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0:02
IT IS ELECTION DAY IN GEORGIA
0:05
AND THE STAKES ARE HIGH
0:06
TONIGHT. GEORGIA REMAINS AT THE
0:08
center of the American political universe. Why?
0:10
It's easy to forget this. But
0:12
pretty much everything about our current
0:14
political reality comes back
0:17
to George
0:17
CBS News projects Joe Biden has
0:19
one Georgia flipping.
0:21
After the twenty twenty election
0:22
We saw a shift of power in
0:25
the US senate
0:25
Democrats flipped the state. This is
0:28
a huge victory for the Democrats a
0:30
state they've long eyed, like
0:32
a ten year long project to flip
0:34
this red state AND GABE THE PARTY
0:36
NEW HOPE FOR THE FUTURE
0:39
AS THE STORY GOES.
0:40
ONE NAME, ONE PERSON WHO ALMOST EVERYBODY
0:43
AGREES HAS BEEN OUTFRONT LEADING THE
0:45
CHARGE TO MAKE GEORGIA INTO THE SWING
0:47
STATE IT IS TONIGHT.
0:48
THE REASON GEORGIA FLT.
0:50
AND THAT PERSON IS STACI ABRA.
0:52
SHE'S STACI ABRA. And
0:54
the playbook she developed for the state.
0:56
released the playbook laying out the path
0:59
to democratic victory here and across
1:01
the country. Abrams as the keys are spending
1:03
money, tens of millions, and
1:06
convincing voters to show up.
1:07
A playbook that many Democrats
1:10
saw as the antidote to Republican
1:12
grassroots dominance. She is a star
1:15
at the Democratic Party whose get out the vote
1:17
efforts have transformed the state of Georgia.
1:19
It cemented her role as a national
1:21
celebrity in politics and
1:23
a political powerhouse. What
1:26
an honor to have no peace prize
1:28
nominee Stacy Abrams
1:30
on the show. And
1:33
pop culture, every time I see you,
1:35
I feel like you are doing more and more
1:37
things.
1:37
Your first novel, listen, you'd written a bunch of
1:40
romance novels under different name.
1:42
I've written Abrahamism.
1:43
She even got cast.
1:46
As the president of United Earth
1:48
on Star Trek. United
1:49
Earth is ready right now.
1:51
to rejoin the Federation.
1:52
Okay.
1:53
Stacey Abrams is a clown.
1:56
That's celebrities. And she
1:58
should just go back to writing romance now. You
2:00
see, Stacey Abrams is gone. She
2:02
is toast. Has also made her a
2:04
target of Republicans. She's actually
2:06
never been a great candidate. She only won a
2:08
state house seat that wasn't largely contested.
2:11
She didn't win in twenty eighteen. Who say
2:13
even though Georgia flipped, she's
2:15
a losing candidate. and
2:17
her playbook has gotten more credit
2:19
than it deserves.
2:22
But let me tell you something. Behind
2:25
closed doors, in Georgia
2:27
and in Washington.
2:30
There are Democrats who increasingly
2:32
whisper the same thing.
2:35
and question her playbook as
2:37
a winning strategy for the party.
2:41
Today, the
2:43
Stacey Abrams playbook and
2:46
why the Georgia governor's race
2:48
has more at stake for democrats than
2:51
a single elected office.
2:55
From The New York Times, I'm
2:57
a stud Herndon. This
3:00
is the run up.
3:05
Hello?
3:07
Hi. Can you hear me? I can. Oh,
3:10
thank you so much for for joining us.
3:12
Stacey Abrams, I appreciate your time. Absolutely.
3:14
So about a week
3:16
ago, I called Stacey Abrams.
3:19
The Democratic nominee for governor in
3:21
Georgia. The biggest reason that But we started
3:23
with the playbook itself. And
3:25
what we actually mean when
3:27
we talk about what Abrams did in Georgia
3:29
and the lead up to twenty twenty. Georgia
3:31
was for a very long time not
3:33
just a polarized state, but it was
3:36
very black and white. There was very little
3:38
intention in engaging
3:41
black voters beyond those
3:43
who always showed up. There
3:44
was very little attention other than
3:46
presidential years and talking to young
3:48
people. There had been almost no investment
3:51
in other communities color
3:53
and low propensity voters, voters
3:55
who weren't regular voters, were
3:57
not included in outreach.
4:00
we basically had persuasion voters
4:02
which were considered white
4:04
swing voters or
4:05
you had turnout voters which were black people.
4:08
what
4:08
that means, and I know you understand as I said, but
4:10
for
4:10
for your listener. What
4:11
that means is we don't have to talk to you until
4:13
the very last minute. Per
4:15
swage and target means you get information
4:17
and detention
4:18
throughout the entire campaign. And
4:20
the reality is black voters need persuasion
4:22
as well. We had an entire
4:25
swaths of black voters who at first
4:27
to be persuaded to register and then be
4:29
persuaded that voting could change
4:31
things. We have to do the same with
4:33
AAPI and Latino communities and Native American
4:36
communities. And with young people, we had to
4:38
connect the dots so they understood what
4:40
was at stake and why their voices
4:42
mattered. Those
4:43
are all organizing responsibilities.
