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0:10
Hello, welcome
0:14
to Slate Money, your guide to the business
0:16
and finance news of the week. I'm Felix
0:18
Amadeus Axios with Emily Peck of Axios. Hello,
0:21
hello. With Elizabeth Spires of New York
0:23
Times. Hello. We
0:25
have all manner of court cases to
0:27
talk about this week. The Supreme Court
0:29
has been very busy and it's been
0:31
talking about Chevron this and Perdue that
0:34
and Herring Fisherman is
0:36
all up for discussion. So
0:38
that's exactly what we're going to do. We're going to
0:40
talk jurisprudence this
0:43
week. We are also going to talk about
0:45
stock market concentration and mega caps. We
0:48
have a slate plus segment all
0:50
about the humble spud, which apparently
0:52
is gained in humility over recent
0:54
years. No one loves it anymore.
0:57
Be sorry for your potato. It's
1:00
all coming up on Slate
1:02
Money. Today's
1:13
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1:15
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AI with confidence. So
2:02
while the whole political
2:05
world was freaking out about something, something
2:07
to bait something, the
2:09
Supreme Court was extremely
2:11
active this week. And
2:14
it's basically made the whole question of who is resident much
2:17
less important. This is my quick
2:19
reaction to a couple of things.
2:22
One ruling about SEC administrative courts
2:24
and one bigger ruling about something
2:26
known as the Chevron Doctrine, which
2:29
basically both of them say
2:31
this massive executive branch that
2:33
we have is too
2:35
big and has too much power and
2:38
the only people that can really make
2:40
rules are Congress and not the executive.
2:43
And Emily, does this
2:46
mean that maybe the presidency and
2:48
the executive branch and the way
2:50
that we're used to America running
2:52
is like this is the end
2:54
of the road? I
2:56
don't know, Felix. So I think
2:58
you're right to the extent that
3:00
the Supreme Court is clearly in
3:02
getting rid of Chevron deference and
3:04
in curbing the SEC's power and
3:06
another decision this week. The Supreme
3:08
Court is very clearly curbing
3:11
the power of the executive branch and usurping
3:13
that power for the judicial branch. Sonia
3:15
Sotomayor calls it a power grab in her
3:17
dissent in the SEC case and power grab,
3:19
those two words are getting thrown around
3:21
a lot. But the
3:24
question is, there are these
3:27
six conservative judges clearly all
3:29
year last year are
3:31
skeptical of the power of the executive
3:33
branch, the power of the president and
3:35
all these agencies to put
3:37
regulations into place that they don't like.
3:41
But my question is like, what
3:43
happens when a new
3:45
party comes into the Oval Office, that when
3:47
a Republican comes into office, they're
3:50
happy with what they're doing. So all of a sudden,
3:52
the assault on the executive branch,
3:55
maybe slows down. I mean, the precedent
3:57
that they tossed out on
3:59
Friday. this Chevron, which basically says
4:02
in cases where the law is murky, defer
4:05
to the agency. That
4:07
was created during the Reagan administration. I
4:09
guess what I'm saying is, is
4:11
the assault against the executive branch going
4:13
to end when the partisan status of
4:16
the White House flips? But you also
4:18
have to consider, we have a conservative
4:20
majority on the Supreme Court, and most
4:23
of these people are not going to leave anytime soon.
4:25
So one of the significant
4:27
outcomes of this is that the judiciary would
4:29
have so much more power than it has
4:32
right now. So conservatives
4:34
would still dominate decision-making
4:37
on that front. If you look
4:39
at Kagan's dissent, she said the
4:42
majority basically disdains restraint
4:44
of any kind, and
4:46
they hate the administrative state. So
4:48
they're basically just giving themselves exclusive
4:50
power over every open issue, no
4:53
matter how expertise-driven or
4:55
policy-laden and turning itself
4:57
into the country's administrative czar. And
5:00
she sounds furious in this defense, but
5:02
it also sounds terrifying. You want Brett
5:05
Kavanaugh deciding complex
5:08
healthcare issues? It's
5:10
just mind-boggling. Even on an
5:13
ideological basis, it sounds dangerous,
5:16
and it's just going to
5:18
create large-scale disruption, I think.
5:20
There are two different types
5:22
of conservatism in America, and
5:24
I think that there's a
5:26
significant difference between magma-electoral, congressional
5:33
conservatism on the one hand, and
5:36
judicial conservatism on the other
5:38
hand. The Republican
5:40
Party, in its current incarnation,
5:42
is quite activist
5:44
and has a whole bunch of laws that
5:47
it wants to pass and things that it wants to
5:49
do, and is not
5:51
really a small
5:53
government party. Donald
5:56
Trump significantly expanded the size of
5:58
the government. And
6:00
the more sort of small c conservatism that
6:03
I see from people like, you know, I
6:05
mean, Sam Alito or someone like that is
6:07
much more in line with this Chevron ruling, which
6:10
is just basically saying like, we
6:12
don't want the executive branch just kind of
6:14
getting out of control. And I think they
6:16
would be okay, Emily, to your point, I
6:19
think they would be okay with a bargain,
6:21
which basically said, if we constrain the ability
6:23
of the executive branch
6:27
under a democratic president, then it will
6:29
also be constrained under a Republican president.
6:32
But Elizabeth's point is well taken
6:35
that they're
6:37
probably just going to uphold what the,
6:39
they're more likely just because
6:41
of their sort of inherent biases
6:44
to uphold whatever the Republican president
6:46
does. Although I'll argue with myself
6:48
because they don't even like
6:50
it when Republican presidents do anything because...
