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Subtitles is made possible in part
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by a major grant from the national endowment
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for the humanities, exploring
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the human endeavor, Hub
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and
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SPOT. Audio collective.
0:16
Hi,
0:16
it's Patrick Cox here. We're gonna do
0:18
something different in this episode. Actually,
0:20
in the next three episodes, because
0:22
we're about to dive into a three part
0:25
series. And my friend, Shiko
0:27
Theory, will
0:28
be your host. Is
0:29
Shiko? Thanks,
0:30
Patrick. Hey, y'all. You might
0:32
remember me from an episode that I produced
0:35
a while back in which I get personal and
0:37
explore my journey and accepting my linguistic
0:39
identity as a black woman who
0:41
is often labeled as speaking white. we
0:43
are carrying around our
0:46
ancestral experiences as well
0:48
as our personal experiences in the language
0:50
that we speak. Producing that episode got
0:52
me thinking a lot about African American
0:55
English. Where
0:56
does it come from? And
0:57
why in this day and age, must
0:59
we distinguish it as such? So
1:02
I decided to dig in. This
1:05
is the first of a three part series
1:07
exploring the rich history of
1:09
African American English.
1:14
From quiet use in the linguistic society
1:16
of America, this is subtitled.
1:19
Stories about languages and the people who
1:21
speak them. I'm Sheiko Furri,
1:23
and in this episode, we go back
1:25
to the beginning. or as far back as
1:27
we can go to explore how African
1:29
American English came to be.
1:33
Now, like with many aspects
1:36
of America history, the documentation we
1:38
have to tell a comprehensive story about
1:40
the beginnings of black American English
1:42
isn't much. we
1:43
don't even know how to document all
1:46
of the languages that might have African
1:48
American English because the historical record
1:50
was not
1:50
well preserved. a great deal of what happened
1:53
with African slaves and their descendants and
1:55
the kind of English they developed in this country
1:57
went unrecorded or if
1:59
it was poured it at all. It was often
2:02
in mocking distortion.
2:04
But
2:04
thanks to the diligence of generations
2:07
of black folk who passed down their knowledge
2:09
we do have a few clues as to
2:11
where it came from and how it evolved.
2:14
But before we get into those theories, I
2:16
wanna know.
2:17
What is black American English?
2:19
I'm a linguist, so I hate definitions because
2:23
we know that they're always imprecise.
2:25
Nicole Holiday is an assistant professor of
2:27
linguistics at Pomona College. I
2:29
spoke with her in my previous episode, the
2:31
one where I explored white
2:33
and speaking black. Well, I wanted
2:35
to bring her back to help us work through
2:37
our exploration of what black
2:39
American English is. Okay.
2:41
So as a linguist, She doesn't like
2:43
definitions, but
2:44
I'll go with this. The broadest way I
2:46
would describe it is
2:49
it's the variety spoken
2:52
primarily in black American
2:54
communities.
2:55
And it's been given a lot of names. African
2:58
American English, African American vernacular
3:00
English, English, black, black
3:02
English vernacular. The list goes
3:04
on. I mean,
3:04
can you take it, baby? Can you take it? Take
3:07
that. You just bring your fire cell phone
3:09
up in here,
3:10
baby. Oh, oh, no.
3:12
I ain't seen nothing. I ain't seen
3:14
nothing. I mean, we have been there.
3:16
I'm sorry. Around. Yes.
3:19
From today? We have some stuff to talk
3:21
about. We gotta get through some things. We hear
3:23
we hear now. Okay. So
3:25
I guess, talk to me care of. Would you want to?
3:27
Very tough. Alright. I'm getting the
3:29
problems. Alright. You're working at. Very
3:32
tough. Not private. We good. But I
3:34
don't talk to One term you might
3:36
be familiar with is Evonix,
3:37
which was coined in nineteen seventy
3:40
three. The name is a combination of
3:42
the words Ebony and Fonix.
3:44
Ebonics. The term didn't catch
3:46
on until December of nineteen ninety six
3:49
when the Oakland School Board in California voted
3:52
unanimously to recognize it as primary
3:54
language of its black students who
3:56
by the way represented a majority of
3:58
the district. An overwhelming
3:59
number of those students were
4:02
also classified as academically deficient.