4:46
And
4:46
I think sometimes people here organizing and it
4:48
becomes a reductive idea
4:50
But it's truly the fundamental work of
4:52
democracy, getting people to believe in their
4:54
political power by explaining how
4:57
their power can translate into outcomes.
4:59
I
4:59
totally agree about organizing being kind
5:01
of seen reductively. I wanted to pull on that.
5:04
How would you rank the organizing that
5:06
you all did and lead up to twenty
5:08
twenty against other factors
5:10
that mattered in that year too,
5:12
moderate voters who were turned off
5:14
from Donald Trump or Republicans who
5:16
didn't come out to the polls that November
5:19
at all. How much did your work
5:22
matter against those other factors in terms of
5:24
ranking the order importance of what made
5:26
Georgia flip?
5:27
It's pulling at threads that unravel
5:29
the entire tapestry if
5:31
you think only one thread matters.
5:34
You don't have a
5:36
twelve thousand vote margin
5:38
if black and brown people aren't
5:40
engaged. No matter how many voters
5:42
who voted for Trump in sixteen, and
5:44
voted for Biden in twenty. No matter how
5:46
many of those voters shift, if you
5:48
don't have the lift that
5:50
comes from engaging low prepared
5:53
to the voters, engaging voters who
5:55
had never been considered part of
5:57
the electorate, who never gotten the resources necessary
5:59
to
5:59
be part of the electorate. you're
6:02
trying to figure out who comprises that last
6:04
twelve thousand. Well, my my pushback is not
6:06
that your question isn't legitimate, but
6:08
the question presumes that there was
6:10
one final, you know, explosion
6:12
of reality where
6:14
in
6:14
truth it was a
6:16
confluence of different pieces, but
6:19
the heft of which, the difference
6:21
between a twenty sixteen and a
6:23
twenty twenty was the organizing of
6:25
voters who had not been a part of the narrative.
6:27
Mhmm. I guess I'm asking because for a lot of
6:29
Democrats, Georgia, especially after
6:31
twenty twenty has been seen as this replicable
6:33
playbook and has been a sign of hope
6:35
for the party in the landscape where
6:37
there's not many of those signs. I'm
6:40
wondering, do you see what
6:42
the national narrative has taken from Georgia
6:44
as that confluence of factors
6:47
you're talking about? Because I feel like I hear
6:49
just organizing led to the results.
6:51
Is the narrative too simple?
6:52
The narratives is too simple and it's
6:55
too systematic.
6:57
What do you mean? It is a Polaroid instead
6:59
of a documentary. Can
7:02
you say can you say more there?
7:03
So, you know, if you take a polaroid, it's a
7:06
snapshot of an instant and you get it right now.
7:08
and it's very gratified. But the documentary
7:10
is about how you get there and it tells you all
7:12
the pieces that came into being to
7:14
make it so.
7:15
And
7:16
winning elections in Georgia,
7:19
the pieces that had to come together had to
7:21
come together over time. They had to
7:23
be sustained over time. This
7:26
wasn't this moment and this
7:28
flashpoint, this was an
7:30
operational initiative that took almost
7:32
a decade to execute. And so
7:34
when you get to twenty twenty, the
7:36
confluence of events you
7:38
had to navigate voter suppression
7:40
and you had to convince voters
7:43
who were not necessarily moderate
7:45
voters. You had to convince conservative
7:47
voters who'd
7:49
shared a certain value system
7:51
and found that their value system ran
7:54
afoul of who was representing it. And
7:56
so, yes, we pulled some of those voters over,
7:58
but I think sometimes it is overstated
7:59
how many of those voters
8:02
actually swung in that year
8:04
versus the migration that
8:06
we've been able to create over
8:08
the last decade. And
8:09
again, it's very easy to So Abrams
8:11
and I are agreeing. that the
8:13
national narrative around what happened in
8:15
twenty twenty, and
8:16
the role that the Abrams playbook had in
8:19
that is
8:19
too simplistic. But
8:21
we differ on why it's
8:23
too simplistic. What I'm
8:25
saying at the same time.
8:26
Is that this is a narrative that is often
8:28
reduced to
8:29
one of Abrams and organizing and
8:32
doesn't fully account for
8:34
what else was going on at the time.
8:36
In terms of moderate swing
8:38
voters, turned off by Trump
8:40
and moving towards Democrats.
8:43
Abrams downplays the significance of
8:45
those swing voters. and
8:47
instead focuses
8:48
on the years of organizing
8:51
that she says laid the groundwork
8:53
to make that flip even possible
8:55
in twenty twenty. things I think And
8:56
that's about to be tested because
8:59
this year.
