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0:00
On
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this radio lab. I'd like to take
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a moment to apologize. We had one two minute
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glasses of wine, and we are so sorry.
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Apologies.
0:07
From Radio Lab. Listen wherever you get
0:09
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supported, WNYC Studios.
0:21
Hey, I'm Michael
0:23
Loner, and this is the on the media
0:25
midweek podcast. It
0:28
was twenty years ago this week
0:30
that president George w Bush announced
0:32
the beginning of the war in Iraq,
0:35
setting off an invasion and occupation
0:38
that cast a long grim shadow
0:40
on my orders Coalition forces
0:43
have begun striking selected targets of
0:45
military importance to undermine
0:47
Saddam Hussein's ability to wage
0:49
war. These are opening
0:51
stages of what will be a broad
0:53
and concerted campaign.
0:55
Broad indeed, especially as
0:57
the decades past and those responsible
1:00
refused to leave the spotlight. Take
1:02
for instance John Bolton, the hawkish
1:05
talking head for Fox and the former
1:07
UN ambassador who made a brief
1:09
cameo in government as Trump's
1:11
third national security
1:12
adviser. We know the ambassador very
1:15
well. He was one of the
1:17
cheerleaders for the Iraq invasion in two
1:19
thousand and three, which ended disastrously unlike
1:21
me who feels very guilt about my support
1:23
of that invasion back in those days.
1:26
At the ambassador's time, it made sense. Well,
1:28
we we like to think so. The ambassador
1:30
on apologetic about
1:31
it. He still believes it was a good idea. Alder
1:34
was correct. Because as we
1:36
cling to what we like to think about Iraq,
1:39
there's a crucial lesson still unlearned.
1:42
In twenty eighteen, on the fifteenth
1:44
anniversary of the start of the conflict, Brooke
1:47
spoke to New York Times columnist Max
1:49
Fisher, who, as Brooke put it at the
1:52
time, gently schooled us.
1:54
I think if you ask most Americans,
1:57
how did this war actually start?
2:00
Democrats will typically tell you
2:02
Well, George W. Bush for cynical
2:05
reasons wanted to go to war in Iraq. So
2:07
he made up this live Iraqi WMT
2:09
to justify it. And then if you ask
2:11
Republicans, the more common
2:13
answer is he meant well, but he was misled
2:16
by faulty intelligence. You
2:18
wrote that in two thousand sixteen,
2:21
we could actually see both narratives collide
2:24
in various Republican primary
2:26
debates. For instance, let's
2:28
hear what Trump said. I wanna tell you,
2:30
they lied. Okay. He said there were weapons
2:32
of mass destruction, there were none, and
2:34
they knew there were none. And here's Jeb
2:36
Bush.
2:37
With faulty intelligence and not having
2:39
security be the
2:40
first priority when when we
2:42
invaded, it was a mistake. And what these
2:44
two answers have in common is
2:46
they personalize everything down
2:48
to one or two people. Someone
2:50
lied or someone was innocently misled.
2:53
It's little bit more complicated. It
2:55
was really ideology. We've all heard
2:57
this word Neoconservatism. And I
2:59
think that we sometimes use that
3:02
to just mean a hawkish but
3:04
it really is this very specific ideological
3:07
movement that comes out of the cold war. That
3:10
says that it is America's mission
3:12
in the world to bring democracy to
3:14
all people, that allowing
3:16
any anti American government to
3:18
exist is a threat to the
3:20
entire global order.
3:22
So this ideology, does
3:25
it arise out of Arriguez,
3:28
this absolutely bulletproof belief
3:30
in American exceptionalism
3:33
and its its role in the world,
3:35
or does it arise out of fear? It's
3:37
both. I I find it totally fascinating.
3:40
This belief that there is something
3:42
totally different about the United States
3:45
that makes the presence
3:47
and imposition of American military power,
3:50
a source of absolute good and that
3:52
we need to bring freedom to all people and they really
3:54
crave American dominance. But it
3:56
also comes from this cold war
3:58
fear that if unfriendly
4:01
governments are allowed to
4:02
exist, that the entire world
4:04
will turn against us and everything
4:06
could collapse. So tell me
4:10
how the focus shifted
4:12
specifically to Iraq. We
4:15
know that in the first gulf war in the nineties,
4:18
Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait
4:20
George Bush gets together an international
4:23
coalition and pushes him
4:24
out, then what? He
4:27
encouraged the Iraqi people to rise up
4:29
against their government. He didn't
4:31
really mean it. So then when they rose up
4:33
expecting American help, they were slaughtered
4:35
by Saddam's forces For
4:37
the Neoconservatism in the Georgia Beach W Bush
4:40
administration, what happened
4:42
to the people of a rock that rose up was just
4:44
a metaphor for what would happen to the entire
4:46
world if the United States ever
4:49
faltered in topping an adversary,
4:51
replacing it with a democratic government, which
4:53
then curdled into this
4:55
obsession that we had to go
4:58
back to Iraq and
5:00
finish the job. Who were the
5:02
key players that were pushing this
5:04
ideology? It's all
5:06
your favorites, Brooke. It's a
5:08
handful of Republican
5:11
defense officials from
5:14
the Reagan and George h w Bush
5:16
administration, people like Richard Pearl, Paul
5:18
Wolfowitz. But the really big leaders
5:21
were these kind of elbow patched
5:24
academics mostly based in Washington,
5:26
D. C. And New York. And they didn't really have a
5:28
constituency. But after the nineteen
5:30
ninety six election, new Cambridge is kind of
5:32
the party leader. He's really desperate
5:34
for some way to show that
5:37
the GOP is still the party of ideas.
