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works. Hi, folks.
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Before we get into this episode, I want to talk
1:05
about the UK True Crime podcast. It's
1:07
a podcast which focuses on the lesser-known crimes
1:10
that have taken place primarily in the UK, and
1:12
it offers new perspectives and insights into
1:15
the stories you may already know. It's
1:17
hosted by Adam, and if you like the style of the Troubles
1:19
podcast, then this one is for you, with
1:21
his delivery being direct and straight to the point. With
1:25
a library of over 300 episodes, there are plenty
1:27
to check out. He has some episodes related
1:29
to the Troubles as well. You can listen
1:31
by searching UK True Crime podcast wherever
1:34
you get your podcasts. Now,
1:36
let's get into it. Troubles
1:40
Podcast
1:53
This is the Troubles podcast, a podcast about
1:55
the violence and bloodshed that occurred in Northern Ireland, the
1:57
Republic of Ireland and Great Britain.
1:59
multiple sides and organisations waged
2:02
a bloody conflict over the status of Northern Ireland.
2:08
This week's episode of the podcast features my interview
2:10
with Geroge O'Foyleon. He
2:12
did his PhD at the University of Limerick under
2:15
Dr Ruyn O'Donnell, looking at Irish
2:17
republicanism in the south during the Troubles. He
2:20
works in academic publishing and is currently living in
2:22
Belfast. Geroge
2:25
has just released a second book in his series focusing
2:27
on the provisional IRA in the Republic of Ireland.
2:30
We had a fascinating chat about the IRA's
2:32
fertiliser bombs, conditions in Port Leech
2:35
prison and whether the Irish government was
2:37
doing enough to tackle republicanism in Ireland.
2:41
So let's get into it then.
2:43
We began our chat with Geroge telling me a little bit about
2:45
himself.
2:47
So I am from Shannon
2:50
County Clare and I think this
2:52
used to be quite well known but I think it's not
2:54
now but in the 70s the huge
2:56
northern population in Shannon,
2:58
kind of an anomaly you know like a lot of people
3:00
who left the north during the
3:03
outbreak of the Troubles they went to Dundalk, Monneton,
3:06
Donegal and so on. But quite
3:08
a lot of people came down to Shannon because it was a planned
3:11
town, it was a new town in the 60s. Yeah the new
3:13
town in Ireland I think yeah. That's it yeah a
3:15
lot of jobs there and I
3:17
think in the early 70s nearly 25% of the
3:19
population was from the north.
3:21
So it's a massive massive and really in an
3:23
you know like an island and you know kind of
3:25
surrounded by you
3:26
know typically you know towns and villages
3:28
where no one really leaves or you know there's no outsiders
3:31
and so on. But
3:33
my mother is from Belfast herself.
3:36
When I was then doing my bachelor degree
3:38
in history in Mary I was looking
3:41
at that you know the kind of push and pull factors. Obviously
3:43
we all know the push factors for leaving the north
3:46
but what were the pull ones and how people ended up
3:48
down here.
3:49
And I was interviewing people I was doing it kind of an oral
3:51
history take on it
3:53
and just over the course of that you
3:55
know it was 20, 21 at the
3:57
time kind of thought I knew you know
3:59
the Troubles.
3:59
new by town and suddenly
4:02
you're getting all these stories you know because they're talking
4:04
about oh and such and such stayed with us you know
4:06
when they were on the run or before they got a
4:08
flight to America and
4:09
you're hearing all this stuff that you know
4:12
I never knew about. You know really like about
4:14
the South about safe houses, training
4:16
camps and then and I just got
4:19
fascinated about that you know I finished finished
4:21
up with Mary I
4:23
and went on to do a PhD in UL
4:25
on the South because it just
4:28
you know even like when you read books like that the kind
4:30
of big books Tim Paekougan's book on the troubles
4:32
of the IRA the big general books
4:34
and general histories they don't talk about this kind
4:37
of stuff don't talk about
4:38
you might mention literally a sentence in the entire. Yeah
4:40
the Republic will probably get a paragraph in a couple
4:42
of chapters maybe yeah. Yeah exactly and
4:44
they're not going into that kind of stuff training
4:47
obviously every single person man and woman who
4:49
joined the IRA and the INLA
4:51
and turned 70s 80s 90s had
4:54
to do a training camp every training camp was
4:56
in the South you're talking about thousands of people
4:58
did training and you know just the numbers
5:00
are
5:01
huge and so the things like that really
5:03
really
5:04
hooked me and so yeah I ended up doing
5:06
this PhD took it as well as a bit of an oral
5:08
history because now
5:09
it was it was a bit bad timing because
5:11
the Boston College kind of debacle with the
5:14
with the oral history there
5:16
was breaking out at the time I was doing it so some
5:18
people were reluctant to speak but you know
5:20
I mean a lot of people even in the time that I was
5:23
doing it a lot of people who would have been involved in the
5:25
South in the 70s would have been an older generation
5:28
you
5:28
know they would have been involved in the 50s for example
5:30
so they were they were dying and you know each each
5:32
person that died without leaving an account that
5:35
just the history that's lost the value to future generations
5:38
so I was trying to trying to just capture all that at
5:40
the time. Okay
5:42
and specifically so your PhD was and
5:44
the IRA in the Republic of Ireland. Yeah
5:47
it was exactly that it was it was the IRA
5:49
in the South I went up to 86 because
5:51
it was a neat split you know the split in the movement
5:53
in 86 when they voted to recognize Leinster
5:55
Hallistaller
5:57
and so that was a kind of a neat thing but I mean the
5:59
people I spoke to
5:59
they were talking about the 90s, actually supervised
6:02
the rain unions like this is turning into journalism,
6:04
not history, you know, it's getting a bit too recent.
6:06
It's a fine line. Yeah. And I think as well,
6:08
you know, just like we were speaking
6:11
before the recording about the legacy cases and,
6:13
you know,
6:14
people can obviously that that can
6:16
still happen. You can still be prosecutors or statute of
6:18
limitations.