9:00
Trump is not in office. In
9:02
Abrams' opponent,
9:04
governor Brian Kemp, was one of
9:06
the few Republicans to
9:08
stand up against Trump's pressure campaign
9:11
to overturn election results.
9:13
Now, wanted to ask you about your Republican
9:15
opponent, Governor Brian Kemp, you have,
9:17
particularly in that first race,
9:19
characterized him as a real threat to
9:21
democracy, through his actions as both
9:23
secretary of state and now in the governor's
9:25
office, how do you square that with his
9:27
actions he took in twenty twenty to
9:29
stand up against president Trump in his
9:31
efforts to steal the election. He didn't
9:32
commit treason.
9:33
Every
9:34
other governor also managed to not
9:36
commit treason. We are
9:38
lionizing someone because he did what
9:40
every other governor in American history
9:42
has done. That's
9:44
it. But not everything that a Republican party
9:46
has done. I
9:47
mean, in in that same moment. But
9:49
every Democratic governor in America did
9:51
not commit treason that time.
9:53
Every
9:53
Democratic governor, every Republican governor
9:55
did not commit treason. I
9:57
don't deny that it's a good
9:59
thing, but
9:59
it was also his job. And
10:01
so I
10:02
I give him no credit because
10:04
not committing treason should not
10:06
be the benchmark for
10:07
leadership in democracy. I also wanted to
10:10
ask about another So if Abrams is right
10:12
in her view, about what's
10:14
decisive in these elections. Then
10:16
she'll need to turn out a lot of the
10:18
voters who are at the center of her
10:20
playbook. What was coming out? Which
10:21
includes young people. communities
10:22
of color, and specifically
10:24
black men. But
10:26
right
10:27
now, according to polling
10:30
and recent
10:30
reporting from my colleagues,
10:32
She's actually struggling there too.
10:35
Our paper
10:35
has recently reported on a potential challenge
10:38
for you among black men.
10:39
The the idea in that story was
10:42
that a meaningful percentage of them may not show
10:44
up for you and that your campaign has now
10:46
put a focus on them in
10:48
doing that type of outreach. Why do
10:50
you think that
10:50
has had to become a focus of your campaign? Why
10:53
have you all struggled there? We have not struggled.
10:55
Your story
10:55
was wrong, and I'm gonna say that
10:57
very directly because In twenty
10:59
eighteen, I had the very same
11:01
conversations. In
11:02
twenty eighteen, I was castigated in
11:05
Georgia because I was having conversations with
11:07
communities that were marginalized and disadvantaged. And
11:09
in twenty twenty two, I did the exact
11:11
same thing because I know
11:13
that these are persuasion voters, but I'm
11:15
not persuading them not to vote for a Republican.
11:17
I am persuading them that voting
11:20
matters and that they can trust a
11:22
political leadership that they have
11:24
really never seen deliver for
11:26
them. And to that end, I am having
11:28
explicit conversations with black men
11:30
because black men are a large
11:32
portion of our electorate. and thus
11:34
they deserve the kind of attention that
11:36
Brian Kemp is giving to farmers.
11:37
There is not a single story in the New
11:40
York Times about how Brian Kemp is
11:42
going after the farming community. And
11:44
does that mean he's struggling with farmers because he
11:46
doesn't have every farmer voting for
11:48
him? Why then am I
11:50
subject to this notion that because
11:52
I'm talking to black men to
11:54
engage them, to make certain that they know
11:56
and can they see that I was expect
11:58
them that this is somehow a
11:59
sign of trouble. It is a sign of
12:02
reality that every election you
12:04
have to go to the voters that you need and
12:06
ask them for help. Our
12:08
campaign has largely and long
12:10
standingly invested in the black community.
12:12
We spend money. We hire from
12:14
within. We pay assiduous
12:16
attention. much attention that the New York Times
12:18
decided that it must be a sign of weakness
12:20
as opposed to a campaign
12:23
strategy that you win by getting voters to
12:25
turn out for you, and I mean
12:26
All voters including black men, I
12:29
want black men to vote for me. I know that
12:31
black men have the deepest
12:33
rationale for not being engaged in
12:36
politics And it is disingenuous for me
12:38
to pretend that that's not true. And more
12:40
importantly, for me not to articulate
12:42
why I am different. And
12:43
that's what these conversations are about.
12:45
Mhmm. One of
12:46
the reason I wanted to call you was because I
12:49
feel like when I talk to
12:51
democrats, there's
12:51
sometimes not an understanding
12:54
of the structural challenges that they
12:56
face. Yes. The
12:58
depths in state legislatures that
13:00
they face. Yes. In the courts,
13:01
in gerry bantering. in
13:04
a lot of structural
13:06
political fronts. And
13:07
when I pose those questions to Democrats often,
13:09
a lot of times they point
13:12
to you
13:12
and Georgia as
13:15
the way to overcome those
13:17
barriers. I mean, I
13:18
have you here.