4:05
So the resolution passed by the school board
4:07
called for the implementation of program
4:09
to not only teach black students, black English
4:12
as a way to maintain its legitimacy, but
4:15
in turn, help them learn standard
4:17
English. Here we go. Here's a
4:19
recording inside one of those Oakland classrooms.
4:21
It's from a documentary
4:22
called Do YouSpeak American.
4:25
My grandpa cooked dinner every night.
4:27
our persisting dealer cooked, my
4:29
grandpa cooked dinner every night.
4:32
And
4:32
this sparked a debate.
4:35
COYSIAN FLU May WAS THE END OF AACP
4:37
PRESIDENT AT THE TIME. HERE HE IS
4:39
ON ABC NIGHTLEND.
4:40
I BELIEVE THAT WE HAVE TO,
4:42
in THIS COUNTRY, MAKE IT A POINT to see
4:44
that our students or young people achieve
4:46
proficiency in reading and writing and
4:48
sciences and communicating. And we don't
4:50
raise standards by lowering
4:52
goals. there is within
4:55
the larger African American community and
4:57
in other communities, various dialects. They
4:59
are not languages. They are dialects. We
5:01
have to find ways to bridge out of that into
5:03
proper English, proper communicative skills,
5:05
but we should not be prepared to call it a second
5:07
language or even a primary language I
5:09
THINK IT IS ESSENTIALLY A DIAC. Reporter:
5:11
EVEN
5:11
MYA ANGOLU SAID O'GLEEN'S
5:13
DECISION MADE HER, quote, INSENSED. REVOURN'T
5:16
JUSTY JACKSON WASN'T PLEASED EITHER saying,
5:19
quote, in Oakland, some madness
5:21
has erupted over making slang
5:23
talk a second language. So
5:26
Evonics sort of lost its popularity.
5:29
That term
5:29
has fallen out of favor because in the nineties,
5:31
there was a lot of backlash, and so it
5:33
got it acquired a really negative connotation.
5:36
Again, linguist Nicole holiday.
5:38
And so we stopped using it professionally
5:40
even though there's, like, nothing wrong with
5:42
the term. It's just that, unfortunately, the
5:44
discourse of that time really
5:46
made the word not politically feasible.
5:49
So I would say that now mostly you see
5:51
African American English. Whatever
5:52
you call it, it's important to emphasize
5:55
that not all people who identify as
5:57
black or African Americans speak this
5:59
way, and that African American English
6:01
doesn't just exist in certain communities.
6:04
There's a lot to be said about the co
6:06
opting of it as is often done
6:08
in pop culture. like this sesanol
6:10
kit that includes an abundance of African
6:12
American English words and phrases that
6:14
have been made popular by and
6:16
often incorrectly credited to
6:18
Gen Z and Internet culture.
6:21
Nurse, we demand to know how our bestie
6:23
is
6:23
doing. I'm sorry, bro. I told you I
6:25
don't have the information in yet. Ruh. Ruh.
6:28
Seriously? I'm so pressed right
6:30
now, Ruh. It's only pressed. The
6:32
doctor will be in shortly, Ruh. Dead
6:34
ass. But back
6:35
to my original question, how
6:38
did AAE develop?
6:40
Where
6:40
does this language come from? England
6:43
has books and letters
6:45
and manuscripts that document the
6:47
earliest forms of English. Egyptians
6:49
have hieroglyphics on walls.
6:52
papyrus reads and tablets.
6:54
But that kind of documentation barely
6:57
exists to help tell the story
6:59
of African American English. slavery,
7:02
made that nearly impossible.
7:04
The only thing that we can
7:06
do to try to reconstruct where a came
7:08
from is
7:09
to take what we know about the historical
7:11
record,
7:12
which unfortunately is not very much.
7:14
People were not documenting what was happening
7:16
with their sleep because they didn't care, because they didn't
7:18
think of them as people.
7:19
So while
7:20
there aren't many written texts, there
7:23
are clues. and several
7:25
schools of thought that have formed.
7:28
Today, I want to focus on two
7:30
aspects. The first, is that
7:32
black American English is the combination
7:35
of many English varieties spoken
7:37
in
7:37
Colonial America.