6:19
I think people in the South or more were wary about
6:21
that because even
6:23
though there has been, you know, post post
6:25
ceasefire prosecutions in Swan in the North,
6:27
there is a bit of a
6:28
sort of understanding that it was almost an amnesty.
6:31
I mean, it was the official secret amnesty letters, but
6:33
also that, you know,
6:34
people are a bit more open to talk in the North, whereas
6:36
in the South,
6:37
it was never anything like that, you know, so I think
6:39
people are still much more wary
6:42
to talk about what happened in the South. Yeah,
6:44
I guess they don't want to expose themselves.
6:46
So your first book then came out in 2019, I
6:48
know, specifically was it 1969, 79?
6:52
Yeah, I kind of like it says 80 on the title,
6:55
but I didn't go into 80 really, you
6:57
know, it was just it
6:59
was just kind of a neat,
7:01
more of a kind of a stylistic reason
7:03
to have it as 80. But, you know, the second
7:05
book really takes off and goes into 80 in detail.
7:08
But yeah, I mean, like, you know, after
7:10
after the PhD,
7:11
I worked, you know, like in a non non
7:14
academia field, I was just working away and went
7:16
back and kind of
7:18
did it. And I decided to break it up and
7:20
do it because, you know, the thesis
7:22
was obviously pretty detailed, but I wanted to go into
7:24
more detail and expand out
7:27
certain things, you know, and kind of make it a bit
7:29
more,
7:29
more of a narrative, basically. So break
7:32
it up into different decades. But
7:34
was there a reason you kind of decided to
7:37
release these two volumes? No,
7:39
to be honest, it was really, you know, I
7:41
mean, the troubles being 30 years, it just
7:43
kind of made sense to break it up into into three
7:45
decades. There was no, you know, I mean,
7:48
there was nothing significant that really happened at the end
7:50
of 79 to the breakup. It was actually
7:53
just to have it as you know, well, if I'm going to do kind
7:55
of several volumes, I might
7:58
as well break it up there, say, because, you know,
7:59
otherwise you're kind of looking for, you know, you
8:02
could do it in a way of like, okay, I'll end at the hunger
8:04
strikes, or you know, I'll end that, the kind of reorganization
8:07
of the IRA in 75, 76. But
8:09
no, I think it was just, it was
8:11
just really, you
8:12
know, doing a by decade.
8:15
We then got straight into it. And I asked
8:18
Geroge if he believed that the Irish government
8:20
did enough during the troubles to curtail
8:22
the rise of republicanism and paramilitaries.
8:28
The short answer, yes, I think they did.
8:31
You know, and I can expand on that. I
8:33
think there's
8:35
a lot an awful lot they can be criticized
8:37
for on both sides, you know, you can say, well, they didn't
8:40
do enough to do x or y, or you
8:42
could say, well, they curtail civil liberties
8:44
to an alarming extent, you know, in a way
8:46
that we've never actually got back, you know, it's, and
8:48
so I think that they can be criticized on both
8:51
sides a lot.
8:52
But they had to walk a very, very,
8:55
you know, tight rope,
8:58
and throughout the conflict.
9:00
Because, you know, on the one side, you had unionists
9:03
and nor and the British are breeding down their
9:05
necks about issues like extradition, which they didn't
9:07
do until, you know, nearly 15 years
9:09
into the conflict, or
9:11
actually 15 years into the conflict, you know,
9:14
and they didn't, you
9:16
know, they were giving more lenient sentences, things
9:18
like this, there was a lot of criticisms like that. But
9:20
at the same time,
9:22
people in the south,
9:23
and you saw this when extradition actually happened, it
9:26
was one of the few things that could really
9:28
kind of galvanize the population of the
9:30
south in opposition to your
9:32
in support, let's say, of republicanism
9:35
in a way that only something like massively
9:37
impactful and kind of time specific like Congress
9:39
writes a bloody Sunday could do, like people
9:42
were willing to put up with a lot of, you
9:44
know, things like special criminal court, jury list courts,
9:47
you know, people going to jail just
9:49
on the word of a superintendent, but other than the evidence being
9:51
proffered, people were willing to put up with that kind
9:53
of stuff. But there was a it was always a line
9:55
that they would not put up with anymore, you know,
9:57
and extradition was one for in
10:00
a decade. And so the government, successive
10:02
governments, I think, walked,
10:05
you know, and successfully walked that tightrope,
10:08
that they didn't, you know, they didn't
10:11
go too far in terms of,
10:14
let's say,
10:16
being lenient to Republicans.
10:18
And at the same time, they didn't go so far
10:21
as to kind of turn the state into
10:23
the type of state that the North was at the time, you know,
10:26
in terms of the containment of civil liberties.
10:29
As I had recently covered an episode on Frank Stagg
10:31
this season, we began talking about how the
10:34
Irish government handles the funerals of the early
10:36
hunger strikers.
10:39
The thing about that, right, you know, you look
10:41
at the kind of procession that happened in 74 for
10:44
Michael Balgan and that kind of crossed the country. But
10:46
did it change anything?
10:48
You know, it's like,
10:49
could they not just have let that happen? Because
10:52
it's not
10:53
changing anything. At the end of the day, the people who were going to come
10:55
out,
10:57
like, I think, I agree,
10:59
I think they handled it very
11:01
badly. And
11:02
they actually probably caused more
11:05
people to turn, you know, against the
11:07
government and towards the populism by the way they handle
11:09
it, then if they just let it happen, it would have looked bad,
11:11
would look very bad optics.
11:13
But
11:14
I think that, you know, after a week,
11:16
would that not have just died down again?
11:18
I guess it was probably their relationship
11:20
with the British government. British government were probably saying,
11:22
you know, for like the likes of Paisley up in Northwood, you know, be like,
11:25
well, they're there, look at this, they're allowing this. And
11:27
so, you know, and handed basically the area great
11:30
propaganda cue,
11:31
you know, afterwards when they, when they reinterred
11:33
the body, right?
11:37
One such example of the Irish government trying
11:39
to take action against Republicans was the introduction
11:42
of the Special Criminal Court in 1972. I ask
11:44
Eiraj why this came about.