13:20
Do you think that you and Georgia
13:22
are a response to
13:24
those holes that Democrats are in?
13:26
We
13:26
are absolutely one
13:28
of the roadmaps, but what
13:29
is so important is that people
13:31
remember that while we're writing our playbook, the
13:33
other side is writing their playbook.
13:35
What's happening in the Supreme Court
13:37
just this term they are taking
13:39
up a case that will essentially eviscerate
13:41
voting rights at those state
13:43
level for a generation. The
13:45
Supreme Court is about
13:46
to reduce every election decision
13:49
going forward to the state
13:51
legislature. That also
13:52
means that we will have Republicans and
13:54
they are already talking about it.
13:56
in
13:56
states like Georgia where the
13:58
number of electoral college votes change
14:01
the outcome in ways they didn't like,
14:03
they will shift from a winner take all
14:05
system that most states use to
14:07
the system that is used by Maine and
14:09
Nebraska where we will go to a
14:11
congressional district. And so you talked
14:13
about gerrymandering. because of the extreme gerrymanders
14:15
that were not only done in
14:17
twenty twenty one, but permitted by a supreme
14:19
court that said, well, we can't do it because it's too
14:21
close to the election. Those get
14:23
solidified in twenty three
14:24
and Democrats won't win another
14:27
presidential election if instead of
14:29
Georgia delivering sixteen electoral
14:31
college votes We only deliver five because
14:33
they've gerrymandered our congressional districts,
14:35
so we only have five democratic districts
14:37
and the rest of the votes go. and the same
14:39
things that would happen across the country
14:41
where Democrats lose
14:42
governorships. Yeah, I I agree with you there.
14:44
I'm saying how does organizing overcome that?
14:46
But here's
14:46
what I'm saying. So part of how I
14:49
organize is that we test to talk
14:51
about what's to come. It is
14:53
uncomfortable. It is awkward. It gets
14:55
people angry at you. But we
14:57
have to discuss it. Organizing is not this
14:59
esoteric
15:00
distance event. It is having
15:03
conversations about the consequences
15:05
of action. There is nothing
15:07
permanent about our civil liberties or our civil
15:09
rights in this country. And so,
15:11
yes, I think that it is
15:13
critical that Georgia be
15:15
emblematic both in the sense of
15:17
urgency because we are going to be ground
15:19
zero for what can go horribly wrong
15:21
or we can be a beacon of light for what can go
15:23
horribly right. And what's
15:25
happening in the next thirty six days is
15:27
deciding which direction we head in. Mhmm.
15:29
the In that
15:30
view, I wanna turn to now because it seems like
15:32
in part because of twenty twenty, you
15:35
are an unique gubernatorial
15:37
candidate. I mean, you're frankly much more
15:39
famous than the other governor candidates
15:41
on the slate across the country. I
15:43
mean, you you are you are
15:45
president of United Earth via
15:47
Star Trek. I wonder as you
15:49
run-in this race now. How has
15:51
that national name
15:52
recognition and celebrity impacted
15:55
your statewide race this time.
15:57
It seems your this is a different version or
15:59
at least a more well known version of Stacey
16:01
Abrams running this time around.
16:02
Howard Bauchner: When
16:03
I ran in twenty eighteen, I had
16:05
very identical goals.
16:08
Education, housing,
16:09
healthcare, and making certain people could
16:11
have economic security.
16:13
I worked well within our party. I built
16:16
party capacity. I worked across
16:18
the aisle.
16:18
and I ran a very strong
16:20
race that surprised a lot of
16:22
people and I got
16:24
really close. But the moment
16:27
after that, I became an avatar for a
16:29
number of things. I will be the
16:31
first black woman to become governor
16:33
should I be elected. And
16:35
for some, that is a moment of
16:37
celebration. And for others,
16:39
it is a moment of fear. Nothing
16:42
I've wanted. Nothing I've suggested
16:44
has changed. I'm not a different
16:46
person in terms of my political philosophy
16:49
or my policy prescriptions, but what
16:51
has changed is that it could actually
16:53
work. Because in twenty twenty and twenty
16:55
twenty one, the architecture that I
16:57
built in twenty eighteen actually
16:59
helped yield a result
17:01
And so one of the differences between eighteen
17:03
and twenty two is that
17:05
people have poured into me their hopes
17:07
or their anger. in ways that they
17:09
didn't in twenty eighteen. And
17:12
and
17:12
that's hard because I've become
17:15
emblematic of both things I do and the
17:18
things that people are afraid of being are being
17:20
done or not done.
17:21
This inspired, like,
17:23
two philosophical questions I I might
17:26
ask you. One,
17:27
then do you
17:28
regret leaning too far into
17:30
that national profile then? If
17:32
what we're saying is that after
17:35
twenty eighteen, some of that projection
17:37
has come from
17:38
what your name has come to mean in terms
17:40
of kind of like national celebrity and profile.
