war power struggles again
20:28
as if they were just taking place on the battlefield of
20:30
ideas and not like the result
20:32
of these powerful interests trying
20:34
to, like, very purposefully shape
20:36
the world.
20:37
It's also hopelessly naive about
20:39
the nature of fascism. Yes.
20:40
Fashism isn't the kind of quote unquote
20:42
idea that gets defeated in the marketplace of
20:44
ideas. Like, my arguments were
20:47
so good that no one did fascism
20:49
anymore. Like, fascism draws upon deeply
20:51
human impulses to like blame
20:54
societal others for your problems
20:56
and to allow a strong man to manipulate
20:58
your emotions you
20:59
know, if he's writing this in the community too, this is
21:02
as the rise of slovid on Melosovitch
21:04
is happening.
21:04
Right. It it's frustrating. That
21:07
Fukian was looking at this and he's like, oh, we defeated
21:10
Fascist. like, we we don't need to worry about
21:12
Fascist and coming back. It's like, oh, it doesn't work.
21:14
And it's like, well, it works in the short
21:16
term. It works really well in the short
21:18
term. And it works really well if
21:20
you're a fascist leader. It's not really
21:22
an idea in the same way that, like,
21:24
liberal democracy is. Right?
21:26
Fascism is predicated on
21:28
this in group declaring
21:31
themselves the inheritors of
21:33
the nation's power. Right. How do you convince
21:35
someone out of that? You're not like, well, what if
21:37
other people? Had power.
21:39
Right. And you had less. Like,
21:41
that's I
21:41
think you're misunderstanding what the what they're
21:43
trying to do. They're trying to take the power because
21:45
they don't fucking care. There's something kind of
21:47
bleak about the fact that there's
21:50
this huge tranche of, I think,
21:52
intellectual elites like the foreign policy
21:54
establishment, whatever you wanna call
21:55
it, who seem to still think
21:57
that politics is a battle of ideas.
22:00
I do wonder if end of history
22:03
was just like his justification
22:06
for the way we got here. Mhmm. Because
22:09
anyone in his position, a
22:11
Rand Corporation state department
22:14
employee knows that the descendants
22:17
of these ostensibly liberal countries in
22:19
the Cold War era was a brutal
22:21
undertaking. And if you
22:23
had a hand in that brutality, it might
22:25
be comforting to tell yourself a little story
22:28
about how what actually happened was that
22:30
the
22:30
best, most appealing ideas triumphed
22:33
over their competitors.
22:34
Yeah. That's my pet theory about
22:36
what brought Francis Fukuyama to
22:38
this point where he writes this book. He
22:41
had to write it because he could not
22:43
face God. That's why thirty
22:45
years later, I had to read it for a podcast.
22:49
So, you know, I almost didn't wanna talk about
22:52
his, like, analysis of economics
22:54
because he's out of his depth
22:56
in, like, large portions of this book. Mhmm.
22:59
But maybe none more than
23:01
his economic stuff. Mhmm. He talks as
23:03
if there's no question that capitalism reflects
23:05
like economic liberation. Sure.
23:08
Obviously, that's just like hand waving
23:10
and assuming away every critique of
23:12
capitalism that has ever been. And
23:14
it just completely adopts this right wing framework
23:17
where, like, free markets mean free
23:19
people --
23:19
Yeah. -- there's
23:20
a line worth pointing out from the original
23:22
essay. He says,
23:25
Marx asserted that liberal society contained
23:27
a fundamental contradiction that could not
23:29
be resolved within its context that
23:31
between capital and labor. And this contradiction
23:34
has constituted the chief accusation against
23:36
liberalism ever since. But
23:38
surely, The class issue has actually
23:41
been successfully resolved in the west.
23:43
What? Wait. That's a whole quote. I
23:45
I wish I could tell you that there's like another couple
23:47
of lines that, like, really explains what he says. He's trying
23:49
to say here, but
23:50
there's really not. He gives a little more
23:52
explanation. It's that he says, quote,
23:54
The root causes of economic equality
23:56
do not have to do with the underlying legal
23:59
and social structure of our society, which
24:01
remains fundamentally egalitarian.
24:04
Whatever. What he's saying is that, like,
24:06
yeah, there are problems, but they're not fundamental.
24:09
They're not inherent. To our
24:11
system. Yeah. So anyway, that's little
24:13
snippet. You can keep in your pocket the next time.