11:50
Yeah, so what had happened was up
11:52
until, let's say from 70, 71, and then into May 72,
11:57
you know, the troubles, well, they were well kicked
11:59
off by 72.
11:59
too, but there was stuff happening in the South,
12:02
training camps and weapons and, you
12:04
know, jell-ignite stores being raided and quarries
12:06
and things like this.
12:07
And so people were, you know,
12:09
with increasing regularity, people were
12:12
appearing in court in the South, in
12:14
which every county in the South for IRA activity,
12:17
but they were appearing in district courts
12:19
because that was the way it was run.
12:21
And my membership at the time, I think,
12:23
was six years. It was quickly brought up
12:25
to two years later in the 70s. It was brought up to
12:27
seven years. But
12:30
in those years, in 70, 71, early 72, when they were appearing
12:32
in, you know, and you can
12:35
find this in the newspapers and I give quite a few
12:38
examples in them in the first book, when they
12:40
were appearing in court, these people, they were often
12:42
being acquitted by judges for, you
12:44
know, a lack of evidence or various
12:46
things.
12:47
And
12:49
often, you know, particularly in Loud
12:51
and in Monaghan and in Donegal, the
12:53
judges would go up afterwards and shake their hand
12:56
or the juries would cheer and line
12:58
up to shake their hand afterwards.
13:00
So you know, the point is, is that
13:02
when the special criminal court was introduced, it
13:04
wasn't because there
13:06
was jury intimidation. There was one single
13:08
case of jury intimidation in the three years up
13:10
to that introduction, but there was numerous
13:12
cases of juries and judges
13:15
just acquitting people and afterwards congratulating
13:18
them. So you know, the introduction
13:21
of it, you know, as I say, the constitution
13:23
actually had it that they had to prove that they had failed
13:25
due to intimidation and, you know,
13:28
that we couldn't get juries because people were too afraid.
13:30
Whereas it was actually the opposite way around. And they were challenged
13:33
by Noel Brown, who was a TD at the time and another
13:35
TD to provide the evidence for
13:37
the introduction. And they just, they just barreled
13:39
through and just passed it. What actually
13:41
happened was Jack Lynch, who was Taoiseach at
13:43
the time, was pressured by the British government. The
13:46
embassy, the British ambassador provided
13:48
Jack Lynch with a list of judges that he
13:50
had gotten from looking at newspaper reports and said,
13:53
these people are too in favour of the IRA.
13:55
Now, you know, we can't draw an exact line because
13:57
we don't know what private conversations took place after.
14:00
that you know that it was the British to force
14:02
him but that is the fact that he was presented with
14:04
this list of judges
14:06
and subsequently um
14:08
the the special criminal court was introduced and as you
14:10
say it was emergency legislation which is why it has to be
14:12
renewed every single year to the present.
14:15
Yeah I didn't know that at all fascinating very
14:17
interesting and I guess again this is this was
14:19
introduced early 70s so there still would have been a lot of
14:21
um
14:22
sympathy for the IRA I guess this was before some
14:25
of the larger bombings that would kind of change the public
14:27
opinion you know. Yeah yeah I
14:29
mean it was basically um
14:31
it came on up until like
14:34
pre pre bloody Friday let's say which would have been you
14:36
know the first of the kind of there
14:38
was there were several you know basically bad you know
14:40
atrocities before that but police Friday
14:42
was the one I think that sticks in people's minds as being
14:44
and it is you know in terms of just a number of people
14:47
killed and injured one of the worst IRA acts
14:49
of the troubles. Yeah.
14:52
We then started talking about whether the Irish government
14:54
should have intervened in Northern Ireland as
14:56
the violence began to escalate. You know
14:58
it's funny like as
15:01
I say you know my mother's from from the north
15:03
and I live in Belfast and you know I speak
15:05
to a lot of people and they do have this view they didn't
15:07
do enough and I and as I've
15:10
also said they walked a very tight line you know absolutely
15:13
what they did in 69 I don't
15:16
I don't know what they could have done I mean sending
15:18
troops over the border would have been the absolute
15:20
yeah the worst possible thing yeah
15:22
literally an act of war and you know and a terrible
15:25
thing they set up camps you know refugee
15:28
camps a very interesting word actually a very
15:31
loaded word people I spoke to down here and
15:34
funnily enough it was there was one woman
15:36
I interviewed and from Belfast
15:38
and she fled with her husband and their kids
15:40
and they're on Springfield Road
15:43
in 71 I think
15:45
and they were staying when they first got down here
15:47
they stayed with
15:48
Christy Moore's mother she put them up
15:50
in Kildare
15:51
she was a finnegeal counselor but she
15:54
said never let anyone call you a refugee
15:56
because you're in your own country refugee
15:58
is someone from a different country so So it also
16:00
just shows the ambiguity. You
16:03
can't just say all finigalers are partitionists
16:05
or free statists or things like that. It's a
16:07
very nuanced stem once you actually get into
16:09
it. Even I don't like it. It's easier
16:11
to think in terms of blocks, but it's
16:13
not the case.
16:15
The topic of the Dublin-Mannahan bombings then came
16:17
up, and how the bombings were carried out by loyalists
16:20
in an attempt to turn public opinion against
16:22
the IRA.
16:24
Yeah, I think that's certainly
16:26
true, and that was exactly why they did it right,
16:28
and they did it in 72 as well.
16:30
Well, they did it in 72 actually, and
16:34
the Barrett report shows this, that there was almost
16:37
certainly there was British involvement in the 72 bombing,
16:40
probably 74 as well. And 72
16:41
was, you know,
16:44
literally those bombs exploded as they were debating
16:47
an extension to the Offences Against the State
16:49
Act and the Dail. They heard the bombs explode as
16:52
they were voting on this, and that vote was
16:54
not going to pass. It
16:55
was definitely not going to pass. Fina Fahl, Fina
16:57
Fahl who were in power time were actually going to vote against it,
17:00
and the bombs went off, and it
17:03
subsequently passed. So there's
17:05
a lot of questions about that, and why
17:08
those bombs happened at the times that
17:10
they happened.