7:38
And then, that being in contact
7:40
with the people who were enslaved in them acquiring
7:42
English from all of these different
7:44
sources in a sort of imperfect, you
7:46
know, not a classroom type situation.
7:48
And the other theory that some linguists believe
7:51
is that African American English is
7:53
actually accretal. Accretal is
7:56
a language form, but when two languages
7:58
mix.
7:58
So if we think about Haitian Creole
8:00
or Jamaican Creole, these are also
8:02
situations in slavery. where
8:04
what happened was, I'll take Jamaica
8:07
for example, they're aware of the same colonizers that
8:09
we had in the United States coming
8:11
from England to Jamaica. and
8:14
the enslaved people
8:15
were speaking their languages.
8:18
Of
8:18
course, there are many other threads
8:20
we can explore about the origins of black
8:22
American English but we'd be
8:24
here for forever. So let's
8:26
focus on these two theories. Starting
8:28
with the idea that African American English
8:30
derived from European varieties of
8:32
English, One linguist who
8:34
believes this to be true is John McWATER.
8:36
There
8:36
isn't a single grammatical feature
8:39
of black English that you can
8:41
really trace to African languages. He
8:43
is
8:43
a professor at Columbia and
8:45
author of several books. For
8:47
example, the not having
8:49
to always use the verb to be.
8:51
That's not an African language
8:53
trait. So
8:54
what McWATER is talking about here
8:56
is what linguist refer to as
8:58
Copa absence. or the absence
9:00
of an auxiliary verb
9:02
like to be in sentence
9:04
construction. For instance, she
9:06
is nice in standard English, can
9:09
become she nice in
9:11
African American English. This
9:12
grammatical characteristic of AAE
9:15
is not something found in West
9:17
African languages like twe or Yoruba
9:19
according to McQuarter. There are many
9:21
languages in the world where you don't use
9:23
to be the way we're used to in English, but
9:25
languages of the West African coast
9:27
are not those languages.
9:28
And this is one
9:30
clue according to McWATER that AAE
9:32
is not accretive. So,
9:35
yeah, it's almost disappointing. black
9:37
English would be easier to argue for the legitimacy
9:39
of if you could say this
9:41
is Yaraba with English words.
9:43
That would be great. It would make everything
9:45
somewhat smoother. But unfortunately, the
9:48
case is impossible. So
9:49
if AAE is not derived from
9:51
the West African languages, What proof
9:53
does he have that AAE comes
9:55
out of English as being spoken in
9:58
Colonial America?
10:00
What we
10:00
can know based on looking
10:02
at the dialect now and
10:05
comparing it with colloquial
10:07
speech varieties as they emerge
10:09
around the world and especially
10:11
under conditions similar
10:13
to or equivalent to plantation
10:16
slavery in the United States. What we
10:18
can say is that to
10:21
create black English. You start
10:23
with regional UK
10:26
varieties of English, most of which we're not
10:28
very familiar with. here in the
10:30
United States now and most
10:32
of which have changed considerably since
10:34
the sixteen hundreds and seventeen
10:36
hundreds. But you start with those
10:38
varieties, they are transplanted
10:41
here by whites. They very
10:43
quickly mix into
10:45
new American varieties that didn't exist
10:47
in England, but it would not have
10:50
been the emerging standard English. It
10:52
would have been these colloquial English. they
10:54
mix together into a new American
10:58
stew. That is the English
11:00
that African slaves would have been exposed
11:02
to. and
11:02
it's from this linguistics too
11:05
that African American English is born.
11:07
And
11:07
short, McWATER is quick to point out
11:09
there is, of course, some African influence.
11:12
The African
11:13
slaves develop
11:15
a form of that English
11:17
that is inflected somewhat.
11:20
by the sound
11:23
system and even melody of
11:25
African languages somewhat. And
11:27
then they also sprinkle it with a
11:29
few African words, not too terribly many
11:31
in the case of black English, but a
11:33
few. But he
11:34
emphasizes AAE is not an
11:36
African language with English
11:38
words just thrown in.
