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Where did African American English come from?

Where did African American English come from?

Released Wednesday, 5th October 2022
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Where did African American English come from?

Where did African American English come from?

Where did African American English come from?

Where did African American English come from?

Wednesday, 5th October 2022
Good episode? Give it some love!
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0:00

Subtitles is made possible in part

0:02

by a major grant from the national endowment

0:05

for the humanities, exploring

0:07

the human endeavor, Hub

0:10

and

0:10

SPOT. Audio collective.

0:16

Hi,

0:16

it's Patrick Cox here. We're gonna do

0:18

something different in this episode. Actually,

0:20

in the next three episodes, because

0:22

we're about to dive into a three part

0:25

series. And my friend, Shiko

0:27

Theory, will

0:28

be your host. Is

0:29

Shiko? Thanks,

0:30

Patrick. Hey, y'all. You might

0:32

remember me from an episode that I produced

0:35

a while back in which I get personal and

0:37

explore my journey and accepting my linguistic

0:39

identity as a black woman who

0:41

is often labeled as speaking white. we

0:43

are carrying around our

0:46

ancestral experiences as well

0:48

as our personal experiences in the language

0:50

that we speak. Producing that episode got

0:52

me thinking a lot about African American

0:55

English. Where

0:56

does it come from? And

0:57

why in this day and age, must

0:59

we distinguish it as such? So

1:02

I decided to dig in. This

1:05

is the first of a three part series

1:07

exploring the rich history of

1:09

African American English.

1:14

From quiet use in the linguistic society

1:16

of America, this is subtitled.

1:19

Stories about languages and the people who

1:21

speak them. I'm Sheiko Furri,

1:23

and in this episode, we go back

1:25

to the beginning. or as far back as

1:27

we can go to explore how African

1:29

American English came to be.

1:33

Now, like with many aspects

1:36

of America history, the documentation we

1:38

have to tell a comprehensive story about

1:40

the beginnings of black American English

1:42

isn't much. we

1:43

don't even know how to document all

1:46

of the languages that might have African

1:48

American English because the historical record

1:50

was not

1:50

well preserved. a great deal of what happened

1:53

with African slaves and their descendants and

1:55

the kind of English they developed in this country

1:57

went unrecorded or if

1:59

it was poured it at all. It was often

2:02

in mocking distortion.

2:04

But

2:04

thanks to the diligence of generations

2:07

of black folk who passed down their knowledge

2:09

we do have a few clues as to

2:11

where it came from and how it evolved.

2:14

But before we get into those theories, I

2:16

wanna know.

2:17

What is black American English?

2:19

I'm a linguist, so I hate definitions because

2:23

we know that they're always imprecise.

2:25

Nicole Holiday is an assistant professor of

2:27

linguistics at Pomona College. I

2:29

spoke with her in my previous episode, the

2:31

one where I explored white

2:33

and speaking black. Well, I wanted

2:35

to bring her back to help us work through

2:37

our exploration of what black

2:39

American English is. Okay.

2:41

So as a linguist, She doesn't like

2:43

definitions, but

2:44

I'll go with this. The broadest way I

2:46

would describe it is

2:49

it's the variety spoken

2:52

primarily in black American

2:54

communities.

2:55

And it's been given a lot of names. African

2:58

American English, African American vernacular

3:00

English, English, black, black

3:02

English vernacular. The list goes

3:04

on. I mean,

3:04

can you take it, baby? Can you take it? Take

3:07

that. You just bring your fire cell phone

3:09

up in here,

3:10

baby. Oh, oh, no.

3:12

I ain't seen nothing. I ain't seen

3:14

nothing. I mean, we have been there.

3:16

I'm sorry. Around. Yes.

3:19

From today? We have some stuff to talk

3:21

about. We gotta get through some things. We hear

3:23

we hear now. Okay. So

3:25

I guess, talk to me care of. Would you want to?

3:27

Very tough. Alright. I'm getting the

3:29

problems. Alright. You're working at. Very

3:32

tough. Not private. We good. But I

3:34

don't talk to One term you might

3:36

be familiar with is Evonix,

3:37

which was coined in nineteen seventy

3:40

three. The name is a combination of

3:42

the words Ebony and Fonix.