17:12
Though he didn't write it in the book, Gerog
17:14
believed that though there was a narrative in the media that
17:16
many people in the Republic of Ireland didn't support
17:18
Republicans during the Troubles, in his
17:21
eyes there was a lot more nuance to it.
17:24
But I think while certainly
17:27
yes, a lot of people were turned off by the violence
17:29
and didn't want to know about it, I
17:31
think it's a bit over-egged. And I think,
17:34
you know, this is a kind of, it's not something I talk
17:36
about much in the books, it's more of a theory that
17:40
is a bit more conceptual and you know,
17:42
you want to just give a narrative of the Troubles. But
17:45
like, I'll give you an example. The four years I was
17:47
doing my PhD, you
17:49
know, you're living a normal life, you're kind of going
17:51
to college, you know, you're visiting friends in different places,
17:54
you're
17:54
going to shops, you're going traveling, you're going
17:56
to the hospital and you're sick and stuff. You're
17:59
interacting with a lot of people. as you do as you live a normal
18:01
life. Any time it came up that I
18:03
was studying when I was studying, you know someone would say, oh
18:05
what do you do when I would say I'm doing this? People
18:07
would suddenly talk and they would, because
18:09
I think because of what you were studying they felt that
18:12
almost they were on safe ground and the stories
18:14
you would get from people, just normal
18:17
people, middle class, working class people, I
18:20
think belies the extent to which
18:22
we think that people in the south
18:24
weren't interested and didn't have pro-republican
18:26
sympathies. And I think if
18:29
you think about the 70s, 80s,
18:31
90s, up to the present day digital media has changed
18:33
a bit, but there is a kind of, there's a
18:36
trend we'll say within the
18:38
media which is typically
18:40
kind of, it's centrist,
18:43
but it veers a bit towards
18:45
anti-republicanism and I think there's a class
18:48
issue in that, oh and I think that's something
18:50
we could talk about, but I think
18:53
that gives a bit of a
18:55
skewed perception of people's general
18:57
attitudes and I think the kind of person
18:59
then that would be, let's say a columnist
19:02
for the Irish Times or the Irish Independent or
19:04
something, who will never, will
19:07
say, well look, the people I talk to they
19:09
don't have any of this kind of a view, it's like, but that's because
19:11
you're known as someone who
19:14
has an anti-republican bias, so
19:16
why would anyone open up to you? Whereas,
19:19
you know, me who was just very careful to never
19:21
have any opinion either way when I spoke to people, I
19:23
don't mean during my research back to when I just spoke
19:26
to people in daily life about what I was
19:28
studying, so I didn't know where they sat, almost
19:30
invariably they would come up with kind
19:32
of pro-republican type stories or comments
19:35
or remarks and I found that just fascinating
19:37
because that was not at all the
19:40
perception I had.
19:42
One of the most interesting takes that Garroge had was
19:45
in relation to class
19:46
and how republican paramilitary membership has changed
19:49
from lower middle class to working class.
19:52
To be honest this entire topic merits an episode
19:54
in itself, but we'll leave that to another day.
19:58
Let's say like if you look at the 50s and you're look
20:00
at people like Shahn South, Fergal Handlin
20:02
and you just look at the kind of even
20:04
something like fashion and
20:07
you know and if fashion goes over time you
20:09
look at the 50s and it was kind of more common to wear
20:11
a shirt it was more common to wear a tie and things
20:13
like this and then and let's
20:15
say you just kind of jump ahead to the present day
20:18
and you look at an Easter parade and it's
20:21
a lot of tracksuits you know and that's the
20:23
kind of uniform. I
20:25
think one the kind of the perception
20:28
of the class that was involved in republicanism
20:31
changed and I think the 60s was that kind
20:33
of pivotal time that it changed
20:36
where it was kind of you know your view of the
20:38
1920s not your but like one's view of the
20:40
1920s would be lower middle class it
20:43
was actually a lot more that than working class
20:45
you know that's what studies have shown it's kind of clerks and
20:48
you know people working at the kind of that
20:51
kind of lower level you know within merchants and
20:53
and so on and
20:55
then I think by the 60s
20:57
by the late 60s then you know and where
21:00
it broke out and it broke out in a place that you
21:02
know among a people that were kind of
21:04
had 50 years of job discrimination
21:06
and unemployment in what was also
21:09
typically an industrial area so
21:11
that the the kind of particularly in the
21:13
north no not in the south that's something I talk about in the book
21:16
well particularly in the north then the
21:18
the demographic of who was involved in republicanism
21:20
was almost entirely active republic
21:22
as I'll say instead of the kind of support based almost
21:25
entirely working class
21:27
and I think
21:29
it's almost it's easier to demonize those people
21:32
those people are probably less able to articulate
21:34
their own views and and defend their own views
21:37
you know when coming up against someone who's let's say third
21:39
level educated from you know who went to trinity
21:42
and and has a platform i.e you know
21:44
like a newspaper to talk about it and
21:46
I think you know you had three decades where that
21:48
was able to happen and those people you
21:50
know and you've you've kind of stand out like Danny Morrison
21:53
who came from that working class Belfast background but
21:55
is just
21:56
a very very sharp mind and a very articulate
21:58
guy but
21:59
they
22:00
They weren't in the minority outside they weren't they
22:02
were in the minority and they had very few platforms
22:05
to do so
22:06
So I think
22:07
I think it was easier to demonize those
22:09
people
22:10
because they were because of that class
22:12
I think it's it's easier to demonize work
22:14
cast people But you can almost throw out a hot take on
22:16
that like that if you look at the likes of Sinn Féin now like
22:18
Sinn Féin
22:19
I've been lambasted for a long time in
22:22
Irish politics now again Of course because they'd had
22:24
a direct pipeline to the paramilitaries
22:27
but but you know the Sinn Féin image has changed
22:29
so much in the last 15-20 years and almost
22:32
into I'm
22:35
just a different kind of you know that they're I hate
22:37
to say the word polished You know, but they're kind of I
22:39
know they're appealing to younger generations now We don't remember
22:41
what what happened I guess but at the same time They're
22:44
really polishing their image and
22:46
maybe trying to not look like
22:48
Working class and again, this is all hypothetical
22:51
stuff, but it does kind of it's a really good point
22:53
So I'm always fascinated with class and
22:55
the troubles and because I think they really
22:57
do go hand in hand, you know Yeah,
23:00
well, I mean you're right You know, I mean like
23:02
Chuck to Garmani as a kind
23:04
of a jive at Sinn Féin that's 30 20 years old now
23:06
It probably is
23:07
and
23:08
And it's it is a debate I think that those kind
23:11
of debates happen within Sinn Féin
23:13
in the 90s and early 2000s It was look we have to
23:15
play them at their game You know We're not gonna we're
23:17
not gonna convince people otherwise like we have to we
23:20
have to do these kind of things in order to To
23:22
be able to get more of a platform in order to espouse
23:24
our views because if we just keep kind of you
23:26
know Being
23:27
yeah being kind of
23:29
and the way we are and speaking the way we aren't speaking
23:31
bluntly the way we do We're only convincing
23:34
our own people, you know, whereas you have
23:36
to convince the others
23:39
We then started talking about the provisional IRA
23:41
at where things lay as we went into the 80s
23:44
and how they Restructured with the phasing
23:46
out of brigades and the introduction of active
23:48
service units Okay
23:51
Yeah coming into the 80s
23:54
Just to go back then a few years to explain what
23:57
they were coming into the 80s was that you had
23:59
the ceasefire 75 76 which You
24:03
know, there's a bit of revisionism about it now Like
24:05
the traditional view is that it was a disaster for the
24:08
IRA people say well, it wasn't so bad I
24:10
think it was you know, they they were on ceasefire.