17:42
That's something that you kind of controlled. Yes?
17:44
But Star Wars mistake. Okay. First
17:46
of all, it's Star Trek. Star Trek.
17:48
I'm sorry. Sorry. Sorry. Sorry.
17:50
Okay. Yeah.
17:54
Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Fair. Fair. Okay.
17:56
But let let's go back to twenty nineteen,
17:58
twenty twenty. Let's
17:59
not forget that
17:59
in twenty nineteen and twenty twenty, we facing
18:02
a crisis of democracy.
18:04
And
18:05
because of the organizational work that
18:07
we did, one of the reasons I've been
18:09
given, you know, some credit for
18:11
the success was that we
18:14
truly raised the alarms. And I was
18:16
one of the voices that was able to
18:18
concretize and explain this
18:20
matter. So do I regret helping,
18:22
you know,
18:23
organize and focus the minds of
18:25
Americans on the threat to our democracy
18:28
My dad was arrested when he was
18:30
fourteen for registering black people to
18:32
vote in Mississippi. Instead of
18:33
getting arrested, I I got some
18:36
magazine covers. Mhmm. But my
18:38
mission, if you read every story, was about
18:40
how do we save democracy? How do we make certain
18:42
we have an accurate census? How do we get
18:44
resources to the communities that
18:46
need it? How do we do right? I don't
18:48
control the means of communication, but
18:50
I am never going to shy away from telling
18:52
people what they deserve and
18:54
how they can get it. Mhmm.
18:56
Star Trek, however, I have loved Star Trek
18:58
since nineteen eighty nine and I
19:01
will never regret be able to
19:03
stand on the bridge and be able to have that
19:05
conversation because I will forever be able
19:07
to live long and prosper. No. No.
19:09
No. No. I I get that.
19:12
what then then would
19:13
it mean? I I know you don't wanna entertain
19:15
the prospect, but what then would it mean if you lost
19:17
the gubernatorial race? It would seem like in
19:20
that same kind of projection, not
19:22
just be a loss of Stacey Abrams
19:24
as a candidate in Georgia
19:25
for the second time. It would
19:27
seem to be a blow to a political vision that
19:29
you embody. Do you think that's true?
19:32
there is always going to
19:35
be the
19:35
worry that people extrapolate
19:38
from one data point, an
19:40
entire
19:40
narrative. And we see
19:42
that happen. And it's happening
19:43
unfortunately in part because of
19:46
who I am pointing to
19:47
as the solution. And this goes back to the very
19:49
beginning of this conversation.
19:51
When black and
19:52
brown people are seen as
19:55
the means
19:55
of success,
19:56
it does not guarantee
19:59
victory. but
20:00
it guarantees continued engagement.
20:02
I want the outcome of
20:04
victory because I want to do the job
20:07
of governor. But
20:08
what undergirds everything I do is the
20:11
obligation of access. People deserve
20:13
to be heard. And I
20:15
think what I demonstrated in the
20:17
intervening four years since twenty eighteen to
20:19
now is that my
20:21
responsibility is going to constantly be how
20:23
do I do the most good possible
20:25
for the greatest number
20:27
possible, and how do I encourage
20:29
people to
20:29
own and control their own power?
20:32
so that it doesn't matter whose name is on the ballot. All that matters
20:34
is who shows up to make the decisions.
20:36
Stacey Abrams,
20:37
I appreciate your time.
20:39
Thank you. And thank you for very thoughtful and
20:41
engaging questions.
20:42
Thank you. IIII take that so
20:44
hard. I mean No. No. No. No. Look.
20:46
I mean, III
20:48
think these are conversations we have to have
20:50
and
20:50
it's We'll
20:53
be right
20:54
back.
21:03
My colleague
21:03
Mya King is on the politics desk
21:06
and is based in Georgia. It
21:08
was her story that Stacey Abrams took
21:11
issue with.
21:11
And I wanted to ask her about the
21:14
specific details of her
21:16
reporting. So let's starting
21:17
with what she was seeing that led
21:19
her to take up the story in the first place. That led
21:21
you to take up the story. Well,
21:25
we were reporting out a number of
21:28
stories on the ground in
21:30
Georgia, I was trying to talk to
21:32
folks as close to
21:34
the base, the democratic base as
21:37
possible. the community leaders, the
21:39
county elected
21:40
officials, the validators,
21:42
if you will, who in a race
21:44
that is going to we
21:46
can, I think, safely say,
21:47
be decided largely on
21:49
the margins that could come down to
21:52
several thousand votes. These are the
21:54
folks who I felt were going to
21:56
make the difference in making sure that those
21:58
people on either side
21:59
turned out. Mhmm. I mean, everyone
22:02
seems to
22:02
be an agreement that this race
22:04
is going to be close. You were trying
22:06
to figure out which populations
22:08
could decide those thin margins.
22:10
Absolutely.