11:40
Nor was it something that we
11:42
have any reason to think, slaves
11:45
created as a secret code so that white
11:47
people couldn't understand. that's not why
11:49
languages and dialects like this
11:51
develop. It's a more natural and
11:53
ordinary and largely subconscious process,
11:55
where speech for 80s change depending
11:57
on who's speaking them and
11:59
to who who's developing them what the
12:01
composition of the population is.
12:04
So
12:06
what about this other theory that AAE
12:09
is a creole?
12:10
Well, more on that after the
12:12
break.
12:12
I'm
12:14
jumping in here just for
12:17
a minute to tell you about a podcast I've
12:19
been listening to recently. It's
12:21
called vanishing postcards. and it
12:23
is one of the best podcast
12:25
you should listen to in twenty
12:27
twenty two. That's a quote. I
12:29
didn't come up with it. Digital
12:31
Trends did. But I agree,
12:33
in the latest season of
12:35
vanishing postcards, post Evan
12:37
Stark Motor's cross
12:39
country along America's favorite
12:41
highway, Route sixty six. He goes
12:43
west, of course. From a
12:45
dance in Tulsa, to
12:47
an eating contest in Amarillo,
12:50
to a morning on the Santa
12:52
Monica pier. This is a highway
12:54
where America as past meets its
12:56
present, you can hear that in
12:58
every episode in people's voices and
13:00
in their stories. It makes you
13:02
want to take that drive your
13:04
self, and it shames me to say,
13:06
I haven't driven one single mile
13:08
of it, but you don't need to
13:10
do that because vanishing postcards
13:12
has done the job. it's
13:14
taken you there. Listen to
13:16
vanishing postcards wherever
13:18
you're listening to this.
13:21
Alright.
13:23
we're back. We're talking about the origins
13:26
of AAE. Is it a mishmosh
13:28
of colonial Englishes, linguist,
13:30
John Wickwater, think so? but there's another school
13:32
of thought that AAE is
13:35
actually accretive. We have
13:36
found that these special varieties
13:38
that we call pigeons and
13:41
then creoles
13:42
develop when people
13:45
speak in different languages are
13:47
brought together. John
13:48
Rickford is a linguist in this camp.
13:51
He's Professor Emeritus at Stanford,
13:53
an author of several books, including
13:55
Spoken Soul, The Story of Black
13:57
English, which he wrote with his son.
13:59
He's
13:59
also from the Caribbean nation of
14:02
Guyana and speaks Guyanese
14:04
Creel. He knows firsthand how
14:06
Creel developed and believes that some features
14:08
can be found in African American
14:10
English. So
14:11
very often, in
14:13
our case, it's
14:15
because of colonial expansion.
14:18
Britain,
14:18
for instance, would expand
14:21
and bring people from different African
14:23
countries to the Caribbean
14:26
And in that context, very
14:28
often, they
14:29
would develop a
14:31
Persian kind of English So
14:33
a pigeon isn't a native language. A
14:35
pigeon is developed when two different
14:37
languages come into contact. For
14:39
example, An English speaker and an EVO speaker
14:41
might develop a Pigeon language to communicate
14:43
with each other, but still speak
14:46
EVO or English as their primary
14:48
tongue. but then subsequent generations
14:51
might adopt that pigeon language as their
14:53
primary language. Later on,
14:55
when the pigeon is learned as a
14:57
native language, It has to be used for a much
14:59
wider set of purposes than the
15:01
pigeon. So at that point, you would say it
15:03
becomes
15:03
accretal. This
15:05
is what Rickford thinks happen in the
15:07
United States much as a did all over the
15:09
Caribbean. He finds proof of this theory
15:11
that AAE is accretal in the
15:13
language of Gala. Gella
15:15
is spoken by black Americans who live on
15:17
the outer banks of the southeast coast,
15:19
and it's been preserved for
15:21
decades. The
15:22
Southeast region, which is the Golar Gucci culture
15:24
heritage corridors, is first and foremost,
15:27
the epicenter of Golar Gucci language,
15:29
and that's from
15:31
Wilmington, North Carolina in
15:33
thirty five miles and down
15:35
to Jacksonville, Florida.