24:12
They broke it occasionally and
24:14
particularly with sectarian attacks It was a tip
24:16
for tap and with loyalists
24:18
at the time and which a
24:21
lot of them we now know and that's come out Is that
24:23
they were it was it was British agents involved
24:25
in that what the what the British were
24:27
in? interested in at the time and again,
24:29
this is What these things
24:31
are like the rotten opinion. This is just you know, this
24:34
is the traditional accepted You know We have records of
24:36
this now with the British were interested
24:38
in when they were engaged in talks which in feign
24:40
in 75 76 They were
24:42
kind of leading them on,
24:43
you know, oh, yeah, we might you know, we're we're talking We're thinking
24:46
about a withdrawal an announcement for withdrawal
24:48
and so on
24:49
but what they were actually doing, you know And and
24:51
Republicans within the movement were warning about
24:53
this at the time. They were building the
24:56
H blocks these massive
24:57
and
24:58
You know when you see it from the air to H blocks a huge
25:01
structure, you know infrastructure of prisons
25:04
and prison buildings and You
25:06
know some people were saying look they're not planning on going anywhere
25:09
They were phasing out internment and terminendent 76
25:12
and what they were doing was there was it was a kind
25:15
of several prongs approach one was to split the
25:18
Iron chin feign because and it nearly
25:20
did split over because some people want that you know
25:22
believed in At the British were negotiating
25:25
in good faith and others didn't so
25:27
there was that like really big divide
25:29
And it did the movement
25:31
didn't split afterwards in a formal sense,
25:33
but it did split in terms of people fell out
25:36
and
25:37
the other thing they were doing was building up their intelligence
25:39
on the IRA because people who had been on the
25:41
run for years and have been watching their backs
25:43
and you know I've been in the south and so on were
25:45
suddenly walking the streets and the
25:47
British were keeping tabs on everyone They were building up
25:50
a huge database the likes that they didn't have previously
25:54
On who was a Republican who was talking to who
25:56
and so on
25:57
and the order if you don't want me
25:59
sites in drugs
25:59
there but so how would they do that in Ireland?
26:02
In the Royaltyco Ireland then?
26:04
Oh no sorry I'm just talking about the the North and
26:06
that in that sense. Okay okay. Yeah although
26:08
there was intelligence sharing between
26:10
Britain and Ireland at the time. Britain
26:13
always felt that the South wasn't
26:15
giving them enough and the South was
26:17
very begrudging about it and I think it was
26:19
an element of pride in that. You know it's like well look you
26:22
know you're the traditional enemy like don't tell us how
26:24
to do our job and and I think you know and some of
26:26
them also they may not have been pro-Republican
26:28
but they weren't pro-British you know
26:31
and yeah of course they're humans at the end of the day.
26:33
But the third thing then and this worked
26:35
for the North and the South, people
26:38
got used to peace.
26:39
You know it was easy to support
26:42
the IRA when the British
26:44
were
26:44
in your streets you know beating you up taking
26:47
your name harass and you you
26:48
know
26:49
all this kind of stuff. When they backed
26:52
off a bit and when there wasn't bombs going off there wasn't
26:54
shootings you know on the father's road for example
26:56
people obviously got used to that. They didn't
26:58
want to go back to that to the violence and
27:01
that was part it was to drag it out to such a
27:03
point that their own community would stop supporting
27:05
them.
27:06
So this is just a yeah
27:08
this is a bit of a long answer but
27:10
when the ceasefire broke down then in
27:13
early 1976 the IRA went went
27:15
back to the conflict. 1977 was their lowest point in
27:18
terms of just in terms of activity in terms
27:21
of you know what they would consider successful activity
27:23
in terms of you know
27:25
attacks on the British army attacks on the RUC
27:27
and the economic bombing campaign.
27:29
So they were they were at
27:31
almost at a collapsing point in 1977
27:34
and then you had a massive restructuring that's where the
27:36
active service units came in the brigade structure
27:39
was was gotten rid of accepting
27:41
people say accepting South Armad but also accepting Kerry.
27:44
Yeah
27:46
yeah and Kerry there was so many of them and
27:48
for the same reason people say when South Armad was
27:50
such a strong pro-republican
27:53
you know that whole. Yeah
27:55
same thing happened in Kerry.