22:11
And we also looked
22:13
at
22:13
polls that showed, you know, which groups,
22:16
especially in the Democratic base,
22:17
had been the most enthusiastic and
22:20
which
22:20
groups were lagging a little bit. And
22:22
one point that stuck out to us
22:25
was this underperformance that we
22:27
had seen at that stage in the
22:29
race that Democrats, particularly
22:32
Abrams had with black men -- Mhmm. --
22:34
we know that her to be successful her
22:36
campaign has said this too, she would
22:38
need to perform with upwards of eighty
22:40
five to ninety percent of African
22:42
American men in Georgia.
22:44
Around
22:44
the time that we were doing this reporting and
22:47
looking at the numbers, what we found was
22:49
they floated a little bit closer to
22:51
seventy five to eighty percent.
22:53
So
22:53
not a huge gap,
22:55
but again,
22:55
if we're talking about a race that
22:58
will be won and lost at
23:00
the margins, it was something that we felt we
23:02
had to pay very close attention to.
23:04
Mhmm. And what
23:05
did your reporting find
23:08
about why Abrams might be
23:10
having a tougher time to just go around with groups
23:12
like Blackman? Well, I'll
23:14
start by saying that we know with all
23:17
demographic groups there is indeed
23:19
a gender gap. And so black men are no different
23:21
from any other group in that
23:23
a portion of black men are
23:25
more likely to defect
23:28
to Republican. Mhmm.
23:30
However, we also know that in
23:32
Georgia, black voters are
23:35
the base and the most loyal, and really it's the
23:37
most valuable portion of the
23:39
Democratic base. And so
23:41
we know that vast
23:44
majority of black men will
23:46
support Democrats and will vote for
23:48
Stacey Abrams rather enthusiastically. what
23:51
we're asking about is the margins
23:53
here.
23:53
And it's just a different game
23:56
with Democrats in Georgia because
23:58
you're operating from
23:59
the belief or from the
24:02
understanding that you are having to
24:04
galvanize just a lot of different
24:06
types of voters in order to get
24:08
them all to turn out for Democrats.
24:11
Mhmm. But depending
24:11
on what strategy they deploy,
24:14
It's not the only group that could
24:16
decide the election for Democrats. Right?
24:18
Let's talk about
24:19
the other voting group that you're reporting
24:22
focused on. Well, the other group that we focused on
24:24
and and aim to really unpack here
24:26
were were the groups that really every
24:28
candidate in every race knows
24:30
that they have to have a critical mass of,
24:32
and that's those sort of
24:34
moderate or conservative leaning
24:36
largely white voters who
24:39
tend to swing one way or the
24:41
other in any competitive race
24:43
in Georgia. And for the last
24:45
few years have largely decided the outcome
24:47
of these races. What is
24:49
your reporting finding of
24:52
where those voters are in this
24:54
race in twenty twenty
24:55
two? I mean,
24:56
what we found right now
24:58
just
24:59
talking to people in these
25:02
areas is that this is a
25:04
group that
25:04
has seen four
25:05
years of Brian Kemp
25:08
and is not unhappy.
25:10
Mhmm.
25:10
Is relatively pleased
25:12
with what the incumbent governor
25:15
has been able to accomplish. And
25:17
one thing that he has said is, look, you
25:19
might not agree with everything that I say, you
25:21
might not agree with everything that I do.
25:23
but you can't say that I didn't do what I
25:26
said I was going to do. Mhmm.
25:27
And to a lot of voters, that's
25:30
actually a very effective message
25:32
even if it does mean some pretty
25:34
far to the right policies. This
25:36
is a man who ran on
25:38
a platform of
25:40
getting in his pickup truck and rounding up
25:43
criminal illegals. Those are his words.
25:45
So I'm not trying to paint him at all
25:47
as someone who is trying
25:49
to appeal to to
25:51
moderates. What he is trying to do
25:53
is make sure that every single
25:55
person in the and voting base in
25:57
Georgia turns out. And
25:58
then by making this sort
25:59
of second
26:00
term, I did what I said I was
26:02
going to do the first four years, I'll continue to do
26:05
that the next four years, he too
26:07
can chip away at these groups of
26:09
voters at the margins like these
26:11
sort of conservative
26:12
leaning
26:13
voters in the suburbs to
26:16
say, give
26:16
me four more years to continue doing the job
26:19
that I did. The challenge
26:21
for him has been catching up to
26:23
the demographic changes in Georgia
26:25
and sort of having to temper that
26:27
language that does lean
26:29
very far to the right. to
26:31
try to appeal to those people in the middle
26:33
that we're talking about. So, of course, there
26:35
was all of this drama in twenty
26:37
twenty where Kemp certified
26:40
the election and he came across as this
26:42
hero of democracy that I
26:44
think
26:44
appealed in large part to a
26:47
number of of
26:49
even liberal leaning voters who
26:51
liked
26:51
to see a Republican
26:53
who could stand up
26:56
to Trump. I
26:56
believe that's why you see Abrams pushing
26:58
this message of. He did the
27:00
right thing. He followed the
27:03
rules. does not make him in
27:05
any way some kind of a hero. Mhmm.