3:44

Ebonics. The term didn't catch

3:46

on until December of nineteen ninety six

3:49

when the Oakland School Board in California voted

3:52

unanimously to recognize it as primary

3:54

language of its black students who

3:56

by the way represented a majority of

3:58

the district. An overwhelming

3:59

number of those students were

4:02

also classified as academically deficient.

4:05

So the resolution passed by the school board

4:07

called for the implementation of program

4:09

to not only teach black students, black English

4:12

as a way to maintain its legitimacy, but

4:15

in turn, help them learn standard

4:17

English. Here we go. Here's a

4:19

recording inside one of those Oakland classrooms.

4:21

It's from a documentary

4:22

called Do YouSpeak American.

4:25

My grandpa cooked dinner every night.

4:27

our persisting dealer cooked, my

4:29

grandpa cooked dinner every night.

4:32

And

4:32

this sparked a debate.

4:35

COYSIAN FLU May WAS THE END OF AACP

4:37

PRESIDENT AT THE TIME. HERE HE IS

4:39

ON ABC NIGHTLEND.

4:40

I BELIEVE THAT WE HAVE TO,

4:42

in THIS COUNTRY, MAKE IT A POINT to see

4:44

that our students or young people achieve

4:46

proficiency in reading and writing and

4:48

sciences and communicating. And we don't

4:50

raise standards by lowering

4:52

goals. there is within

4:55

the larger African American community and

4:57

in other communities, various dialects. They

4:59

are not languages. They are dialects. We

5:01

have to find ways to bridge out of that into

5:03

proper English, proper communicative skills,

5:05

but we should not be prepared to call it a second

5:07

language or even a primary language I

5:09

THINK IT IS ESSENTIALLY A DIAC. Reporter:

5:11

EVEN

5:11

MYA ANGOLU SAID O'GLEEN'S

5:13

DECISION MADE HER, quote, INSENSED. REVOURN'T

5:16

JUSTY JACKSON WASN'T PLEASED EITHER saying,

5:19

quote, in Oakland, some madness

5:21

has erupted over making slang

5:23

talk a second language. So

5:26

Evonics sort of lost its popularity.

5:29

That term

5:29

has fallen out of favor because in the nineties,

5:31

there was a lot of backlash, and so it

5:33

got it acquired a really negative connotation.

5:36

Again, linguist Nicole holiday.

5:38

And so we stopped using it professionally

5:40

even though there's, like, nothing wrong with

5:42

the term. It's just that, unfortunately, the

5:44

discourse of that time really

5:46

made the word not politically feasible.

5:49

So I would say that now mostly you see

5:51

African American English. Whatever

5:52

you call it, it's important to emphasize

5:55

that not all people who identify as

5:57

black or African Americans speak this

5:59

way, and that African American English

6:01

doesn't just exist in certain communities.

6:04

There's a lot to be said about the co

6:06

opting of it as is often done

6:08

in pop culture. like this sesanol

6:10

kit that includes an abundance of African

6:12

American English words and phrases that

6:14

have been made popular by and

6:16

often incorrectly credited to

6:18

Gen Z and Internet culture.

6:21

Nurse, we demand to know how our bestie

6:23

is

6:23

doing. I'm sorry, bro. I told you I

6:25

don't have the information in yet. Ruh. Ruh.

6:28

Seriously? I'm so pressed right

6:30

now, Ruh. It's only pressed. The

6:32

doctor will be in shortly, Ruh. Dead

6:34

ass. But back

6:35

to my original question, how

6:38

did AAE develop?

6:40

Where

6:40

does this language come from? England

6:43

has books and letters

6:45

and manuscripts that document the

6:47

earliest forms of English. Egyptians

6:49

have hieroglyphics on walls.

6:52

papyrus reads and tablets.

6:54

But that kind of documentation barely

6:57

exists to help tell the story

6:59

of African American English. slavery,

7:02

made that nearly impossible.

7:04

The only thing that we can

7:06

do to try to reconstruct where a came

7:08

from is

7:09

to take what we know about the historical

7:11

record,

7:12

which unfortunately is not very much.