24:16
See, like, an on house person who needs
24:18
money for food. You can just Hey,
24:21
don't worry,
24:21
bro. The class issue has
24:24
been successfully resolved in the west.
24:26
But then what's so interesting about that though is
24:28
that the extent to which the class issue has
24:30
been resolved is almost entirely
24:32
a function of socialist structures
24:34
that we have placed for the redistribution of wealth.
24:36
Right. Right. I guess you can tell it a triumph
24:39
of capitalism if you want to, but it's a
24:41
triumph of capitalism plus redistribution
24:44
and high taxes on wealthy people. It's not
24:46
like, oh, capitalism just like happened
24:48
to solve this thing. There's no scenario
24:50
under which capitalism itself would
24:52
provide money for
24:53
unemployment, for example, or for old age.
24:55
I think that what he's actually saying
24:57
is that, like, society has agreed
25:00
that Western capitalists Liberal democracy
25:02
is the winner. And yes,
25:04
inequality and poverty persist.
25:07
But those people who have come out on the bottom of
25:09
our system They're just the natural
25:11
and organic
25:12
losers. And
25:12
I can hear you. I don't give a
25:14
shit. Right? They don't factor into
25:16
this, like, global consents that
25:19
he's describing. They're just losers. And,
25:21
like, he he's basically making this,
25:23
like, very common conservative
25:26
argument that, like, the
25:28
fact that someone is impoverished
25:30
or suffering is not something that
25:32
you actually have to care about unless
25:35
the Conditions were unfair
25:38
to begin with. Right? And they refused to
25:40
acknowledge that they were, of course. Right.
25:42
That's the argument being made. He just sort
25:44
of dresses it
25:45
up. By using terminology,
25:47
like fundamentally a gala period.
25:50
It's funny that in all of the discussion
25:52
of this book and the fact that it still appears in
25:54
like so many, you
25:55
know, undergraduate syllabi and stuff.
25:57
I I don't think that it's come across how, like,
25:59
fundamentally conservative He's a conservative.
26:02
He's a conservative. Yeah. And, you know, he
26:05
was responsible in
26:07
part for, like, the ascendance of
26:09
the Neo conservative in the nineties and
26:11
their takeover of like the Bush
26:13
administration -- Right. -- the Neo conservative
26:16
mindset that led to the Iraq War
26:18
was something that Fukushima contributed to
26:21
immensely. The idea that democracy --
26:23
Right. -- is the best system and therefore we
26:26
should be spreading it across the globe
26:28
by force if
26:29
necessary. Right? That's something that
26:30
was sort of extrapolated from
26:32
Fukiama and his peers --
26:34
Right. -- to the point where he ends like, having to distance
26:36
himself from
26:37
them.
26:37
yeah. He does
26:38
a lot of that where, like, a few years later, he has to
26:40
rate an essay being, like, don't totally agree with what
26:42
those guys are saying.
26:44
All my friends keep becoming like incompetent
26:46
fascists. Strange thing.
26:48
Look around on my Facebook page. Everyone's
26:50
a fan. Just now. God. Some people
26:52
took my ideas and ran, like, a
26:55
little too fast with them. Yeah.
26:58
It's hard to explain. It's it's hard to explain
27:00
the experience of reading this book. Mhmm.
27:03
I I imagine that it's basically
27:05
the same thing as getting a very minor held
27:07
concussion. Like, when
27:09
you stand up after too quickly
27:12
after sitting down for a long period
27:14
of time,
27:15
it really is a a slog.
27:18
You know, the opening chapters are
27:20
about, like, Latin America and the fall
27:22
of the the Soviet Union. And
27:24
you feel like maybe he's gonna be talking
27:26
about history in like a meaningful way.
27:29
But no, those are the only chapters that
27:31
are like that. It gets rough real quick
27:33
and then it never stops. Most
27:35
of the book is completely
27:38
forgettable because it is very dense
27:41
philosophy stuff. And
27:43
he does one of those things that philosophers
27:45
do where they make up a philosophy word,
27:47
a word that's like meant to synthesize bunch
27:50
of complicated things -- Mhmm.
27:52
-- and then
27:52
starts, like, throwing that word around recklessly.