6:52
Exactly. Yeah. So
6:54
they overturned this regulation regarding
6:57
bump stocks on rifles. They
6:59
turned rifles into semi-automatics. And
7:01
it was a regulation from
7:04
the Trump administration that curbed the
7:06
use of those things and the
7:08
court overturned that. So
7:12
maybe Felix
7:14
was right all along, which pains me to
7:17
say, I guess. Well,
7:20
I think among the Republican party, there's a
7:22
kind of knee-jerk hatred of
7:24
any kind of administrative power that isn't concentrated
7:27
primarily in Congress,
7:30
but they're fine concentrating it
7:32
with a conservative oriented judiciary
7:35
too. But part of what
7:37
they're reflecting is what kind of baseline
7:39
Republicans believe, which is that the administrative
7:41
state is bloated. People
7:44
like their local politicians, but they hate politicians
7:46
in general. And the further up you get
7:48
in the government, the more people
7:51
have these ideas that the government
7:53
is bloated and corrupt. And
7:56
the final thing is just that most
7:58
people don't really understand what these agencies
8:00
do. I have mixed feelings about
8:02
Michael Lewis, but I think he wrote one
8:04
of the best books about the Trump administration
8:07
that wasn't about the Trump administration called The
8:09
Fifth Risk, where I think he went into
8:11
these agencies thinking that he was going to
8:13
find a lot of the stuff
8:15
that Republicans complain about, a
8:17
lot of waste and corruption, blah, blah, blah.
8:20
He ended up writing a book that
8:22
basically defended the administrative state because in
8:25
doing the reporting, he learned a lot about how
8:27
much expertise has to be built into these agencies
8:30
and also that they don't really turn
8:32
over as many people as people think
8:34
they do when the
8:36
president changes or Congress shifts. Yeah,
8:39
I'm reminded of Rick Perry. Remember him
8:42
when he ran for president and he
8:44
was like, I'm going to abolish the
8:46
Department of Energy. And then
8:48
he got put in charge of the Department of Energy. And
8:51
about a week and a half
8:53
after taking up that position, he was like, holy
8:55
shit, this is not only incredibly important, but we
8:57
do incredibly good work and we need more money
8:59
and we need to expand the Department of Energy.
9:03
And this kind of thing where you kind of, I
9:05
think you're absolutely right that, and Michael
9:07
Lewis saw this and lots of people have
9:09
seen this. And like those of us, I
9:11
was just on a call earlier with Emily
9:13
when she's like, oh, I love the Bureau
9:15
of Labor Statistics. They're great. Like there's a
9:17
lot of deep expertise and very, you
9:20
know, I don't know how to put this,
9:22
just incredibly professional people in the government and
9:24
this ideological mistrust of
9:26
anything administrative in the Anything
9:29
Executive branch. It really is
9:31
based in ideology rather than in any kind of
9:33
like empirical evidence of overreach.
9:36
And I think what we see in the
9:38
SEC case, which was narrower than Chevron,
9:40
but is kind of illuminating is the
9:42
SEC, you know, has a bunch of
9:45
good professionals in it and they
9:48
have their own little sort of administrative courts
9:50
which can administer fines and stuff when people
9:52
do fraud. And the
9:55
Supreme Court basically said, yeah, like you
9:57
guys know what you're doing, but You're
10:00
not part of the judicial branch you're part
10:02
of the executive branch and just for that
10:04
reason alone you shouldn't be allowed to do
10:07
that if you want to go ahead and
10:09
find someone you need to find a judge
10:11
to administer that finding that judge needs to
10:13
be in the judicial branch cannot be part
10:15
of the sec and this is all like
10:18
a high level ideological debate that. You
10:20
know might make sense in some kind
10:23
of a civics textbook but late given
10:25
where we're at you know these things always
10:28
path dependent is gonna just make it incredibly
10:30
hard for the government to do its job
10:32
in practice and i think maybe that's the
10:34
point if you're like child's coke or someone
10:36
that's what you want. Yeah also
10:39
between the chevron and the sec ruling
10:41
you know if the point of the
10:43
sec ruling is to argue that people
10:45
who get charged with fraud.
10:47
Is there a jury trial every
10:50
single time it's just gonna flood
10:52
the courts i mean they're creating
10:54
a sort of unsustainable situation where.
10:57
Yeah we already have a stress judicial
10:59
system but now that everything has to
11:02
be litigated through the courts and agencies
11:04
have no discretion it's just
11:06
gonna jam up the judiciary in a way
11:08
that i don't think we are really prepared
11:10
for well on the flip side i mean.
11:13
The court has basically been operating
11:15
as though chevron didn't exist for
11:17
a while now it's issued like
11:19
for example the biden minish knocking
11:21
back the biden administration student loan
11:23
rule. Was kind of like ignoring
11:25
chevron without ignoring chevron you know
11:28
and like in the case the sec case i
11:30
spoke to a former staff attorney. At the agency
11:32
and he said you know it's been clear for
11:35
a while that. The
11:37
court doesn't like these administrative
11:39
in-house sec courts they
11:41
don't like the administrative law judges so
11:43
the agency the sec has been taking any big
11:46
case. To court and
11:48
not using the in-house system
11:50
so i mean is this
11:53
gonna be a radical change with cases flooding the
11:55
courts and might not be so radical like with
11:57
so many. Supreme court rulings i
11:59
might be like. this like slow burn that
12:01
you know you don't realize that the soup
12:03
is really hot because you're sitting in it
12:05
kind of a thing. I'm reaching for an
12:07
analogy. I'm sorry. The thing that strikes me
12:09
about this, if you look at the cases
12:11
that went up to the
12:13
Supreme Court which resulted in this Chevron strike
12:16
down, they were, you're gonna
12:18
love this, they were about herring boats.