27:58
Yeah
27:58
so they just kept
27:59
They just kept at it. They said, yeah, yeah, we'll do this and
28:02
just went their own way. But
28:05
typical carry.
28:06
But so going into the 80s, that was it. Like
28:09
it was restructured, much more
28:11
slimmed down organization. They
28:13
didn't need the number of volunteers. They had nearly
28:15
70s, you had hundreds. Belfast had
28:17
a couple of hundred getting involved. They didn't need that
28:20
anymore. You know, they needed kind of,
28:22
you still had a large support, like
28:25
community around it, safe houses, things like
28:27
this, intelligence. But
28:28
the actual active volunteers going
28:30
out, doing the bombing shooting,
28:32
they were able to slim that down to several hundreds
28:34
across the entirety of the
28:36
island.
28:37
Slim it down, tighten it up, I guess. Slim it down,
28:39
yeah, tighten it up. And no, we know that
28:41
that didn't work so well in terms of leaks
28:45
and informers and so on and British
28:47
agents, but that was the intention. But
28:50
they were at a kind of a very low point
28:52
in terms of weapons
28:53
by
28:54
the late 1970s. Libyan
28:57
weapons came in the early in 72, 73. You
29:00
had weapons always coming in piecemeal from America.
29:03
Still, you know, like throughout the 30 years,
29:06
there was a
29:07
failed shipment that came in that was supposed to
29:09
come in from Belgium. There was one
29:11
from Amsterdam in Ireland, Netherlands in 73, and
29:14
then a big one from Belgium in 77.
29:17
And there was actually in Dublin, there
29:19
was a man who was killed, was shot
29:21
in a pub,
29:22
as a result of that leak.
29:24
In 70, I think
29:26
it was 78,
29:28
and just after by the liberties,
29:30
he was shot. And a guy went
29:32
to the life sentence for murder in
29:34
the 80s.
29:35
He confessed to it.
29:37
So that was a big weapons shipment that was supposed
29:39
to come in and it didn't, but they did get a few
29:42
successful, like they got, the first time they got
29:44
general purpose machine guns was 1978. They
29:47
were stolen, stolen, you know, appropriated
29:50
from a Marine base in the US, probably
29:52
by
29:53
Irish American soldiers.
29:55
And they were brought over and they were
29:57
unveiled at the, I think was the
29:59
Easter.
30:00
commemoration
30:01
in 1978 in Derry.
30:04
So going into the 80s, yeah
30:07
much more slimmed down, much more kind of,
30:11
I would say like, it
30:13
wasn't kind of a spasmodic campaign of you know
30:15
just attack where you can when you can. It was more
30:18
you know and planning going into things and
30:21
the attack on the paratroopers and war point at the
30:23
end of 1979 demonstrates that it was the
30:25
largest single loss of life in British Army
30:27
since the Second World War. But
30:29
they didn't have a lot of the
30:31
weapons that they wanted in order
30:34
to kind of know that they knew what they were doing and they had
30:36
this thing
30:37
they needed kind of high grade modern weaponry.
30:39
They didn't have an awful lot of that going
30:42
into the 80s.
30:43
And they didn't have much money I'd say to buy it as well.
30:45
No, no money was always a problem, always
30:47
a problem for us. And this is what I talk
30:50
about in the first book. In
30:52
my view, the the
30:54
area was bankroll, not by the South now, but
30:56
a lot by the South and the North. In the North
30:58
you had the social clubs and you
31:00
had things like car parks, which doesn't sound
31:02
like much. But you know, as I said
31:04
to me, if you just kind of put down on the books that
31:07
you know you made 12 grand in terms
31:09
of you know car parks and in
31:11
a week, but you actually made 20, then that's eight grand
31:14
you can siphon off a week to you know through movement.
31:16
So it does add up a lot. But in the South
31:19
it was bank robberies, or rather
31:21
armed robberies, so post offices as well.
31:24
That was just a what's just saying your book it was like
31:26
there was like was around 250 in
31:28
one year or something or it was a huge number. Yeah,
31:30
yeah.
31:31
Now not all of those were the IRA. Like yeah, like
31:33
you say, like you're literally talking about one more
31:35
than one every second day, but that would be in the newspaper
31:38
and robbery.
31:39
Now when I say most about
31:42
maybe 40% of them were the IRA. But
31:44
all of the big,
31:46
the exception of one or two all of the big and
31:49
robberies, because some of them might be 200 pounds
31:51
stolen.
31:52
But all of the big ones you know we're talking like 10 grand
31:54
plus up to you know quarter of a million. They
31:56
were all the IRA.
31:58
And that was
31:59
now it was
31:59
was units based in the south, some of those were
32:02
people from the north, a lot of them were people from the south,
32:04
because that was their role. Your role was
32:06
to provide training and your role was to
32:08
provide funding.
32:10
Okay, and I'm curious, I guess
32:12
it varies, but around this time
32:14
would they be making similar amounts
32:17
coming in from the US do you think? Or was it
32:19
the vast majority was robberies in the south?
32:22
The vast majority was robberies. The America,
32:25
money was coming in regularly from the
32:27
likes of NORAID.
32:30
And you know, there's a big debate, well, did NORAID give
32:32
money to the IRA? And you
32:34
know, I think they did, but that can't be proven.
32:36
But even if they didn't, if NORAID
32:38
was giving money to the Prisoners Dependents Fund,
32:40
for example, that meant that that money
32:43
that was being raised for prisoners could go to the IRA.
32:45
You know, it basically was an offsetting measure.
32:47
Yeah, going through another mayor or whatever. Exactly.
32:53
Just a quick note to say that if you are enjoying this podcast
32:55
and want to support it, you can do so over at patreon.com
32:58
forward slash the troubles podcast.
33:01
I've been filling up the private Patreon feed for over
33:03
three years now, and have a huge amount of Patreon
33:05
exclusive content for you to check out. Each
33:08
episode gets its own companion video where I talk
33:10
about what's happening in Northern Ireland right now, as
33:12
well as some additional details that came up after
33:15
the release of the episode.