27:55
Doing the old Gladwell. By
27:58
the end of the book, you're reading sentences that, like,
28:00
don't make sense because they're both
28:02
hyper abstract. And also using
28:04
words that you just learned that
28:06
have really vague broad meanings
28:09
Nice. To give an example, the
28:11
biggest example in the book, Fukiyama uses
28:13
the word Thymos or Thymos, which
28:16
originates with Plato, to
28:18
refer to, like, the human desire to be
28:20
recognized. Mhmm. And, you know,
28:22
this goes along with his theory of
28:24
why democracy succeeds. Right? To
28:27
fill that fundamental desire
28:29
for recognition. Plato defined Themis
28:31
as like almost like an instinct that
28:34
we have, something that is in conflict with our
28:36
reason. Fukiyama defines
28:38
it differently. He says it's, quote,
28:40
the seat of our judgment of worth.
28:43
Okay. There's a chapter called the rise and fall
28:45
of Dimas. Oh, no. There's another called the
28:47
thymotic origins of work.
28:50
Now look, I don't wanna sound like anti
28:52
intellectual, but this is just fucking
28:54
gibberish. It's just different. Well,
28:56
he's just redefined the word recognition as
28:59
Thymus. Right? Is it doing anything more?
29:01
I don't think so. I think that what he's trying
29:03
to say is that
29:05
we all have this. Right? It's it's not
29:07
just a need for recognition. It's something that's,
29:09
like, fundamental to our souls.
29:12
Right. So he's pulling this super
29:15
abstract term, Themis, from
29:17
Plato, redefining it
29:19
to suit his needs in a way that by the
29:21
way, like, I checked in with various
29:23
experts and they're all like, we don't know why he's
29:25
doing this. And
29:28
then he used the term in some
29:31
form
29:32
two hundred and forty three
29:34
times throughout the book.
29:36
Wait, really? Yes. What?
29:38
That's more by the way than
29:40
they say word fuck in the departed
29:43
just to give you a sense of where we
29:45
are. I'm gonna send you an excerpt
29:47
because I think it's important to
29:50
hear some of this out loud
29:52
to understand
29:53
what it feels like to read
29:55
this book. He
29:56
pulls a book out of a box and it says,
29:58
papa, this will help
30:02
Okay. He says, the
30:04
desire for recognition arising
30:06
out of Thimos is a deeply paradoxical
30:09
phenomenon because the latter is the psychological
30:11
seat of justice and selflessness
30:14
while at the same time being closely related
30:17
to selfishness. Okay.
30:20
The thymotic self demands
30:23
recognition for its own sense
30:25
of the worthiness of things,
30:27
both itself and of other
30:29
people. Oh, I'm back on maintenance
30:31
phase. This is like some health girth like he's about
30:33
to sell me supplements. This for
30:36
four hundred and fifty pages is what
30:38
reading this book is like. Michael,
30:40
I mean, I wanna give the guy some
30:42
credit, and I'm gonna imagine
30:45
that if I thought about this for a
30:46
bit, it would be coherent. But
30:49
this is the worst fucking type of
30:51
writing. Thinos is the psychological seat
30:54
of justice and selflessness while
30:57
at the same time being closely
30:59
related to selfishness, I
31:01
guess this is what you mean by you can't really
31:03
debunk this stuff. Right. No. It's
31:05
actually closer to selfishness. What
31:08
can you even say here? There's nothing
31:11
he's saying, God damn it.
31:13
See, now you've done to me what has happened
31:15
to you, because now I'm staring at this fucking paragraph.
31:19
Those are the psychological seat
31:21
of justice
31:22
Oh, yeah. It's just
31:24
Oh, my god. I I'm sorry. I'm I'm
31:26
so happy
31:27
that you're experiencing this now
31:29
because this is what had that what happened to me.
31:31
Bimodex self I understand the
31:33
the need every now and then to delve
31:35
into abstraction. It's hard it it can
31:38
be hard to understand things like love
31:40
without abstraction. Right.
31:42
But when you just do this page
31:45
after page after
31:46
page, You can't tell me
31:48
that the reader is learning something. You just
31:50
can't. You just can't. Anyway,
31:53
I I just wanted you to suffer with me. I didn't
31:55
really have more sense about this. Bring
31:58
me into the
32:01
junk tunnel that you've been in for the last
32:03
couple weeks. That's why, by the way, I have nothing
32:05
to say about half of this book because I was just, like,
32:08
ripping through the pages
32:09
being, like, again, we're still doing this. Like,
32:11
is anything happening? Am I learning something?