7:14

People were not documenting what was happening

7:16

with their sleep because they didn't care, because they didn't

7:18

think of them as people.

7:19

So while

7:20

there aren't many written texts, there

7:23

are clues. and several

7:25

schools of thought that have formed.

7:28

Today, I want to focus on two

7:30

aspects. The first, is that

7:32

black American English is the combination

7:35

of many English varieties spoken

7:37

in

7:37

Colonial America.

7:38

And then, that being in contact

7:40

with the people who were enslaved in them acquiring

7:42

English from all of these different

7:44

sources in a sort of imperfect, you

7:46

know, not a classroom type situation.

7:48

And the other theory that some linguists believe

7:51

is that African American English is

7:53

actually accretal. Accretal is

7:56

a language form, but when two languages

7:58

mix.

7:58

So if we think about Haitian Creole

8:00

or Jamaican Creole, these are also

8:02

situations in slavery. where

8:04

what happened was, I'll take Jamaica

8:07

for example, they're aware of the same colonizers that

8:09

we had in the United States coming

8:11

from England to Jamaica. and

8:14

the enslaved people

8:15

were speaking their languages.

8:18

Of

8:18

course, there are many other threads

8:20

we can explore about the origins of black

8:22

American English but we'd be

8:24

here for forever. So let's

8:26

focus on these two theories. Starting

8:28

with the idea that African American English

8:30

derived from European varieties of

8:32

English, One linguist who

8:34

believes this to be true is John McWATER.

8:36

There

8:36

isn't a single grammatical feature

8:39

of black English that you can

8:41

really trace to African languages. He

8:43

is

8:43

a professor at Columbia and

8:45

author of several books. For

8:47

example, the not having

8:49

to always use the verb to be.

8:51

That's not an African language

8:53

trait. So

8:54

what McWATER is talking about here

8:56

is what linguist refer to as

8:58

Copa absence. or the absence

9:00

of an auxiliary verb

9:02

like to be in sentence

9:04

construction. For instance, she

9:06

is nice in standard English, can

9:09

become she nice in

9:11

African American English. This

9:12

grammatical characteristic of AAE

9:15

is not something found in West

9:17

African languages like twe or Yoruba

9:19

according to McQuarter. There are many

9:21

languages in the world where you don't use

9:23

to be the way we're used to in English, but

9:25

languages of the West African coast

9:27

are not those languages.

9:28

And this is one

9:30

clue according to McWATER that AAE

9:32

is not accretive. So,

9:35

yeah, it's almost disappointing. black

9:37

English would be easier to argue for the legitimacy

9:39

of if you could say this

9:41

is Yaraba with English words.

9:43

That would be great. It would make everything

9:45

somewhat smoother. But unfortunately, the

9:48

case is impossible. So

9:49

if AAE is not derived from

9:51

the West African languages, What proof

9:53

does he have that AAE comes

9:55

out of English as being spoken in

9:58

Colonial America?

10:00

What we

10:00

can know based on looking

10:02

at the dialect now and

10:05

comparing it with colloquial

10:07

speech varieties as they emerge

10:09

around the world and especially

10:11

under conditions similar

10:13

to or equivalent to plantation

10:16

slavery in the United States. What we

10:18

can say is that to

10:21

create black English. You start

10:23

with regional UK

10:26

varieties of English, most of which we're not

10:28

very familiar with. here in the

10:30

United States now and most

10:32

of which have changed considerably since

10:34

the sixteen hundreds and seventeen

10:36

hundreds. But you start with those

10:38

varieties, they are transplanted

10:41

here by whites. They very

10:43

quickly mix into

10:45

new American varieties that didn't exist

10:47

in England, but it would not have

10:50

been the emerging standard English. It

10:52

would have been these colloquial English. they

10:54

mix together into a new American

10:58

stew. That is the English

11:00

that African slaves would have been exposed

11:02

to. and

11:02

it's from this linguistics too

11:05

that African American English is born.

11:07

And

11:07

short, McWATER is quick to point out

11:09

there is, of course, some African influence.

11:12

The African

11:13

slaves develop

11:15

a form of that English

11:17

that is inflected somewhat.