12:21
This is a classic little like corner
12:24
of the government that no one ever
12:26
thinks about, right? And there
12:28
are quotas on herring fishing. I'm
12:30
gonna get this wrong, but broadly
12:32
speaking, there are quotas on herring
12:34
fishing. And if you're
12:37
going out to fish for herring, then you
12:39
need a federal observer on your boat to
12:41
make sure that you're not fishing
12:44
too many herring. And
12:47
the agency in charge of placing
12:50
federal observers on boats basically said, well, when
12:52
we put a federal observer on the boat,
12:54
you need to pay $700 a day for
12:58
that federal observer, you know, because they need
13:01
hotel rooms and transport, I don't know, whatever. And
13:04
the herring boat lobby,
13:06
you know, big herring boat
13:08
decided to sue and
13:10
say like, there's nothing in the law about $700
13:13
a day. And in all of the
13:15
courts using Chevron, which has been the
13:18
lawyer of the land since 1983, basically
13:20
said, well, this is a reasonable thing for the
13:23
government to do is to like,
13:25
you know, recoup its costs by charging the herring
13:27
boats $700 a day. And
13:30
it made its way up to the Supreme Court. And the
13:32
Supreme Court basically said, well, it may or may not be
13:34
reasonable, but it's not in the law. And the only person
13:36
who can make the law is Congress. And
13:38
if Congress wants you to charge $700 a day,
13:41
then they need to pass a law saying
13:43
you can charge $700 a
13:45
day. And in a
13:47
world where Congress was capable of
13:50
passing laws, that
13:52
might make sense. But
13:55
we are not in that world. And
13:57
we instead we are in a world where I
13:59
think Congress Congress has passed fewer laws in the
14:02
past few years than at any point in American
14:04
history. There's something boring
14:07
and sensible that would probably
14:09
garner bipartisan support under any
14:12
normal Congress. The
14:14
herringboats have to pay $700 a day would
14:17
never pass because it's just so hard to
14:19
pass anything.
14:21
And so that kind of thing, it
14:24
reminds me in a weird way of
14:26
how the MMT folks
14:28
are like, well, you know, if inflation
14:30
looks like it's ticking up, then Congress
14:32
should just cut spending. And you're like,
14:35
well, maybe Congress should cut spending, but
14:37
there's no way that they actually will.
14:39
That's just not how Congress works in
14:41
the 2020s. Or they should
14:44
just raise taxes a little and you're
14:46
like, have you heard about Congress? Do
14:48
you understand how things work here in
14:50
the United States? Well, also another thing
14:52
to consider is that the agencies exist
14:54
for a reason because something like a
14:56
$700 a day
14:59
fee for fishing boats is
15:02
a little bit small potatoes for
15:04
Congress, which already has a backlogged
15:06
agenda and bills that go nowhere.
15:09
It just doesn't have the capacity to interpret
15:12
in a way that actually
15:15
involves expertise and subject area
15:17
knowledge, every teeny tiny thing
15:19
that people are allowed to do
15:21
in a regulatory basis. That's part
15:23
of the reason why we have these specialized agencies that
15:26
can adjudicate smaller issues like that. Yeah,
15:28
we have Chevron because, you know, Congress
15:30
passes laws that are hundreds of pages
15:33
long and we need
15:35
an agency with expertise to interpret them. And you can't
15:37
go back to Congress on every little $700 fee
15:39
to pass a law. I
15:42
mean, that would freeze everything. So
15:45
I guess my question is, is
15:48
there a world in which Congress
15:51
can basically enact Chevron into law?
15:53
Is there a world in which
15:55
Congress can pass a law saying
15:57
it is our congressional
15:59
intention? that executive agencies
16:02
broadly have a certain amount
16:04
of discretion to interpret what
16:06
we write because we
16:08
don't know how these things are going to play
16:11
out in practice. And we have more important
16:13
things to worry about, like getting
16:15
reelected. So, yeah, is there
16:17
a, because the Supreme Court keeps
16:19
on deferring to what Congress
16:22
says, is there any way that Congress
16:24
could like effectively reinstate Chevron by passing
16:26
it? In theory, yeah. But what's the
16:28
likelihood that that would happen? Does
16:33
the Supreme Court even defer to Congress? I
16:35
mean, in the SEC decision, it was
16:37
over, you know, the SEC's ability
16:40
to hear these penalty
16:42
cases in-house, right? That was
16:44
a new ability passed as
16:47
part of Dodd-Frank. So, even
16:49
in a case where Congress explicitly said, this is
16:51
what I want the SEC to do, the Supreme
16:54
Court was like, no. That's a
16:56
good point. That's a very good point.
16:58
Yeah, like it seems that they're happy
17:00
to ignore congressional intent even when it's
17:03
quite clear if it doesn't align with
17:05
the ideology. Let me move
17:07
on while staying with the Supreme Court because
17:09
I think, and again, like I'm super interested
17:12
in what you two think, I think that
17:15
these Supreme Court decisions,
17:18
both in the Chevron case and
17:20
in the SEC case, can
17:22
broadly be construed
17:25
as being business-friendly in
17:27
a kind of laissez-faire sense insofar as
17:29
businesses can now go ahead and do
17:31
what they want without having to worry
17:33
about government agencies cracking
17:35
down on them so much because the
17:38
powers of government agencies have been constrained
17:40
by these rulings. And the reason I
17:42
bring this up is because friend of
17:44
the pod, Mitu Gulati, put out a
17:46
really great paper a couple of years
17:49
ago basically saying that we have an
17:51
incredibly business-friendly Supreme Court. We've talked about
17:53
this on the pod actually, and
17:55
whether they're Democrat appointees or Republican appointees,
17:58
they generally wind up.
18:00
Leaning in favor of business.
18:15
Before we get to the break, I want
18:17
to tell you about our Slate Plus segment
18:19
for this week because it's pretty hilarious. I
18:22
convinced Elizabeth and Felix to talk about potatoes
18:24
because there was an article in Wired about
18:27
the humble potato. We talk about why it's
18:29
not as popular
18:32
as it used to be and
18:35
about why potatoes are an economically
18:39
significant vegetable. Slate Plus
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members will get to hear that at the end
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18:58
unmatched Supreme Court coverage that Dahlia Lithwick and
19:00
Mark Joseph Stern do. It's a really important
19:02
time, I think, to sign up and listen
19:05
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19:07
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19:59
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20:01
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20:04
people often don't feel smart about money.