33:17
I also have some Patreon only episodes,
33:19
such as one all about the troubles in popular culture
33:22
and the songs that came out of that period.
33:24
And just last week, I released a Patreon exclusive
33:26
interview with Kevin Owens, who was in the Irish
33:29
Army patrolling the Irish border in the 90s,
33:31
and he had some very interesting stories to tell. If
33:34
you have been enjoying this podcast over the last few
33:36
seasons, and would like to help me turn this into
33:38
a full time job,
33:40
you can do so over at patreon.com forward
33:42
slash the troubles podcast.
33:44
Thank you.
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35:04
I then asked Gerard how the IRA got their
35:07
explosives during this period and I found
35:09
the answer fascinating. Gerard Cooke,
35:11
IRA The vast majority of explosives were coming from the south
35:13
but it was homemade. So in the early
35:15
70s, the 70-71 kind of dried up by 72 but 70-71, we're talking
35:18
about every quarry,
35:23
every council place and council
35:25
building in the south was being raided for gelignite.
35:28
So that commercial explosive, it dried
35:30
up by 72 because legislation was brought in. So
35:35
for example,
35:35
this is a mad thing.
35:37
Up until 1972, anyone
35:39
who was a rate payer, so like
35:41
anyone who owned a property, could go into their
35:44
local council. So you go to Ennis or
35:46
Clare County Council and they had to give you
35:48
a list of everywhere in the county
35:50
that stored explosives.
35:52
Wow, okay. Yeah,
35:57
and so people just knew exactly
35:59
everywhere.
35:59
that explosives are being held and so they
36:02
were all being stolen. They were, you know, they're
36:04
obviously being used as explosive but sometimes
36:06
they were captured and the gel ignite which, you
36:08
know, they're sticks, they look like a
36:10
stick of dynamite, it's kind of yellowishy colour.
36:12
And it would say, you know, it would have a stamp on it, you know, of
36:14
the County Council. So
36:17
the British understandably were born to their governments. What
36:20
the hell are you doing here? You know, you need to heighten up.
36:22
So there was the two big mines in Ireland.
36:24
The
36:26
two ones that I talk about are the Aurigna
36:28
mines, which is up in so Rothkam
36:30
and Leechham
36:31
and Leechham.
36:33
And then you have the Silver mines in
36:35
Tipperary.
36:38
And that was, I mean, that was happening all throughout the 70s
36:40
as well into the 80s where as you say, people were bringing
36:42
home sticks in their lunch boxes. Several
36:44
soldiers went to jail and did hard
36:47
labour because they were actually, they
36:49
were tasked with searching the miners
36:51
and protecting the mines. They were stealing them. And
36:54
yeah, that case I mentioned in the book is
36:56
that in 82,
36:57
they discovered that there was a massive
37:00
raid on the mine and they took all
37:02
these commercial explosives and they
37:04
were some of them were discovered in the north, but a lot of them
37:06
were actually just put to use. And the Irish
37:08
government warned the British government that about
37:11
this raid, and it was considered, I mean, they use
37:13
the term mission impossible, you know, they went
37:15
down a kind of an adjacent
37:17
mine and actually went, you know, underground for
37:20
a mile or so or half a mile to this
37:22
place, locked up everything,
37:24
but took you know, the exact amount they took.
37:26
And they also took the kind of corresponding
37:29
number of detonators that you would need. So it's a really
37:31
kind of meticulously planned out thing. But
37:34
I came across this story in the newspapers
37:36
when I was doing research back for the PhD.
37:38
And it was only a couple of months before that I'd been interviewing
37:41
a fella from
37:43
monster.
37:44
And he told me about this case.
37:46
He didn't mention that he just said all it was a time where
37:49
you know, we were
37:51
exposed for being taken out regularly lunchboxes.
37:54
And the foreman was not doing his job properly
37:57
in terms of inventory. So when he finally did
37:59
do an inventory, it was all this gone. So
38:01
he actually went and reported that it was a big raid, rather
38:03
than admit that he hadn't done inventory for several months.
38:06
So I don't know what the truth is, but I came across the
38:08
newspaper thing and said, this is the story he was
38:10
telling me about.
38:12
And then there was something else that I think you mentioned then.
38:15
So again,
38:16
you'll know this better
38:18
than I do, but I guess was there
38:20
a movement then to
38:22
change the makeup of fertilizer so that the
38:24
fertilizer that can be used to make bombs couldn't
38:27
be used to make bombs anymore. Was that kind of
38:29
the standards across Ireland change or something? Or how did that
38:31
work?
38:32
Yeah. And it's a kind of
38:34
a mad story about that as well, which is similar to
38:37
what I just mentioned Sunday.
38:39
In the early seventies, they discovered
38:41
that the IRA discovered it was Jack McCabe who was
38:43
the first quartermaster for visual IRA. He
38:45
was actually killed making explosives.
38:48
He was cooking fertilizers.
38:50
So you're boiling it. But what it okay. Yeah.
38:52
I mean, it's it's find this online probably
38:55
be the FBI will find you as well. But yeah, so
38:57
you get it. You get it. And it's like, it's
39:00
like granule. If you ever
39:02
see, you see fertilizer, you put it in a trough
39:04
and you heat it on a very, very low heat
39:07
and you keep turning it.
39:09
And what the heat does is it burns off
39:12
all the stuff that you don't need. So you've
39:15
you've ammonium nitrate and
39:17
it basically gets rid of what you're left at
39:19
the end is little tiny white
39:21
granules
39:22
and you mix that with oil. And
39:25
then and that's what you have. That's what you
39:27
get your explosives. But that's an interesting idea. All
39:29
you have to do is ignite that. And
39:32
yeah,
39:34
you need something to set it off. And so
39:37
in the early seventies, the gel ignite I
39:39
mentioned that commercial explosive in mind, they were there
39:41
was so much of that that they were blowing
39:43
that up, you know, and then when that started drying
39:46
up, they were still able to get small amounts of it throughout
39:48
the seventies. But they were using that as a
39:50
booster basically. Like a primer. Yeah. Yeah.