27:07
In the minds of those in the middle though,
27:09
they liked that move. It's
27:11
like here's someone who appealed to
27:14
the far right sensibilities of the Republican
27:16
base, but when it came down to
27:18
the wire,
27:19
did not betray
27:21
lowercase d Democratic
27:23
principles.
27:25
And again, to the small
27:27
slice of voters who exist in
27:30
this swing
27:30
conservative leaning universe, that
27:33
could very well be enough for them to
27:35
elect him to four more years. And
27:37
that's the
27:39
issue that the
27:40
Democratic ticket, particularly, say,
27:43
see Abrams, are
27:44
having to contend with. Also
27:47
feel
27:47
like we might be talking around something here,
27:49
which is not just who Abrams
27:51
is running against, but how
27:54
voters see her? in twenty twenty, Biden
27:56
asked moderate Republicans to
27:58
bet on the Democrat who
28:00
happened to be a moderate white
28:03
guy. Right? We talked to Jim Clyburn about
28:05
how the white guy part of that
28:07
was really key to them seeing him
28:09
as electable. In
28:11
Georgia, they did that. But Abrams is a
28:12
black woman and who has perceived to be
28:15
more progressive
28:16
up against
28:17
that type of moderate white male
28:19
figure that has
28:21
historically a more traditionally hold seats
28:23
like governor. I
28:25
don't think that's something
28:26
we should skip over in terms of why
28:28
some of these Biden
28:31
voters might
28:31
relate more to Kemp than in Abrams? No,
28:33
I don't think we should skip over it at
28:35
all. Like, we have to acknowledge that
28:37
this
28:37
is a black woman who
28:40
is running to be something that
28:42
Georgia voters, that American voters have
28:44
never seen before, a black governor
28:47
of deep south state, a black woman governor of
28:49
a deep south state, and someone who
28:51
has been unapologetic in
28:54
describing policies
28:56
that she supports
28:58
and backing up, you know, with
29:01
data and with her own
29:03
knowledge, how she thinks these
29:05
policies will work in Georgia. You
29:07
know, she's not cowering away
29:09
from her policy viewpoints. She
29:11
she doesn't back away from us of anything. No.
29:13
She really doesn't. And I think that voters have they're not used
29:15
to seeing that, and it turns off a lot of
29:17
voters. It just does. A lot of white voters
29:19
in Georgia who have never seen anyone like
29:21
Stacey Abrams before. Mhmm.
29:23
Mhmm. Okay. Let's talk about
29:25
where this all leaves us. Because Democrats
29:27
are
29:27
talking about this playbook.
29:30
as an important piece of the party strategy
29:33
going forward. It is frankly
29:35
the answer I get. If you
29:37
ask prominent Democrats, about what they're gonna
29:40
do about the Republican Advantage
29:42
and grassroots organizing all across
29:44
the country. So what do you think the significance
29:46
of this election will be when
29:48
it comes to how the party thinks about this
29:51
playbook in relationship to its larger
29:53
strategy. We
29:54
have looked to
29:55
November twenty twenty two in
29:58
Georgia and the outcome of this
29:59
election as an
30:01
answer to the question of whether
30:04
or not this strategy of
30:06
turning out infrequent,
30:09
largely voters of color,
30:11
younger voters, people who
30:13
exist out side of this universe of
30:15
white moderate or conservative
30:17
leaning voters in the suburbs who tend to
30:19
vote one way or another whether
30:21
or not that strategy is going
30:23
to be effective and is going
30:25
to become sort of political gospel
30:28
in Georgia moving forward.
30:31
Stacey Abrams has become synonymous
30:34
now with that very strategy.
30:36
And so it seems that if she
30:38
does indeed lose in November,
30:40
we see a scenario in which
30:43
people take that loss to
30:45
mean that this playbook should just
30:47
be thrown away. Mhmm. The
30:49
Democrat should revert back
30:50
to their strategy of
30:53
appealing more to these moderate
30:55
swing voters who are not very
30:57
diverse and then count on
30:59
a strong enough showing
31:02
of people
31:03
of color, young people, and
31:05
frequent voters, but not factor them in
31:07
to the calculus of who
31:09
needs to be persuaded, who needs to be talked to,
31:11
who needs to be invested in.
31:14
But I think Democrats
31:16
if they do indeed write off this entire
31:19
strategy in Georgia and
31:21
beyond, should the
31:23
party see some major losses up and
31:25
down the ticket in November, it
31:27
would mean leaving voters
31:29
on the table. Mhmm. Mhmm.