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Fine, what should I do with
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my money on your favorite podcast player to
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hear from people just like you getting help
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from experienced financial advisors? So
20:19
the other ruling that we should talk
20:21
about on the pod this week is
20:23
the Purdue Pharma SACRA family ruling about
20:25
the proposed bankruptcy settlement there. And
20:28
I guess the first question I want to ask, because
20:30
this was a very bipartisan ruling. It
20:33
was 5-4. It didn't seem to
20:35
split across any kind of Republican Democratic lines.
20:39
Would you consider that, Emily,
20:41
to be a pro-business ruling?
20:45
That's a really good question. And
20:48
I don't think the Purdue decision
20:50
is a pro-business ruling.
20:52
So it was a 5-4 ruling
20:54
with Justice Jackson joining the
20:56
majority, which was some of
20:59
the other conservatives. And exactly
21:02
what Felix said, they curbed the power of
21:04
bankruptcy court to shield
21:06
debtors from immunity. And
21:09
companies have been using, and some
21:11
would say abusing, the bankruptcy court
21:13
for years, dating back to asbestos
21:16
claims, using bankruptcy as a
21:18
way to shield themselves from dealing
21:22
with the consequences of their
21:24
actions, essentially, you
21:26
could see that in the Purdue case. And
21:29
this was a case, yeah, where the Supreme
21:31
Court was like, no, you're
21:33
going a step too far here. And
21:35
they did curb the power of the
21:37
bankruptcy court and limit what companies can
21:40
use those courts for. The
21:42
way I read it, and I might be wrong about this,
21:44
but the way I read it is that they
21:47
are OK with the bankruptcy
21:49
court giving debtors
21:52
broad immunities. They're just not OK
21:54
with the bankruptcy court giving non-debtors
21:56
broad immunity. Right, yes. But
21:59
that has well. But the bankruptcy courts
22:01
have been doing that for years since asbestos.
22:04
We read that really good op-ed
22:06
from Melissa Jacobi, a law professor at UNC,
22:08
and she sort of laid out the history
22:11
here going back to the asbestos claims. There
22:13
was a company that filed for
22:15
bankruptcy to shield itself from all the victims
22:17
going after it. And
22:20
not all the victims signed on to
22:22
that because they didn't know who all
22:24
the victims were at the time. What
22:26
they did was come up with this
22:28
work-around where they created a fund, like
22:30
a victims fund where future people
22:33
who had been harmed could go and get
22:35
payouts. The funds
22:37
ran out of money and it didn't
22:40
pay out very much. It wasn't very
22:42
successful yet. That's how a lot of
22:44
these deals got structured going forward. It
22:48
seems like the Supreme Court in this case
22:50
was like, that's not the way we
22:53
want to do it anymore. I'm not
22:55
sure I agree with that. I
22:57
think the Supreme Court would still have been
22:59
okay with that because that's the debt, that's
23:01
not a non-deter. And the
23:03
way that bankruptcy works is that when a
23:05
company has a whole bunch of liabilities, it
23:08
can basically say, I don't have enough money
23:10
to cover all of these current and future
23:13
liabilities. So here's a bunch of
23:15
money to cover them and then I'm just going
23:17
to continue as a going concern free of those
23:19
liabilities. And I think that's still allowed. The
23:22
big question in the Purdue Pharma case is
23:25
Purdue Pharma is the debtor. It
23:28
has a bunch of
23:30
current and future liabilities which are basically
23:32
all taught liabilities in terms
23:34
of claims they have to pay to people who
23:36
died of opioids. There is
23:38
also a non-deter in that case, which is
23:40
the Sanktler family. And
23:43
as part of the proposed settlement in
23:45
that case, the Sanktler family would voluntarily
23:48
give up $6 billion of their
23:50
own money and say, we're going to throw
23:52
this into that kind of fund that Emily
23:54
was just talking about, which will
23:56
then pay out to the victims
23:58
of opioid abuse. and whatnot. But
24:01
in return for paying in that $6
24:03
billion, we will get
24:05
immunity and we will be protected
24:07
from future lawsuits against us from
24:09
people who died of opioids. And
24:12
the Supreme Court basically said, well, you
24:15
can't do that because you're not the debtor,
24:17
you're a non-deter. So that's
24:19
like a stretch too far for a
24:21
bankruptcy court. And I can
24:23
kind of see why they said that,
24:25
but if they don't have that immunity,
24:28
then they have no incentive to put
24:30
any money at all into the fund.
24:32
And this is why the vast majority
24:34
of opioid victims
24:38
were in favor of the settlement and wanted
24:40
to give the settlers that immunity. I
24:43
guess the broader thing I was thinking about last
24:45
night is just like, and everyone
24:47
should go read this Melissa Jacobi op-ed,
24:50
but the bankruptcy system, the bankruptcy courts,
24:52
this is not a place for the opioid
24:55
litigation really to wind up. And maybe Felix,
24:57
you'll disagree with me because Purdue
24:59
was never going to have all the money to pay
25:02
back all these victims. I mean, they
25:04
caused thousands of deaths, sparked a
25:07
nationwide drug crisis, I mean,
25:09
caused untold pain.
25:11
And for some reason in the
25:13
United States, we're set
25:15
up where companies and
25:17
wrongdoers get punished in
25:20
the courts. It doesn't seem like bankruptcy
25:23
court is the right place to
25:25
work out these issues that are
25:27
complicated and deal with human lives
25:29
and are different from like
25:32
the credit stack of the creditors.