11:20

by the sound

11:23

system and even melody of

11:25

African languages somewhat. And

11:27

then they also sprinkle it with a

11:29

few African words, not too terribly many

11:31

in the case of black English, but a

11:33

few. But he

11:34

emphasizes AAE is not an

11:36

African language with English

11:38

words just thrown in.

11:40

Nor was it something that we

11:42

have any reason to think, slaves

11:45

created as a secret code so that white

11:47

people couldn't understand. that's not why

11:49

languages and dialects like this

11:51

develop. It's a more natural and

11:53

ordinary and largely subconscious process,

11:55

where speech for 80s change depending

11:57

on who's speaking them and

11:59

to who who's developing them what the

12:01

composition of the population is.

12:04

So

12:06

what about this other theory that AAE

12:09

is a creole?

12:10

Well, more on that after the

12:12

break.

12:12

I'm

12:14

jumping in here just for

12:17

a minute to tell you about a podcast I've

12:19

been listening to recently. It's

12:21

called vanishing postcards. and it

12:23

is one of the best podcast

12:25

you should listen to in twenty

12:27

twenty two. That's a quote. I

12:29

didn't come up with it. Digital

12:31

Trends did. But I agree,

12:33

in the latest season of

12:35

vanishing postcards, post Evan

12:37

Stark Motor's cross

12:39

country along America's favorite

12:41

highway, Route sixty six. He goes

12:43

west, of course. From a

12:45

dance in Tulsa, to

12:47

an eating contest in Amarillo,

12:50

to a morning on the Santa

12:52

Monica pier. This is a highway

12:54

where America as past meets its

12:56

present, you can hear that in

12:58

every episode in people's voices and

13:00

in their stories. It makes you

13:02

want to take that drive your

13:04

self, and it shames me to say,

13:06

I haven't driven one single mile

13:08

of it, but you don't need to

13:10

do that because vanishing postcards

13:12

has done the job. it's

13:14

taken you there. Listen to

13:16

vanishing postcards wherever

13:18

you're listening to this.

13:21

Alright.

13:23

we're back. We're talking about the origins

13:26

of AAE. Is it a mishmosh

13:28

of colonial Englishes, linguist,

13:30

John Wickwater, think so? but there's another school

13:32

of thought that AAE is

13:35

actually accretive. We have

13:36

found that these special varieties

13:38

that we call pigeons and

13:41

then creoles

13:42

develop when people

13:45

speak in different languages are

13:47

brought together. John

13:48

Rickford is a linguist in this camp.

13:51

He's Professor Emeritus at Stanford,

13:53

an author of several books, including

13:55

Spoken Soul, The Story of Black

13:57

English, which he wrote with his son.

13:59

He's

13:59

also from the Caribbean nation of

14:02

Guyana and speaks Guyanese

14:04

Creel. He knows firsthand how

14:06

Creel developed and believes that some features

14:08

can be found in African American

14:10

English. So

14:11

very often, in

14:13

our case, it's

14:15

because of colonial expansion.

14:18

Britain,

14:18

for instance, would expand

14:21

and bring people from different African

14:23

countries to the Caribbean

14:26

And in that context, very

14:28

often, they

14:29

would develop a

14:31

Persian kind of English So

14:33

a pigeon isn't a native language. A

14:35

pigeon is developed when two different

14:37

languages come into contact. For

14:39

example, An English speaker and an EVO speaker

14:41

might develop a Pigeon language to communicate

14:43

with each other, but still speak

14:46

EVO or English as their primary

14:48

tongue. but then subsequent generations

14:51

might adopt that pigeon language as their

14:53

primary language. Later on,

14:55

when the pigeon is learned as a

14:57

native language, It has to be used for a much

14:59

wider set of purposes than the

15:01

pigeon. So at that point, you would say it

15:03

becomes

15:03

accretal. This

15:05

is what Rickford thinks happen in the

15:07

United States much as a did all over the

15:09

Caribbean. He finds proof of this theory

15:11

that AAE is accretal in the

15:13

language of Gala. Gella

15:15

is spoken by black Americans who live on

15:17

the outer banks of the southeast coast,

15:19

and it's been preserved for

15:21

decades. The

15:22

Southeast region, which is the Golar Gucci culture

15:24

heritage corridors, is first and foremost,

15:27

the epicenter of Golar Gucci language,

15:29

and that's from

15:31

Wilmington, North Carolina in

15:33

thirty five miles and down

15:35

to Jacksonville, Florida.