31:31
It
31:31
reminds me of something Kellyanne Conway told
31:34
me, which
31:34
is that in running the
31:36
Trump campaign, she said they
31:38
understood that there was not a tap on
31:40
a single group of voters, and that Trump had to
31:43
break rules
31:44
to appeal,
31:46
to but ended up being the key demographic group
31:49
that unlocked his twenty
31:50
sixteen equation, white
31:52
working class
31:53
voters, particularly non college white
31:56
voters. and that that was a group that the
31:58
establishment was kinda leaving behind.
32:00
It feels like Stacy Abrams is
32:02
asking Democrats to rule break, frankly.
32:04
and embrace a demographic group that
32:07
could unlock political possibilities
32:09
for them. But
32:10
breaking those
32:11
rules also
32:14
for Republicans has
32:16
kicked off a whole party internal
32:18
fight because
32:19
it's turned off
32:20
a lot of college educated moderates
32:23
who have started voting for
32:25
democrats because of the way
32:26
that Trump and the Republican Party
32:29
has embraced this new type of messaging to
32:31
drive out the base. It
32:33
strikes
32:33
me to that same kind of cost
32:35
to benefit analysis can
32:38
be true when we're talking about Democrats
32:41
and
32:41
Abrams. Right? Like, she's
32:43
asking them to invest
32:46
in a strategy that more directly
32:49
centers messaging to
32:51
black man, to young people,
32:53
to underrepresented groups
32:55
to rural voters and
32:57
the like. And
32:59
it seems like
33:01
doing that might also
33:04
come with a cost
33:05
of turning
33:06
off some of the voters
33:08
who definitely vote and
33:10
who are those moderate
33:11
swing people in the
33:14
middle.
33:14
So we should also probably
33:16
acknowledge, right, that it is a hard
33:18
line to walk And the biggest proof point
33:20
of that
33:21
is what happens on the
33:24
Republican side over the last ten
33:26
years? Yeah.
33:26
And I mean, look, Democrats have
33:28
had a hard time trying to do a
33:30
very hard thing, which is hold
33:33
altogether as one coalition
33:36
the same white college
33:38
educated moderate voters who
33:40
largely exist in the suburbs alongside
33:44
these voters like black
33:46
men at the margins who don't feel
33:48
like their needs have been listened to
33:50
young voters who feel homeless politically
33:52
in many ways. first time voters,
33:55
disinfected people of color,
33:57
all of these people have been
33:59
able to be added
33:59
to the Democratic co in Georgia as we saw
34:02
in twenty twenty. But the question
34:04
now for the party,
34:04
for Democrats in particular,
34:06
is how do you hold all of these people together
34:10
is one national coalition
34:11
across several different states over
34:14
time. Mhmm. Why do a risky
34:16
thing in talking to
34:18
these communities
34:20
may or may not come out when you can do the easy thing
34:22
and tailor your messages to the
34:24
communities who most likely
34:28
come out. Exactly, which seems like a short term
34:29
response to a long
34:32
term dilemma.
34:34
I wanna pick
34:36
up on what
34:39
Maya was saying. Democrats
34:41
have often deployed a
34:43
short term political strategy. that focuses
34:45
on moderate voters in hopes
34:47
to seize
34:48
on weak republican candidates.
34:51
and sometimes it
34:53
works. For
34:54
example, in the other
34:56
big midterms race in George,
34:59
The incumbent senator Rafael
35:02
Warmock has benefited from a
35:04
controversial Republican opponent, In
35:06
Hershel Walker, whose scandals have hurt his standing
35:08
with moderate swing voters in
35:10
particular. That's
35:13
raised the possibility. that
35:16
Democrats could succeed in the Georgia senate
35:18
race even as Abrams
35:20
falls short in her
35:22
own race. But the point of the playbook
35:24
is less about immediate
35:26
victories and more about a
35:28
long term
35:30
strategy. for Democrats to build a grassroots machine
35:32
of their own, one
35:34
that's on their
35:35
own terms. empowered
35:38
by previously ignored voters who've
35:40
been apathetic
35:41
and mistrustful that the system
35:43
can
35:43
deliver for
35:46
them. Next
35:47
time on the
35:48
run up, how Republicans
35:50
have already seized control of
35:54
two key parts of the
35:56
system and are once again a step ahead.
36:14
The run up is reported by me
36:15
as that harmed it
36:17
and produced by Alyssa
36:20
Gutierrez and Caitlin O'Keefe.
36:23
It's edited
36:24
by Frankie Carthoff,
36:26
LaRissa Anderson, and Lisa
36:29
Tobit. with original music by
36:31
Dan Powell, Marion Lozano,
36:34
and Alicia But e2.
36:36
This episode was mixed by Brad Fish
36:39
and fact checked by Caitlyn
36:41
Love. Special thanks to
36:43
Paula Schuman. Sam Dolan.
36:46
David How Fanger. Julia Simon, Maheema
36:48
Chablani, Shannon Buster,
36:50
Nell Gallogly, Jeffrey Miranda,
36:53
and Maddie Messiello. Thanks
36:57
so much
36:57
for listening y'all.
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