25:34
Well, the thing is, it violates the
25:37
intent of the bankruptcy process itself, which
25:39
is to restructure companies so that they
25:41
can continue to survive. And Purdue
25:44
was not, I think, suffering
25:46
financially. It's not like they would have
25:48
gone into bankruptcy were it not for
25:52
all of these lawsuits. And they had
25:54
to argue that the potential liability was
25:56
enough to justify the bankruptcy.
25:59
And that's not... you know, the point of bankruptcy
26:01
law. Yeah, exactly. Okay, so I'm happy
26:03
to take the other side of this one, because
26:06
I think that exactly is the point of bankruptcy
26:08
law, right? The point of
26:10
bankruptcy is that when
26:12
your liabilities exceed your assets,
26:15
then the, you know,
26:17
not everyone with a claim on the company will
26:19
be able to be paid out on that claim.
26:22
And because the claims in
26:25
the US judicial system on
26:27
Purdue are basically unlimited, because
26:30
we have these, you know, juries who
26:32
will award hundreds of millions
26:34
of dollars to like individuals, and
26:36
then we have millions of individuals
26:38
who are affected. The
26:41
size of the claims against Purdue
26:43
is unlimited. And you know, just
26:46
mathematically speaking, if you have unlimited
26:48
claims against a company, the company
26:51
cannot pay all of those claims. So you
26:53
need some kind of a mechanism to
26:55
divvy up those claims fairly and to basically
26:58
say like it's not just a rush to
27:00
the courthouse, and whoever gets their claim in
27:02
first gets paid out in full, and then
27:04
everyone who's at the end and there's no
27:06
company left anymore gets nothing. That's
27:09
not fair. And so the
27:11
fair thing to do over the
27:13
course of the jurisprudence of the past
27:15
few decades has been to use
27:17
the bankruptcy courts to create a much
27:20
more equitable distribution of claims.
27:22
And I think they've done a pretty good
27:24
job. Well, the thing is, though,
27:26
you're talking about, you know, there's a difference between
27:29
liabilities that the company currently has
27:31
and then theoretical possible liabilities. And
27:33
this is where I think, you
27:35
know, the case is a little
27:37
bit less straightforward, because Purdue
27:40
was arguing that, you know, their
27:42
theoretical liabilities, not what they've already been
27:45
sued for, what they already owe, were
27:47
going to be so big that they should be
27:49
allowed to use bankruptcy to
27:51
shield them from liability. But
27:54
if that's, you know, if you only
27:56
need to have theoretical liabilities or possible
27:59
additional. abilities to qualify
28:01
for bankruptcy, I think that goes against the
28:04
intention of law too. Then
28:06
you wind up with companies just running to
28:08
the bankruptcy court instead of paying victims and
28:12
making things right. They are preemptively going
28:15
to the bankruptcy court to hide out,
28:18
basically, and save
28:20
their asses. You see, this is
28:22
something which I feel is over-egged
28:24
a little bit. Filing
28:27
for bankruptcy is not a
28:29
clever little Texas
28:32
two-step shuffle
28:34
that cunning companies do
28:37
to save money. Filing for
28:39
bankruptcy is a really
28:42
big step that no company particularly wants to
28:44
do and only does it when it feels
28:46
it has no other option.
28:48
The first thing you have to know about companies
28:52
filing for bankruptcy is that 99 times
28:54
out of 100, all
28:57
of the shareholders in that company are wiped out. They
28:59
all get zero. They are the
29:02
first people to lose all of their money. Companies
29:07
are run by their shareholders. The boards
29:09
of directors are elected by the shareholders.
29:11
The chief executive reports to the shareholders
29:13
and is tasked with maximizing shareholder value.
29:15
If this idea that the
29:19
company is just protecting itself and being
29:21
selfish by declaring bankruptcy and wiping out
29:23
its own shareholders, it's like, well, that's
29:27
a good indication that they're taking
29:29
this really seriously. Even
29:32
so, in looking at Purdue, what
29:34
do we make of the Sackler
29:36
family? They themselves have been filed
29:38
for bankruptcy. They thought they could
29:40
use the Purdue
29:42
bankruptcy to shield themselves from
29:45
liability. As far as I
29:48
know, and correct me if I'm wrong, and hold on to
29:51
quite a lot of money. Correct. The
29:53
Sackler family is a
29:56
super interesting case. This is a hard case. And
30:01
one of the reasons why the
30:03
court split in an unpredictable way,
30:06
and is also not a great
30:09
case to be setting a major precedent,
30:11
to be honest, if you're the Supreme
30:13
Court. What happened with the Sacklers is
30:15
that their shareholding in Purdue did go
30:17
to zero. Purdue did file for bankruptcy,
30:20
and the equity holders, the shareholders,
30:22
the Sacklers were zeroed out. But
30:25
before Purdue filed for
30:27
bankruptcy, it paid like
30:29
$11 billion of dividends
30:33
to the Sackler family. So now the Sackler
30:35
family is plenty rich. Even if
30:37
its shares in Purdue are worth zero,
30:39
they have $11 billion of cash sitting
30:41
in their bank account, right? And
30:44
so what the opioid
30:47
victims are quite reasonably saying is,
30:50
you wound up dividending out a whole
30:53
bunch of profits to the Sacklers when
30:55
in fact, that money
30:57
rightfully belonged to us because we are victims
30:59
and we have more claim on that money
31:01
than the Sacklers do. So they want to
31:03
be able to sue the Sacklers for a
31:05
bunch of that $11 billion. And
31:10
for that reason, you're absolutely right. The Sacklers
31:12
were like, well, how about we basically give
31:15
you back half of the money, or
31:17
give back $6 billion. And
31:21
you can use that as
31:23
the vast majority of the pool of money that
31:25
would then be used to pay out. But in
31:28
return, you give us the immunity and allow us
31:30
to sit on the other $5 billion and be
31:33
dynastically wealthy for the rest of our lives. And
31:35
you can see how that leaves a bad taste
31:37
in the mouth of a bunch of people. But
31:40
yeah, the alternative is that the
31:42
Sacklers put in nothing. They
31:45
open themselves up to future
31:47
litigation. But so far, they
31:50
haven't lost a case as far as I know. Like
31:53
so far, no one has found the
31:55
Sacklers personally liable for any opioid
31:58
victims. I might be wrong about that. But
32:01
even if they have, they have
32:03
more money than the victims do. It's hard
32:05
to create a class action against them. I'm
32:07
sure the sacraments would love to just put
32:09
this behind them at a cost
32:12
of $6 billion, but they certainly
32:14
don't want to live
32:16
in a world where they pay $6 billion into
32:19
a big settlement fund and also are
32:21
liable for the rest of their lives.