15:36
That's sun Michelle. He
15:39
teaches Gola at Harvard. And by
15:41
the way, we did a whole episode of Besson
15:43
a while back. We'll post a link in
15:45
the show notes. Now according to
15:47
Sun, there are many many
15:50
linguistic similarities between Golar,
15:52
Caribbean, and African languages.
15:54
Gala
15:54
is one of those languages that is
15:56
a bridge between the
15:59
Caribbean
15:59
and African diaspora
16:02
in a sense that you will
16:04
hear, you know, Guinea coast
16:06
creels on West African pigeon. It
16:08
sounds very reminiscent of the creels
16:10
there in Iberia, I'm in a coloqua.
16:12
When Sierra Leone, you hear the
16:15
Creo. And people hear them next
16:17
to Gullen, like, wow. They sound, you
16:19
know, so similar, so very similar.
16:21
It's preserved so much of its African
16:23
as essentially more than any other
16:25
subset of African
16:27
American community linguistically. on the
16:29
road and tell you about Vascepa Kamia. Go down the
16:31
road there and tell your brother I said to come
16:33
here. What are you gonna do? What are they going to
16:35
do?
16:35
Against the odds, Gala
16:37
has survived. And in
16:39
addition, its culture has been carefully
16:41
passed down from generation
16:43
to generation. Many
16:44
of the people who still
16:47
speak their mother tongue are literally the
16:49
mothers. They they literally did grandmothers, the
16:51
great grandmothers, the older generation who
16:54
either never did ascribed to
16:56
crossing over or are no longer in a
16:58
position at a point in their life where they feel
17:00
inclined to code switch
17:02
for acceptance. These gala
17:04
speakers didn't feel the need to
17:06
alter gala to gain acceptance from those
17:08
who might not understand it or deem
17:10
it secondary to standard English.
17:13
there's purity and its preservation. And
17:15
perhaps Golar speakers have been able to
17:17
prevent its alteration because of
17:19
their geographical isolation. and
17:22
there's been concerted efforts to keep
17:24
it that way. In two thousand six,
17:26
the Galagicchi Cultural Heritage
17:28
Corridor Act was passed. allocating
17:30
financial support and protections to
17:32
preserve the rich Galagic culture.
17:35
But even though the Gala people have tightly
17:37
preserved their language, isolating it from the influences of
17:40
standard English and AAE, Gala
17:42
has actually played a role in the evolution
17:44
of black American English.
17:47
During the great migration between nineteen
17:49
sixteen and nineteen seventy, millions
17:51
of black Americans, including people from
17:53
the Galagicchi community, moved from
17:56
the south to the west the Midwest and the North
17:58
seeking better opportunities and a fresh
18:00
start. This migration
18:02
affected the way black American speech
18:04
evolved and changed. and
18:06
part of that change can be traced to
18:08
gala. Here's an example of
18:09
the way verbs are modified
18:11
in gala. In
18:13
showing verb tense,
18:15
or modifying verbs in a sentence.
18:17
The term is either
18:20
going to be present tense where it
18:22
replaces the suffix ING
18:24
for for, like, doing.
18:26
Instead of doing, it would be a do.
18:28
Also, it is for
18:30
near future tense because I,
18:32
you I gonna say or I could do would
18:34
be something that you're doing in the future. Amadu
18:37
or Amadu say is something that
18:39
is immediate future.
18:41
And
18:41
this grammatical construction is something
18:43
that you also hear in African American
18:46
English.
18:46
So how many times have you heard
18:48
someone in LA, in New York,
18:50
in in Arkansas, say, well, I'm a
18:52
tell you what, well, I'm a go. Well, I'm a say
18:54
this. I'm a say that. You ain't gonna
18:56
kill me? I'm a kill
18:58
them. So it's it's in our language all
19:00
throughout the country. We haven't had
19:02
very many people point it out and say, hey, this
19:04
is where that comes from and that's why you
19:07
say this thing that you
19:09
say, it's not broken English or whatever
19:11
you've been fed. that's a part of your
19:13
linguistic heritage that stuck around in your
19:15
language from generation to
19:17
generation. Okay.
19:17
Truth moment. I've
19:20
heard I'm a a million times. I
19:22
also use it sometimes when I'm speaking to
19:24
people depending on who I'm speaking to.