15:36

That's sun Michelle. He

15:39

teaches Gola at Harvard. And by

15:41

the way, we did a whole episode of Besson

15:43

a while back. We'll post a link in

15:45

the show notes. Now according to

15:47

Sun, there are many many

15:50

linguistic similarities between Golar,

15:52

Caribbean, and African languages.

15:54

Gala

15:54

is one of those languages that is

15:56

a bridge between the

15:59

Caribbean

15:59

and African diaspora

16:02

in a sense that you will

16:04

hear, you know, Guinea coast

16:06

creels on West African pigeon. It

16:08

sounds very reminiscent of the creels

16:10

there in Iberia, I'm in a coloqua.

16:12

When Sierra Leone, you hear the

16:15

Creo. And people hear them next

16:17

to Gullen, like, wow. They sound, you

16:19

know, so similar, so very similar.

16:21

It's preserved so much of its African

16:23

as essentially more than any other

16:25

subset of African

16:27

American community linguistically. on the

16:29

road and tell you about Vascepa Kamia. Go down the

16:31

road there and tell your brother I said to come

16:33

here. What are you gonna do? What are they going to

16:35

do?

16:35

Against the odds, Gala

16:37

has survived. And in

16:39

addition, its culture has been carefully

16:41

passed down from generation

16:43

to generation. Many

16:44

of the people who still

16:47

speak their mother tongue are literally the

16:49

mothers. They they literally did grandmothers, the

16:51

great grandmothers, the older generation who

16:54

either never did ascribed to

16:56

crossing over or are no longer in a

16:58

position at a point in their life where they feel

17:00

inclined to code switch

17:02

for acceptance. These gala

17:04

speakers didn't feel the need to

17:06

alter gala to gain acceptance from those

17:08

who might not understand it or deem

17:10

it secondary to standard English.

17:13

there's purity and its preservation. And

17:15

perhaps Golar speakers have been able to

17:17

prevent its alteration because of

17:19

their geographical isolation. and

17:22

there's been concerted efforts to keep

17:24

it that way. In two thousand six,

17:26

the Galagicchi Cultural Heritage

17:28

Corridor Act was passed. allocating

17:30

financial support and protections to

17:32

preserve the rich Galagic culture.

17:35

But even though the Gala people have tightly

17:37

preserved their language, isolating it from the influences of

17:40

standard English and AAE, Gala

17:42

has actually played a role in the evolution

17:44

of black American English.

17:47

During the great migration between nineteen

17:49

sixteen and nineteen seventy, millions

17:51

of black Americans, including people from

17:53

the Galagicchi community, moved from

17:56

the south to the west the Midwest and the North

17:58

seeking better opportunities and a fresh

18:00

start. This migration

18:02

affected the way black American speech

18:04

evolved and changed. and

18:06

part of that change can be traced to

18:08

gala. Here's an example of

18:09

the way verbs are modified

18:11

in gala. In

18:13

showing verb tense,

18:15

or modifying verbs in a sentence.

18:17

The term is either

18:20

going to be present tense where it

18:22

replaces the suffix ING

18:24

for for, like, doing.

18:26

Instead of doing, it would be a do.

18:28

Also, it is for

18:30

near future tense because I,

18:32

you I gonna say or I could do would

18:34

be something that you're doing in the future. Amadu

18:37

or Amadu say is something that

18:39

is immediate future.

18:41

And

18:41

this grammatical construction is something

18:43

that you also hear in African American

18:46

English.

18:46

So how many times have you heard

18:48

someone in LA, in New York,

18:50

in in Arkansas, say, well, I'm a

18:52

tell you what, well, I'm a go. Well, I'm a say

18:54

this. I'm a say that. You ain't gonna

18:56

kill me? I'm a kill

18:58

them. So it's it's in our language all

19:00

throughout the country. We haven't had

19:02

very many people point it out and say, hey, this

19:04

is where that comes from and that's why you

19:07

say this thing that you

19:09

say, it's not broken English or whatever

19:11

you've been fed. that's a part of your

19:13

linguistic heritage that stuck around in your

19:15

language from generation to

19:17

generation. Okay.