32:23
There's no reason for them to do
32:26
that. Well, now that's the world they
32:28
are potentially faced with. Now they're open
32:30
to lawsuits. Yeah. So now they're open
32:32
to lawsuits, but they have $11 billion
32:35
to fight those lawsuits. Well,
32:38
another factor is that a lot
32:40
of the plaintiffs are actually governments
32:42
that are suing Purdue. So they
32:44
object on the basis that that's
32:46
different from an individual suing Purdue,
32:49
where they don't believe that the Sackler's
32:51
then should be shielded from liability if
32:54
the plaintiff is the government. So the
32:56
states are also, several of
32:58
the states are suing Purdue. But
33:00
no, as I understood it,
33:03
the states were overwhelmingly on the
33:05
side of the plaintiffs here
33:07
and it was the states who wanted this
33:09
settlement. Yeah, they were part of it. And
33:12
the Supreme Court basically went along to the states and
33:14
all of those 48 attorney generals or
33:16
whatever it is and said, well, we know you
33:19
want this, but fuck off. You could kind of
33:21
see both sides of it, why you would want
33:23
it to happen and for victims to get some
33:25
money and to put this in
33:27
the rear view. And at least like we have
33:29
a concrete agreement, half the Sackler's
33:32
money, et cetera. And then you
33:34
could see it from the other side where
33:36
it doesn't seem fair that this family gets
33:38
to hang on and be dynastically wealthy.
33:41
And there are these victims that haven't
33:43
come forward yet. They've
33:45
done so much harm. It doesn't seem fair. The
33:48
victims who haven't come forward yet are also
33:50
covered in this settlement. Not all of the
33:52
$6 billion gets paid out
33:54
to existing claimants. There is money left over
33:56
for future claim. But if you wonder if
33:58
it's like the same. thing with the asbestos
34:01
where the fund runs out of money. By
34:03
definition, the fund will run out of money. We
34:05
know there isn't enough money to go around. That
34:08
is why there's a bankruptcy case in the first
34:10
place. If it doesn't run out
34:12
of money, then that's stupid because you just have money sitting
34:14
in a fund in perpetuity. More of that sweet, sweet, Sackler
34:16
money. But can
34:18
we at least agree that this is a
34:21
gnarly enough case, and a
34:23
weirdly unique enough case, that it's a
34:25
bad case to use to set a
34:27
broad precedent about the power of bankruptcy
34:29
courts? I think bankruptcy courts in general
34:32
have shown that they are quite
34:34
wise when it comes to divvying
34:37
up a set of assets.
34:39
And they've done a quite good job of
34:41
it. And what the Supreme Court has done
34:43
here is basically tied one hand behind their
34:45
backs and made it much harder for them
34:48
to do their jobs. This
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38:11
can move on to the stock market because
38:13
now everyone's business friendly the stock market is
38:15
hitting record highs yay this is good right
38:18
one interesting thing i've been.
38:21
Rating about is that the thing that
38:23
has been driving the stock market to
38:26
these record highs and
38:28
the reason why the american stock market
38:30
in particular has been outperforming virtually every
38:32
other stock market in the world is
38:34
this record mega caps and mega caps
38:36
is not really a word if you
38:38
use a girl because you didn't have
38:41
a whole class of companies that worth
38:43
trillions of dollars but now you do
38:45
you have three companies that are worth
38:48
three trillion dollars which i have apple
38:50
and video and microsoft you
38:52
have. Amazon just became
38:54
worth two trillion dollars google is
38:56
in that kind of ballpark as
38:59
well and you get
39:01
these massive technology companies net
39:03
all technology companies. With
39:05
these trillion dollar market caps and
39:07
normally in the history of capitalism
39:10
when you become inconceivably enormous like
39:12
that that means you start growing
39:14
more slowly. You know like
39:16
big things grow slowly small things grow
39:19
fast it's like babies you
39:21
know but it turns out that.
39:24
In corporate america right now is the
39:26
other way around these astonishing growth is
39:28
being seen in companies
39:30
like. Microsoft and video and
39:33
not so much in the young
39:35
baby mammals who are just starting
39:37
out and so. There
39:40
is this very sort of top heavy stock market
39:42
we have right now and i don't think there's
39:44
consensus on whether that's good or bad and he
39:46
thinks it's bad right. I mean it
39:49
just in a gut at a gut level i feel
39:52
yes that it might be bad in part
39:54
because so many fewer. Companies
39:57
go public now it seems like
39:59
maybe. just like
40:01
the political sector, the stock
40:03
market is stagnant, dominated by
40:05
these big elephants, and there's
40:07
no young babies coming
40:10
in to grow, and that might
40:12
not be good for growth and
40:14
dynamism. Except I feel like Nvidia
40:16
is a really good count, for
40:19
example, to that. It grew
40:21
into an elephant, and three,
40:23
four years ago, it was not an
40:25
elephant. I also think that in the
40:28
market, sometimes we use potential growth by
40:31
how much these companies are really putting
40:33
into R&D, or cutting-edge technologies, and I
40:35
think the AI hype is
40:37
part of what's driving it. It
40:39
makes a large company like Microsoft
40:42
seem like it has the dynamics
40:44
of a smaller startup. Yeah.