5:39
And I think he was less concerned with
5:42
the policy implications of
5:44
those ideas than whether they were
5:47
ideasy enough to kind of
5:49
rebrand the party as the brilliant
5:51
intelligent party. So here's this
5:54
ideology out of the academy.
5:56
And it works great as well politically
5:59
because at this point, Saddam Hussein
6:01
is being very difficult with the United States
6:03
about weapons inspections, and he's kind of
6:05
like thumbing his nose at the Americans left
6:07
and right, which We know now was because
6:09
he feared domestic unrest and felt like he
6:11
needed to make a big show of toughness in
6:13
order to avoid a coup. But
6:16
the Republicans were able to seize on
6:18
this to embarrass Bill Clinton and to
6:20
say, you know, look at this, this dictator
6:22
is humiliating our country And
6:24
this was in the midst of the Lewinsky
6:26
scandal, so he's particularly vulnerable. Right.
6:28
Exactly. So Republicans pass
6:31
something called the Iraq
6:33
Liberation
6:34
Act, and Clinton signs it.
6:37
And what it
6:37
says is that United States
6:39
policy is now to seek regime
6:42
change in Iraq. A new
6:45
government that is committed to
6:47
represent and respect its
6:49
people, not repress them.
6:51
That is committed to peace in
6:53
the region, which I
6:56
think to a lot of people at the time probably
6:58
including Republican lawmakers, including
7:00
the Clinton house. This kind of just
7:02
looked like an empty gesture. Mhmm. But
7:04
for the Neoconservatism actually wrote
7:07
the
7:07
act, This was the culmination of Sunday
7:09
they had fought for for years. We
7:12
all know what happens next. George
7:14
w Bush is elected, and he brings
7:16
stable of NeoCon's and fellow travelers
7:19
like Paul Wolfowitz and Donald
7:22
Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney into his administration.
7:25
Then comes nine eleven, and
7:28
then So if
7:30
you're George w Bush,
7:33
And this thing happens, you probably
7:35
respond the way that most of us did,
7:37
which is to be just totally baffled.
7:40
Neoconservatism presents a
7:43
fully formed complete
7:45
footnoted ideology and
7:48
world's view for understanding the September
7:50
eleven attacks. The reason that this
7:52
happened, the reason that there's extremism really
7:55
anywhere in the world, but especially in the Muslim world,
7:57
is because the United States
7:59
let Saddam Hussein stay in
8:01
power and the administration starts
8:04
looking for proof that Saddam
8:06
had specifically sponsored the
8:08
attack. When you're in that moment
8:11
of
8:12
panic and you have this answer at hand.
8:14
It's what everybody ended up reaching for.
8:17
You wrote in your two thousand sixteen vox
8:19
article that The Bush Cheney
8:21
White House didn't seek to trick America
8:23
into that war, but rather
8:25
tricked themselves When
8:27
challenged on this, you offer how
8:30
actively they tried to
8:32
find the evidence of weapons
8:34
of mass destruction
8:36
once they got into Iraq. Right.
8:38
Look at the way that they feed themselves
8:41
raw intelligence. Right? They cut out the CIA.
8:43
They don't trust them. CIA doesn't at it. Only
8:45
we understand we're gonna look at the wrong intelligence.
8:47
And they find these crazy sources,
8:50
these Iraqi egg cells in Egypt to tell
8:52
them what they wanna believe. And they trot
8:54
these guys out and they hold up
8:56
in front of the entire world this evidence
8:59
that they have
8:59
found. And I don't think they would do that unless
9:01
they believe that it would stand up to scrutiny. Okay.
9:04
But even if they were true
9:06
believers max, they
9:08
did still try to trick the American people.
9:10
Right? Because as you wrote, They
9:13
told us that was about weapons
9:15
of mass destruction, and then they told us
9:17
it was about connections to al Qaeda
9:19
when in fact It was this preexisting
9:22
ideology all along. I
9:25
think that's true. I think that's true. But
9:27
I don't think they saw it as
9:29
presenting a disingenuous case.
9:31
I think that they believed that
9:34
saying that Saddam has
9:36
or will develop weapons of mass destruction
9:39
that will threaten the United States, arguing
9:41
that Saddam is sponsoring terrorists, whether
9:44
or not it's say true, it
9:46
is in their view true in the deeper
9:48
sense that allowing Saddam
9:50
to exist will naturally lead to
9:52
terrorists. And none of this is true to
9:54
be clear. What do you say
9:56
to people on the left who say you're
9:58
being a little too generous Neoconservatism
10:02
has always been money or oil
10:04
or American geopolitical dominance
10:07
and all the humanitarian stuff
10:09
about how it makes the world
10:12
better place is just a flimsy cover.