32:13
What's going on?
32:15
As I recall, that's where he makes, like, the
32:17
argument. Right? That, like, liberal democracies
32:19
are the best or whatever? Yeah. That that's right.
32:21
I mean, although he's
32:23
sort of constantly making it and
32:26
never making it. Yeah.
32:28
He he's always sort of touching on
32:31
the ways in which he believes that liberal
32:33
democracies are superior, but
32:35
he always falls back on the say that
32:37
same basic argument that it is appealing
32:40
to these base human desires --
32:42
Mhmm. -- the desire for recognition. And
32:45
that is why liberalism
32:48
and democracy succeed because
32:50
they feed those desires and people need
32:52
those things. And all of his arguments
32:54
sort of circle back to that point. I I don't wanna get
32:56
into, like, the human nature stuff, but I don't hate the argument
32:58
that that's a big part of the appeal of
33:01
democracy. And I I am a proponent democracy.
33:03
I don't wanna, like, sit here shooting
33:05
on democracy. On record.
33:07
I'll
33:07
go on the books. But I think what his problem
33:10
is is that he's seeing this this
33:12
recognition as something that can only lead
33:14
to good outcomes. Yep. If you look at,
33:16
like, Milosevich, the Balkan example, a
33:19
lot of what he was doing was recognizing people's
33:21
Serbian identities -- Yeah.
33:23
-- hey, you've been tamped down and there's
33:25
these minorities that are trying to take all
33:27
of this from you. Yeah. Like, that's a form of recognition
33:29
to completely agree. And
33:32
that's why the book is so, like,
33:34
just so arrogant. This, like, whole idea
33:37
to, like, evolve as a species
33:40
for millions of years. Try one
33:42
form of political organization for like
33:44
two hundred only a few decades
33:46
of which are even like a good faith effort.
33:49
Right. Right. And then declare that
33:51
you have solved the problem of ordering
33:53
society as
33:55
if, like, all of history is a Disney movie,
33:57
and we're now just in this happily ever
33:59
after phase.
34:00
Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. This is an analogy that will
34:02
probably not resonate with most of our fans,
34:04
but when a sports team wins
34:06
a championship I'm already confused.
34:09
There's a I knew this
34:11
might not hit with you, Mike. I Walk
34:14
me today. There's something that happens
34:16
to the fan base where they
34:18
become convinced that you
34:20
will win every championship for the next
34:23
several years. Right. And they
34:25
forget that it's hard to do,
34:27
and there's a lot of variables that's
34:29
what it feels like. It feels like this
34:32
this book is the day after
34:34
you win a championship being like, we're
34:36
gonna win next year too. Yay. Yeah.
34:39
It's the same it's the same vibe.
34:41
And even worse because he's publishing
34:43
it. Right? To look to look at
34:45
like a million different interconnected
34:48
events across the globe and think
34:50
that you could articulate a comprehensive theory
34:53
of what's happening. Right. Right. Publishing
34:55
this book titled, like, society, an
34:57
explanation.
35:00
It's like That long man.
35:03
Come on. I I don't know if he's ever reckoned
35:05
with this, but I feel like he's
35:08
right in that the world has become more liberal
35:10
democratic, but he hasn't reckened
35:12
with how much he helped
35:14
bring about the world that we have now,
35:17
where a lot of countries have quietly
35:20
backslid into authoritarianism
35:22
because they still look like liberal democracies
35:25
on the surface. Right. There's this
35:27
real like complacence that
35:29
this thesis breeds. Yeah. History
35:32
is marching toward a single future.
35:34
And therefore, You don't really need
35:36
to worry about these nascent threats so
35:38
much. Right? Things will work themselves out.
35:41
You think about just like how quickly the
35:43
tide has turned on LGBT rights.
35:46
Where even with, like, popular
35:48
acceptance being super
35:50
high, it really feels like
35:52
we're losing. Yep. Did that happen?
35:54
think if I could, like, sum it up
35:55
quickly, it's because a lot of Liberals forgot
35:57
that they were in a fight. Yeah.
35:59
And Fukushima does this. Very
36:02
jarringly when he talks about apartheid.