40:46
In AI in particular, the
40:49
amount of growth, the
40:52
capital cost of investing in
40:54
AI is absolutely enormous, which
40:56
is why when Elon
40:58
Musk starts up his own in-house AI company,
41:00
he raises $6 billion for it, because
41:03
that's how much it costs to start up
41:05
an AI company these days. That actually goes
41:07
to my point, because it's like usually when
41:09
you have a new technology, you have a
41:12
lot of new startups and companies and a
41:14
lot of dynamism. I don't know why I
41:16
keep using that word, dynamism, of the startups
41:18
and the new companies, and they go public,
41:20
and it's like, we, it's a whole new
41:23
thing, it's very exciting, there's all kinds of
41:25
growth, but with AI, it's just like these
41:27
big honking elephant companies. Yeah,
41:29
they're doing something new and it feels
41:32
fresh, but it's still like the old
41:34
guard, just like gobbling
41:37
up the startups and whatnot. But
41:39
who's the avatar of AI? It's
41:42
Sam Altman who has this startup
41:44
called OpenAI. It's
41:46
heavily backed by this old
41:48
company called Microsoft. It is
41:51
a startup, but it's not like the kind of startup
41:53
that, we once saw
41:55
back in the 90s. That being developed
41:57
in a garage somewhere. Yeah. I
42:00
can see the concern, but
42:02
broadly speaking, I think that
42:05
I'm quite sanguine about the rise in
42:07
concentration in the stock market for a
42:09
couple of reasons. The
42:11
first is that, in
42:14
video to one side, all of these other companies
42:16
that are being sort of re-rated
42:19
and adding trillions of dollars to their market
42:21
cap on the basis of AI are not
42:24
adding that market cap because AI
42:26
has made them more profitable. They're adding
42:29
that market cap because something's
42:31
on something, AI hype something. They're
42:34
spending a lot of money on
42:37
AI, and all of the money
42:39
that they're spending is going to
42:41
help companies broadly. It's going to
42:44
improve productivity broadly, if
42:46
it works. Consensus
42:49
in the stock market seems to be that it will work. I
42:53
just don't believe that these
42:55
big companies like Apple
42:57
and Amazon and Google
42:59
and Microsoft have the
43:02
ability to really collect rents on
43:04
AI to the degree that they
43:06
wind up getting most of the
43:08
benefit from it. If
43:11
you think of the benefit
43:13
that corporate America, say, got
43:16
from Microsoft Windows
43:18
or Microsoft Office, that's three,
43:21
four, five orders of magnitude
43:23
greater than the amount that
43:26
Microsoft could charge for those
43:28
products. AI is similar.
43:32
If this works, then sure, they
43:34
will get some profits from it,
43:36
but corporate America broadly
43:39
will see the
43:42
benefits. This
43:44
is why I think that we're just in
43:47
stage one here of the stock
43:49
market AI boom, which is the tech stocks
43:51
get the first lift. Then,
43:54
if and when AI turns out
43:56
to be something really real, then
43:59
it starts to lifting up everyone else
44:01
and everyone else becomes more productive and
44:03
everyone else's stocks will rise and
44:05
then we just started seeing
44:08
that with Apple. Apple is
44:10
not really an AI company, but
44:12
it announced a couple of weeks ago that it was going
44:14
to start putting AI stuff into its iPhones.
44:17
And it got a $300 billion boost in
44:20
the stock market as a result. If
44:22
Apple, obviously Apple will be one of the first
44:25
companies to do it because it's a tech company,
44:27
but eventually Nike will do it and
44:29
Walmart will do it. Target
44:31
just came out and said, we're going to
44:34
AI this and AI that. And for the
44:36
time being, it's hard to separate the hype,
44:38
but eventually when it starts showing up on
44:40
the bottom line, then
44:42
the concentration of the
44:44
stock market will decline because everyone
44:47
else will go up, assuming that
44:49
this AI hype actually turns out
44:51
to be based in reality. I
44:54
guess on the flip side of your
44:56
Felix optimism is if it is in
44:58
fact just hype, then the
45:00
bottom falls out and these
45:03
companies lead the
45:05
stock market down. Correct.
45:08
If the AI bubble burst and it
45:10
turns out to be a nothing burger,
45:13
then Microsoft
45:16
goes down in value, OpenAI goes
45:18
down in value, Nvidia goes down
45:20
in value, and you get the
45:23
mega caps will go from being worth $3
45:25
trillion to being worth $1 trillion. And
45:29
that is fine. That
45:31
is the kind of losses
45:33
that capitalism is good at
45:35
taking. Those are high
45:37
risk investments. We saw actually this
45:39
is a really good example. Just
45:42
this week, just over the past seven
45:44
days or so, Nvidia lost $300 or
45:46
$400 billion of market cap. And
45:51
it's a volatile stock. This happens. It's no big
45:53
deal, but that's the whole point. It's no big
45:56
deal. And as it was losing all of that
45:58
valuation, the stock market was going up. up. It
46:00
didn't actually seem to visibly hurt the stock market
46:02
at all. I guess when
46:04
I hear the word like concentration
46:06
company, corporate concentration, I am newly
46:09
trained courtesy of all the
46:12
people and good thinkers on antitrust
46:14
now to think about all the
46:16
ways in which corporate concentration sector
46:18
concentration is damaging to the economy.
46:20
But this is a reminder
46:22
once again, that the stock market is
46:24
not the economy. And I don't know
46:26
if I agree with you for sure.