10:15
I've heard that criticism. To me,
10:18
the hubris and the arrogance
10:21
in believing that you are
10:23
so superior to the rest of the world,
10:25
that going into other
10:27
people's countries and using
10:29
violence in force to bring them into chaos
10:32
is actually not
10:34
just good, but morally necessary. I
10:36
mean, that strikes me as such
10:39
a more dangerous idea than
10:42
the notion that we went in to steal the oil
10:45
because then it could lead to a
10:47
war any place. Because
10:49
it says that no country can
10:52
legitimately make a choice to
10:55
be aligned against the United
10:57
States. That that's not just threatening to
10:59
us, but that is inherently a
11:01
threat to the entire world in a way that morally
11:04
compels the destruction of that
11:05
government. It it's amazing to
11:07
me. So what about the
11:09
people who pushed for
11:12
it? And are still very much with us.
11:14
The weekly standards Bill Crystal, because
11:17
of his anti Trump stance is a
11:19
popular talking head on MSNBC,
11:23
former Bush speech writer David Frum,
11:26
who coined the term access of evil,
11:28
now weighs in on outlets like SLAID and
11:30
VOXX. And of course, there's John Bolton
11:33
In the White House, why
11:35
hasn't there been a more serious reckoning
11:38
with the consequences of this war
11:41
and who pushed for it? There's
11:43
really not incentive for
11:45
a kind of Republican cleaning house
11:47
because you wouldn't have anybody
11:49
left. And even among the Democratic party,
11:52
Barack Obama. He would always say look
11:54
forward, not backward, and that was specifically in
11:56
regards to prosecuting torture, but it became
11:59
more of a mantra of you know,
12:01
the party's interests are not served by
12:03
trying to excise this
12:05
ideology from polite
12:08
Washington policy circles. DC
12:10
is a really small town. Everybody is
12:13
friends with somebody who either
12:15
was or works for someone who was
12:17
involved in launching the Iraq
12:19
War. It's not easy to
12:22
clean house like that and nobody wants to do it.
12:24
But, I
12:24
mean, you don't have to clean house if people just
12:26
change their minds. Yeah, but then
12:28
you would have to
12:30
confront how wrong you were.
12:32
I mean, could you imagine waking
12:35
up in the morning and thinking
12:37
I had some really wrong headed beliefs
12:40
and it got tens of thousands of Americans
12:42
and potentially hundreds of thousands of Iraqis
12:44
killed in a war that really is
12:47
still raging, or
12:49
you could wake up and say, you know, I did my best
12:51
and I was misled by faulty intelligence, and
12:54
I don't need to worry too much about it. We're
12:56
all gonna make the latter choice.
12:58
When the post came out
13:00
about the Pentagon papers, we called up Les
13:03
Gelb. Who was the
13:05
person in the Pentagon, who put the
13:07
Pentagon papers together, who
13:09
talked about how he
13:11
had ultimately changed his mind about
13:13
the war, but it was too late. And
13:15
there's this tremendous echo because you say
13:18
it wasn't about bush lying. But
13:21
about being a true believer. Gelb
13:24
said the lesson of the
13:26
pentagon papers was more
13:28
or less the
13:29
same. The story has been put out
13:31
to the Pentagon papers, showed they
13:33
were all lying. But while
13:35
the paper shows some lies, The
13:37
main message is that
13:40
our leaders from Truman onwards didn't
13:43
know hardly anything about Vietnam
13:45
and into China. They were ignorant. And
13:48
it also shows that foreign
13:50
policy community, believe that if we lost
13:52
Vietnam, the rest of Asia would
13:54
fall. And that was kind of
13:56
a given. And look,
13:58
because we never learned that darn lesson.
14:02
About believing our way into these wars.
14:04
We went into Afghanistan, and we
14:06
went into Iraq.
14:08
You really do
14:10
hear ideological echoes in the way
14:12
that these officials in the Trump
14:14
administration, some of whom were the same ones
14:16
around for the Iraqi invasion, talk
14:18
about Iran and North Korea. It's
14:20
not just about do they
14:22
pose an immediate threat to US interest.
14:25
It's about the need
14:27
for us to impose
14:29
American power on the world. American
14:32
foreign policy has always been so
14:35
ideological I mean, if you go back to
14:37
some of the very first wars against Native
14:39
Americans, right? It was driven by manifest
14:41
destiny in this belief that we're special
14:43
and we're different. It's core to
14:45
who we see ourselves as
14:48
being, but we keep making
14:50
the same mistakes. And, you know,
14:52
we're gonna make it again.
14:55
Max, thank you very much. Thank
14:57
you. New York Times writer,
15:00
Max, Fisher.
15:03
Thanks for listening to the OTM podcast.
15:05
On this week's big show, we're airing
15:07
the final part of our award
15:10
winning series, The Divided Dial. It's
15:12
an investigative look at the rise of right
15:14
wing Talk Radio. I'm Michael
15:16
Lowinger. See you.
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