36:04
Oh, which he says failed
36:07
because of loss of legitimacy among
36:10
WHITE SOUTH AFRICANS. YOU KNOW, HE
36:12
DOES NOT MENTION THE YEARS
36:14
OF STRUGGLE IN PROTEST BY BLACK SOUTH
36:16
AFRICANS. Doesn't mention Nelson Mandela
36:19
who got out of prison between Fujayama
36:22
publishing the essay and publishing the book. Like,
36:24
Right. There's a detachment that
36:27
makes these people I
36:29
I guess I would say sort of amoral in
36:31
a way. Right? Right. He he never has,
36:34
like, put himself out there in
36:36
any meaningful way. And whenever
36:38
someone took his ideas and ran with it,
36:41
It was always awful. Right. He
36:43
has, like, at no point in his
36:45
career fought for
36:47
anything other than like the basic
36:49
idea that liberalism in democracy
36:52
is good. Mhmm. I've digested an
36:54
enormous amount of his work
36:56
And I still barely
36:58
know what he
36:59
believes. Right. In, like, any meaningful
37:01
sense. It's also it was very smart of him to
37:04
write an unreadable book. Because nobody's
37:06
gonna go back and find, like, specific passages
37:08
that debunk him. Like, this is the Paul
37:10
Ehrlich move where, like, even when
37:13
you make specific predictions about
37:15
the future, like, there will be large scale famines
37:17
and then those famines don't happen. All
37:19
anybody remembers is
37:21
like, this guy seems like a smart dude. Like,
37:23
he really has the finger on the pulse. Like,
37:25
you you never fall out of polite discourse
37:27
-- Right. -- because nobody goes back and actually
37:29
reads your specific words. And in
37:31
for the youngest case, no one understands what the fuck
37:34
he was trying to
37:34
say. Right. I mean, and you can you can even
37:36
see, like, how the discourse plays out where
37:38
someone's like, hey, you had a book that said,
37:41
liberal democracy was
37:43
going to be the basic
37:45
form of human government forever based
37:47
you know, more or less. And then he
37:50
he gets to be like, uh-huh. Now,
37:52
you didn't understand.
37:54
What I said was that -- Right. --
37:55
the thymotic response some
37:58
liberal democracy -- Right. -- is
38:00
such that. And then, like, you're just like, what
38:03
what what the fuck? Like, He gets to
38:05
take you into a place where you're totally uncomfortable
38:07
because he's literally created his own
38:09
vocabulary. Peter, are you saying that
38:11
Thimos isn't the psychological seat of
38:13
justice and selfishness while at the same time being
38:16
closely related to
38:17
selflessness. What
38:17
I'm saying is that the thimodics self demands
38:20
recognition for its own
38:21
sense of worthiness of things. We
38:24
both have this fucking text in the window
38:26
in front of us. Just staring
38:28
at it like, my head
38:30
tilted, like, a golden retriever. The
38:32
whole episode is
38:35
he talking about?
38:37
It's so unfair that
38:39
we're not allowed to call someone like this stupid.
38:42
It's less offensive to me to just be
38:45
bad at math.
38:45
Yeah. Yeah. Yeah.
38:46
Better than it is. To write something like
38:48
this. I feel like Fokayama is
38:50
is less of an interesting beast
38:52
than the kind of person he
38:54
is and the times that birthed him.
38:56
Right? Like, this is like the formation
38:59
of sort of the ideas industry and
39:01
this this kind of fetishization of
39:03
ideas. Ideas are gonna save us. Right?
39:05
Right. And think one of the ways you remain
39:09
popular in like places like Davos
39:11
you can't really get down in the muck
39:13
of actually wanting
39:14
anything.
39:15
Yeah. And you don't wanna actually do any fighting
39:17
for these ideas because all of a sudden people are gonna pull
39:19
back and be like, oh, it seems like you're doing politics,
39:22
whereas like, this is ideas. But then,
39:24
what's the point of an ideas industry if it doesn't
39:26
actually become policy some Right? Like,
39:29
these people want the the seriousness
39:31
and the credibility of people who
39:33
are meaningfully linked to politics. But
39:35
they don't wanna actually, like, do the
39:37
boring stuff of supporting
39:40
one political outcome or another.
39:42
Right. He's doctor Manhattan on Mars.