46:29
Maybe concentration isn't a bad
46:31
thing in this case. Because it's
46:33
really just concentration of market
46:35
cap rather than concentration of profits or
46:37
concentration of employees or con it's not
46:39
like they're dominating the economy. They're just
46:42
well dominating the market. Yes, right. And
46:44
like you said, it could once everyone
46:46
else catches up, it's just like they
46:48
have a head start. And then once
46:50
everyone else gets on that ground too,
46:52
then it maybe evaporates.
46:55
A rising stonk lifts all boats.
46:57
Should we have a numbers round? Let's do it. Why
47:00
not? Let's do it. Elizabeth, you have a number? I
47:03
do. My number is 29 and that's
47:05
percent. And that's the percentage
47:07
of the population that has something called
47:09
money dysmorphia, where you
47:11
become irrationally terrified of financial
47:14
insecurity or you think you're
47:17
far more insecure than you are. And
47:19
that number is the
47:21
highest for Gen Zers, 43%
47:23
of whom have money dysmorphia.
47:26
And the older generations have far less of it, 25% of
47:29
Gen Xers have it, 14% of people 59 and over have
47:31
it. I'm
47:35
not going to ask how they're measuring
47:37
it, but this so totally jibes with
47:39
a million surveys that I've
47:41
been receiving over the past few
47:44
weeks, showing like different
47:46
attitudes to money. Gen Z overwhelmingly
47:49
comes across as like the most
47:51
financially sophisticated generation in the history
47:53
of the world. And you
47:55
can call it dysmorphia, but like if
47:57
you're a financial services company, that managed
47:59
to be a big part of the
48:01
world. manifests as sophistication, weirdly. It manifests
48:03
as a high savings rate, high
48:06
propensity to hire a financial advisor, a
48:09
relatively high confidence that you're going to have a
48:11
safe retirement, a relatively high level
48:13
of financial literacy, and so on and
48:16
so forth. All of these things Gen
48:18
Z is massively outperforming both the Gen
48:20
Xs and the millennials. Maybe
48:23
it's because they're driven by
48:25
this deep-seated insecurity and fear.
48:28
Yeah, maybe it rhymes. Yeah,
48:31
definitely deep-seated insecurity and fear. There's
48:33
not that thing of when it,
48:36
we're all Gen X here, right? When
48:39
I was growing up, making money was
48:41
like, you
48:43
were going to be an artist. You
48:46
weren't going to sell out. No
48:48
one talks about stuff like that anymore. It's like, God
48:51
bless you if you could sell out. Gen Z is
48:53
just waiting to sell out. They
48:55
want to make money. There's no ethic
48:57
or ethos of living for your art
48:59
or anything like that. I
49:02
live in Manhattan and I'm surrounded by
49:04
Gen Z investment bankers and it's mildly
49:07
depressing. Because you're Gen X and you
49:09
refuse to sell out. Well,
49:16
I'm Gen X and I feel a
49:18
little bit guilty when I sell out. Let's put it that
49:20
way. My number is 7,500,
49:25
which is the number of dollars
49:27
that Ferrari owners
49:30
have the option of paying to
49:32
Ferrari every year just as a
49:34
subscription. If you
49:36
buy a Ferrari and then you pay
49:38
Ferrari an extra $7,500 a
49:41
year, then Ferrari will
49:44
replace your battery in your car
49:46
every eight years, after eight years
49:48
and after 16 years. If
49:51
your battery runs down or needs
49:53
replacement before that, then they'll replace
49:55
it before that. It's
49:57
basically this thing that Ferrari
49:59
has. addressing the big
50:01
worry that people have about EVs which
50:03
is like what happens when the battery
50:05
runs out after a certain number
50:08
of recharges you know it stops being as powerful
50:10
anymore you know. I think they're supposed to last
50:12
12 years like so if you have a Tesla
50:14
it's it's gonna die at some point. How
50:17
long do people hold on to their Ferraris?
50:19
No but that's the whole point right if
50:21
you if you have a 50 year old
50:23
Ferrari that Ferrari is probably worth 20 million
50:25
dollars now the idea is that these things
50:27
are assets and people buy them partly because
50:29
they expect to expect them to rise in
50:31
value over many decades but if you
50:33
have a 50 year old for our EV Ferrari
50:36
that you know the battery died 35
50:38
years ago then that is worthless so it's
50:41
kind of it makes sense to pay them
50:43
money to replace the battery. Great
50:45
income stream for the company. And it's a
50:47
nice reliable income stream for the company. Exactly.
50:49
Emily what's your number? My
50:51
number is 2.7 that's
50:54
hours that is the
50:56
amount of time Americans age 15
50:58
and overspend watching television every day
51:01
2.7 hours. Is that
51:03
an all-time low? Well
51:05
I'm not sure if it's an all-time
51:07
low it's about half the time Americans
51:09
spend on leisure half leisure time per
51:11
day and actually yes people
51:14
are less likely now the Labor Department
51:16
said in their American Time Use Survey
51:18
release they're less likely to spend time
51:21
watching TV now on an average day
51:23
than they were 10 years ago
51:25
but it's not a huge difference it was 79% 10
51:27
years ago and now
51:29
it's 74%. But 10 years ago
51:31
they were probably watching like five hours a day
51:33
and now it's 2.9 hours a day it's just
51:35
like they're still watching they're just watching the lights.
51:37
Yeah but it's not like they're going
51:39
to video games things like that it's not. They're
51:42
still looking at screens it's just
51:44
different screens. Different screens. Yeah I
51:46
hope you guys are
51:49
not looking at screens right now this
51:51
is the wonders of podcasts as you
51:53
get to look out at nature or
51:56
the road ahead or something that isn't a
51:58
screen but even if you are thank you
52:00
for listening stay tuned if you're a Slate
52:02
Plus subscriber because we're going to talk about
52:04
potatoes and you know you want to learn
52:06
about potatoes. Otherwise thanks to
52:08
Jared Downing and Chenaroff for producing
52:10
and we'll be back next week
52:12
with more Slate money.
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