19:27
I never knew where it came from. I never
19:29
knew how it came about. And
19:31
honestly, sitting here after going through all of
19:33
those theories and speaking to
19:35
the experts. It's hard for me to make
19:37
conclusions about the origins
19:39
of African American English. I mean,
19:41
you can see how and
19:43
why linguist side differently on the origins. Right?
19:46
Again, without comprehensive documentation,
19:48
how can we expect a linear
19:50
story? And
19:52
on that, there's something
19:53
that Nicole holiday told me that
19:55
really struck me. It actually doesn't matter where
19:57
it came from whether or not it
19:59
came from accrual or came from the
20:02
Anglophone speakers undergoing
20:04
change. Anglophone speakers
20:05
meaning English speakers,
20:07
It's still a legitimate variety.
20:10
LEGitimate variety. Those
20:12
two words are powerful.
20:15
Considering the
20:15
lost past of AAE, moving
20:19
forward, it's crucial that we document
20:21
this variety. this
20:23
legitimate variety of English
20:25
that tells us stories of the
20:27
past and illustrates the survival of
20:29
a people It demonstrates the
20:31
tenacity of their belief in its
20:33
integrity despite attempts to destroy
20:35
it, de legitimize it, and
20:37
distort it. Those
20:39
attempts never went away. They're
20:41
still here. Language
20:43
bias is everywhere. At
20:45
work, at school, in the media,
20:47
In fact, John Brickford is written about the role
20:50
linguistic biased plays in the
20:52
courtroom, particularly in the
20:54
trial for George Zimmerman back in
20:56
twenty thirteen. The prosecutor's key
20:58
witness, Rachel Gentel, was
21:00
used to discredit Zimmerman's claim that he
21:02
fatally shot Trevon Martin out of
21:04
self defense. Giantel
21:06
spoke for many hours on the witness
21:09
stand. He did not ask me to turn on
21:11
describing the man. He just
21:13
told me, I didn't think it
21:15
was that important at all. He
21:17
he got excellent on
21:19
high ground statement
21:21
management. I say creepy.
21:23
Don't dare I say creepy.
21:25
JENTEL
21:25
was deemed not credible
21:27
by members of the jury.
21:29
Why? because
21:30
they said she was quote hard
21:32
to understand. They later
21:35
found Zimmerman not guilty. But
21:37
despite continued attempts to delegitimize
21:40
it, Black American English hasn't and
21:42
isn't going anywhere. And it's
21:44
time we recognize its role in the
21:46
American public square and the way resonates
21:48
with the masses
21:49
abroad. To acknowledge the
21:51
people who speak it, to recognize
21:54
their journey, and
21:56
to validate their
21:58
humanity in this way.
22:04
Thank you
22:08
for joining
22:10
me on this journey. Now episode,
22:12
we'll explore AAE in music.
22:15
This episode is
22:17
reported and produced by me, Chico
22:19
Theodie. Special thanks to
22:21
Patrick Cox Alua Chemi, Alad
22:23
Dussui, and Nina
22:25
Porzuki. Also to Alison
22:27
Reid and everyone at the Linguistics
22:29
Society of America. Tina Atobe
22:31
is our sound designer. Alison Shao
22:33
manages our social media and newsletter.
22:35
And if you haven't subscribed yet,
22:38
the newsletter comes out every two
22:40
weeks. There are language themed news
22:42
items and also some updates on the
22:44
podcast and some fun stuff. sign
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up at subtitle pod dot
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com slash newsletter. One more
22:50
time, subtitle pod dot
22:52
com slash newsletter. Subtitles
22:54
a member of the hub and spoke audio
22:57
collective. Another hub and spoke podcast
22:59
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23:01
sounds and mysteries of the night, but
23:03
sleeps through most of it. This is a
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Vanessa Lowe, each episode takes you
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on a unique nighttime adventure.
23:11
For not and all of the hub and
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spoke podcast go to
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hubspokeaudio dot org. Thanks
23:17
for listening.
23:17
We'll be back in a couple of weeks.
23:20
Subtitles is made possible in part
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by a major grant from the national
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endowment for the humanities, exploring
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