39:44
Like, I'm I'm tired of being caught in the tango
39:46
of these people's lives. I
39:47
mean, that's what we've been looking for. Yes. He
39:49
just sort of, like, watching everything like the fucking
39:51
magi. And, you know, in general, It's
39:53
hard not to look at like the post twenty sixteen
39:56
era of international politics and
39:59
not think like It seems
40:01
like maybe the whole communism, fascism,
40:03
capitalism thing hasn't been quite
40:05
hashed out. Right? Right. You know,
40:08
the thesis took its initial hit on nine
40:10
eleven, which really opened up this, like,
40:12
new narrative of civilizational struggle.
40:14
Oh god. And the great recession
40:16
hits and many neo liberal
40:19
economies and cultures have shown signs
40:21
of fracture that never really repaired
40:23
after that. And you know,
40:25
if I could, like, summarize quickly what
40:27
I think he missed here, it's like,
40:30
will liberal democracy provide what it
40:32
promised to provide. Right. He thought that if
40:34
it didn't, we would simply tinker with it until
40:36
it did. Right? You you suddenly
40:38
improve upon the system. But what actually
40:40
happens is that after many decades
40:43
of unsuccessful tinkering, inequality
40:46
worsening, cost of living, not being
40:48
matched by wage growth, all of these
40:50
things, many people come to, like,
40:52
the fairly reasonable conclusion that maybe
40:54
the problem is systemic. Right. He thought that
40:56
these were just minor tensions that would be resolved,
40:58
but you know, maybe they are base issues
41:00
that weaken the legitimacy of the
41:02
liberal order over time. And
41:05
what's weird is there is an incredibly
41:07
poignant part of his essay
41:10
that I think is spot on. He says, the
41:12
end of history will be very sad time.
41:14
The struggle for recognition, the willingness
41:16
to risk one's life for a purely abstract
41:18
goal, the worldwide ideological struggle
41:21
that called forth daring, courage, imagination,
41:23
and idealism will be replaced by
41:25
economic calculation the endless
41:27
solving of technical problems, environmental
41:30
concerns, and the satisfaction of
41:32
sophisticated consumer demands. Oh,
41:34
god, that's bleak. It is in
41:36
a a very prescient description of
41:39
the neo liberal malaise of like the
41:41
nineties and the two thousands. Right? And
41:43
if you had framed this essay
41:45
as a prediction of like what the next couple of
41:47
decades would look like rather than the
41:49
next couple of centuries, I think
41:51
you could argue that he was on point or that
41:53
he was, like, getting it with something very real.
41:56
Right. Right. I mean, people are coming and
41:58
saying my life sucks. Mhmm. And
42:00
Fukiama is just, like, capping the
42:02
sign, like, well, we are a fundamentally egalitarian
42:05
country. So
42:07
the problem's been solved. Right.
42:09
There's only
42:10
so long you can tap that sign
42:12
before people are like fuck that sign.
42:14
Right. Right. Shit sucks for me.
42:16
I've listened to a bunch of interviews with
42:19
Fukiama and read some pieces
42:21
by him where it feels
42:23
like he should be answering the question
42:26
was your thesis wrong. Right.
42:28
And I've never heard him say no.
42:31
Okay. But I've heard him make a ton
42:33
of concessions.
42:34
Oh, issuing correction on a previous
42:36
post of mine regarding fineness. So
42:39
Twenty twenty two was a big year
42:41
for Fukushima because
42:43
Russia got got itself into a little
42:45
bit of
42:46
trouble. Oh, yeah.
42:47
And In October,
42:50
he publishes a piece for the Atlantic titled
42:53
More Proof that this recording
42:55
is the end of history.
42:56
Yes. Go Girl,
42:59
give us nothing. Did you read this?
43:01
I did read this, and it was I was gonna
43:03
do my little schtick, kind of like live
43:05
tweet, reading it, and like highlight passages and
43:07
being like, I don't know that I agree with this
43:08
stuff, but like, I couldn't fucking highlight
43:10
anything because he's not saying
43:13
anything in it. It's
43:14
trying
43:14
to grab water. But then I don't even understand how
43:16
Russia invading Ukraine proves his point. I feel
43:18
like it un improves his point because this is like
43:20
the rise of authoritarianism.
43:22
No. No. The problem
43:24
for Russia, of course, is
43:26
that they're not doing well.
43:28
Okay.