19:17

Truth moment. I've

19:20

heard I'm a a million times. I

19:22

also use it sometimes when I'm speaking to

19:24

people depending on who I'm speaking to.

19:27

I never knew where it came from. I never

19:29

knew how it came about. And

19:31

honestly, sitting here after going through all of

19:33

those theories and speaking to

19:35

the experts. It's hard for me to make

19:37

conclusions about the origins

19:39

of African American English. I mean,

19:41

you can see how and

19:43

why linguist side differently on the origins. Right?

19:46

Again, without comprehensive documentation,

19:48

how can we expect a linear

19:50

story? And

19:52

on that, there's something

19:53

that Nicole holiday told me that

19:55

really struck me. It actually doesn't matter where

19:57

it came from whether or not it

19:59

came from accrual or came from the

20:02

Anglophone speakers undergoing

20:04

change. Anglophone speakers

20:05

meaning English speakers,

20:07

It's still a legitimate variety.

20:10

LEGitimate variety. Those

20:12

two words are powerful.

20:15

Considering the

20:15

lost past of AAE, moving

20:19

forward, it's crucial that we document

20:21

this variety. this

20:23

legitimate variety of English

20:25

that tells us stories of the

20:27

past and illustrates the survival of

20:29

a people It demonstrates the

20:31

tenacity of their belief in its

20:33

integrity despite attempts to destroy

20:35

it, de legitimize it, and

20:37

distort it. Those

20:39

attempts never went away. They're

20:41

still here. Language

20:43

bias is everywhere. At

20:45

work, at school, in the media,

20:47

In fact, John Brickford is written about the role

20:50

linguistic biased plays in the

20:52

courtroom, particularly in the

20:54

trial for George Zimmerman back in

20:56

twenty thirteen. The prosecutor's key

20:58

witness, Rachel Gentel, was

21:00

used to discredit Zimmerman's claim that he

21:02

fatally shot Trevon Martin out of

21:04

self defense. Giantel

21:06

spoke for many hours on the witness

21:09

stand. He did not ask me to turn on

21:11

describing the man. He just

21:13

told me, I didn't think it

21:15

was that important at all. He

21:17

he got excellent on

21:19

high ground statement

21:21

management. I say creepy.

21:23

Don't dare I say creepy.

21:25

JENTEL

21:25

was deemed not credible

21:27

by members of the jury.

21:29

Why? because

21:30

they said she was quote hard

21:32

to understand. They later

21:35

found Zimmerman not guilty. But

21:37

despite continued attempts to delegitimize

21:40

it, Black American English hasn't and

21:42

isn't going anywhere. And it's

21:44

time we recognize its role in the

21:46

American public square and the way resonates

21:48

with the masses

21:49

abroad. To acknowledge the

21:51

people who speak it, to recognize

21:54

their journey, and

21:56

to validate their

21:58

humanity in this way.

22:04

Thank you

22:08

for joining

22:10

me on this journey. Now episode,

22:12

we'll explore AAE in music.

22:15

This episode is

22:17

reported and produced by me, Chico

22:19

Theodie. Special thanks to

22:21

Patrick Cox Alua Chemi, Alad

22:23

Dussui, and Nina

22:25

Porzuki. Also to Alison

22:27

Reid and everyone at the Linguistics

22:29

Society of America. Tina Atobe

22:31

is our sound designer. Alison Shao

22:33

manages our social media and newsletter.

22:35

And if you haven't subscribed yet,

22:38

the newsletter comes out every two

22:40

weeks. There are language themed news

22:42

items and also some updates on the

22:44

podcast and some fun stuff. sign

22:46

up at subtitle pod dot

22:48

com slash newsletter. One more

22:50

time, subtitle pod dot

22:52

com slash newsletter. Subtitles

22:54

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22:57

collective. Another hub and spoke podcast

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