43:29
I'm sending you an excerpt from the
43:31
new essay where he sort of lays
43:33
out again his thesis.
43:36
Okay. No authoritarian government
43:38
presents a society that is in the long term
43:40
more attractive than liberal democracy and
43:42
could therefore be considered the goal or end
43:44
point of historical progress.
43:46
The millions of people voting with their feet leaving
43:49
poor, corrupt, or violent countries for life
43:51
not in
43:51
Russia, China, or Iran, but in the liberal
43:53
Democratic West, amply demonstrate
43:55
this. So What?
43:58
This is Fukiyama trying
44:00
to, like, reset the discussion a
44:02
little
44:03
bit. Right. He's doing his Fukiyama thing
44:05
where he's, like, saying a bunch of true
44:07
facts. But he's using them
44:09
to reach a conclusion that's not justified by
44:11
them at all. He's basically saying
44:13
that like people don't like living under dictatorships,
44:16
which certainly depends on the
44:18
dictatorship. Like, some in groups are actually
44:20
quite happy to live in authoritarian states.
44:22
Right. And then he's like, oh, well, everybody's
44:24
leaving, so you can tell they don't like living under
44:26
dictatorships. But, like, people leave
44:28
countries for, like, a really wide
44:31
range of reasons. Like, one of the highest
44:33
out migration rates in the world is Lithuania
44:36
because it's in the EU, and people can just
44:38
really easily move to other countries and make
44:41
more money. It's not a dictatorship. Yeah. And,
44:43
like, he has to know this. Right? World
44:45
immigration trends are not driven
44:48
by one
44:49
factor. You
44:49
know, he's like people are leaving Iran and it's like,
44:51
well, we have used sanctions to completely
44:54
cut them off from the rest of the world. So
44:56
I I guess, I I mean, that's true in some
44:58
regards, but isn't really a good
45:00
example?
45:00
Right. I don't know. I'm half Orion And so
45:02
this sort of makes me lose my mind a little
45:04
more than it usually would. You
45:07
have the control f ready as you go through
45:09
these
45:09
things. But it's just sort of
45:11
like come come on, like, you can't discuss
45:14
the economic situation in Iran as
45:17
like the manifestation of
45:19
ideology. Yeah. He has to
45:21
write this piece because it's been
45:23
thirty years since he published the book
45:25
and he's sort of seems to be wrong.
45:28
Right. Liberal democracy appears to be on the
45:30
decline globally, not
45:33
permanently ascended. And he's
45:35
SUDDILY CHANGING THE DISCUSSION BY
45:37
SAYING NO AUTHORITARIAN GOVERNMENT
45:39
PRESENT A SOCIETY THAT IS IN THE LONG
45:41
TERM. Right. More attractive than
45:44
liberal democracy. Constantly
45:46
pushing it further into the future,
45:48
his thesis did not predict
45:51
what is happening globally right now.
45:53
If he were honest, he would be
45:55
like, I missed something here. Right.
45:58
I was a little too conclusive or
45:59
whatever.
46:00
But instead, he's like, one day
46:02
it'll be liberal democracy forever. God,
46:04
it's the political philosophy equivalent
46:06
of self driving cars where they're
46:09
just always five years away
46:11
or like a
46:12
good Sonic the Hedgehog three d game. Maybe
46:14
the next one. He makes this case
46:16
in the early nineties that
46:19
breeds a complacency that I
46:21
think you can credibly
46:23
argue leads to liberal backslide.
46:26
Just a couple decades later. And then
46:28
he, like, writes about liberal left backslide.
46:30
Like, oh, this is bad. You know? He
46:34
recently did an interview with a
46:36
Vox podcast, and he
46:39
was asked about Chinese communism. Sort
46:41
of, is that a model that is a threat
46:43
to liberal democracy. And he said yes,
46:46
Chinese con communism could prevail,
46:48
and then he said, quote, I don't pretend
46:50
to have any insight into the future. And
46:52
I almost jumped off my
46:55
fucking roof. Yes.
46:57
You do, motherfucker. You did pretend. No.
46:59
I wouldn't be so presumptuous. You
47:02
may I read your stupid four hundred
47:04
fifty page book about predicting
47:06
the future, and then you're gonna tell me that you don't
47:08
pretend to have any insight? Yeah. Be
47:10
faster.
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