39:52
A primer. Exactly. Because they sort of stuff needs
39:55
something like that. I need the high sharp
39:57
shock. Yeah,
39:58
you can't just hold it. You can't hold a master. Exactly.
40:01
Yeah, they do it with Semtex,
40:02
you can throw that into a fire, campfire, it
40:05
just burn all night.
40:06
Probably won't test that out. No, I know.
40:09
I know the guy when he told me, he's very brave, he did
40:11
that. So what happened
40:14
in the early 70s was they
40:17
discovered this method. And as I mentioned,
40:19
Jack McCabe, he was actually turning it and
40:21
he was using a shovel and the shovel
40:23
hit the concrete, caused a spark. So
40:25
exploded. He lingered for a
40:27
few days in the hospital. So
40:30
they found this way and at
40:32
the time, the
40:35
fertilizer in Ireland was almost 100%.
40:37
It had the ammonium
40:39
nitrate, it
40:41
was nearly 100%. And
40:44
calcium carbonate is the other makeup
40:47
of it. And so that's what you need. So
40:50
you're talking about you're getting really kind of bang
40:52
for your buck in terms of the amount that you
40:54
can convert into explosives. Now, the
40:56
reason for that seemingly is that the
40:58
Irish grass apparently doesn't have a very
41:01
high nitrogen amount.
41:03
And so and the cattle need this. So that's why there was
41:05
such a high amount of nitrate in this fertilizer.
41:08
So the British government put pressure on the
41:10
Irish government. And what they
41:12
did was they changed their fertilizer, the one
41:14
that was available in the north, they put pressure
41:16
on the Irish government to do the same. They
41:18
said, look, you know, and then they made a very good case
41:21
for that. You'd see him in 72 was
41:23
just bombings every single day nearly
41:25
in the Lord. So the Irish government
41:27
did change it, they brought it from about 98% ammonium nitrate
41:30
down to 74%.
41:32
And that cost huge
41:34
money, you know, you have to change your entire production line
41:37
and the material in them. There was a big
41:39
one in Wexford, huge fertilizer plantless,
41:41
this one somewhere else. So it's a huge cost.
41:44
And obviously, then the there's
41:46
less farmers need to buy more of it basically,
41:49
in order to continue, you know, providing
41:51
their cows with the amount of nitrogen they need for
41:53
dairy.
41:54
So there was a huge cost on the farmers, and
41:56
there was a huge cost on the government.
41:58
So in the late 70s, then And the British government
42:00
said, look, that's still too much. That 74 is still
42:02
too much.
42:03
You need to reduce it again. The Irish government pushed
42:05
back and they said, look, you know, we lost money.
42:08
We're still losing money hand over fist as a
42:10
result of these practices. So are our
42:12
farmers. We have to subsidize.
42:14
So they didn't want to do this. So the British government
42:16
said, well, look, let's work together on finding
42:19
a way to make the current fertilizer, to
42:22
make it in such a way that it can't be. You can't
42:24
extract the ammonium nitrate from it, turn it into
42:26
an explosive.
42:27
And the Irish government over the course of five
42:30
more years kind of hummed and hard, and sometimes
42:32
they were in favor of this and sometimes they, you
42:34
know, did a bit of R and D with the British government. And sometimes
42:36
they didn't. And I think a lot of that was due to the fact
42:38
that Irish governments,
42:40
quite a few changes of Irish government at the time,
42:42
each one had their own policies and so on. Yeah. And
42:45
then the hunger strikes, obviously that soured relations
42:47
for quite a while between the governments,
42:49
but
42:50
what happened was the British ended up pouring, you
42:53
know, the equivalent nowadays of tens of
42:55
millions into research into how
42:58
can we make the fertilizer in such a way that you can't
43:00
extract explosives? The Irish government
43:02
provided labs for them to do it as well. And they collaborated
43:04
with them in Ireland
43:06
and eventually, um,
43:07
in the, I think around 85,
43:10
they found a way, they said, okay, look, the
43:12
fertilizer now it's got a coating, basically a new
43:14
coating around each granule that you can't,
43:16
um,
43:17
you can't boil it down
43:19
now again,
43:20
before I ever came across this, I only came across that
43:22
a few years ago in the archives in London, about 10,
43:25
12 years ago, I was interviewing a guy
43:27
for the PhD
43:29
down here. He was, he was involved in the quartermaster department
43:31
in Sutter Command.
43:32
He just happened to mention just in passing
43:34
the story, he said, oh yeah, in the, in the eighties,
43:37
we went from boiling it to grinding it. And
43:39
he mentioned mangles. So those big industrial
43:41
things that you use when you're doing them, laundry,
43:44
you know, like flatten out, there's two rollers
43:46
and they flatten out something that you run into and he said
43:48
that we use mangles and industrial coffee
43:51
grinders. And I just filed that
43:53
away in the back of my head. That's interesting. What
43:55
happened in the British, um, when the British created
43:58
this new fertilizer, and I remember. reading it in the
44:00
report, it was just this eureka moment, they
44:02
said this can't be boiled but
44:04
there's one potential downside. They added
44:06
this caveat in the report, they said if
44:09
they're impacted in a certain way
44:11
it can break the coating and then you can actually
44:14
get at it. And they found this out because
44:16
I think they actually dropped some of the fertilizer
44:18
and on whatever way it dropped these
44:20
small little granules the coating was damaged.
44:23
So they said look,
44:25
don't tell anyone about this basically, like this is the one
44:27
way that,
44:28
and somehow the IRA found it out. So
44:30
all this nearly eight years of research,
44:33
tens of millions, all this energy going
44:36
into making this and the IRA said just stop
44:38
boiling it, we just got mangoes.
44:40
And they continued the same, and not just continued
44:42
the same, but the year after that was introduced
44:45
the largest bonds the IRA ever used
44:47
using homemade explosives were
44:49
detonated and discovered in the north. So
44:51
it had absolutely no impact
44:53
on their capabilities. So I wonder was
44:56
it just a really good research
44:58
and development unit of the IRA or was it
45:00
a little bit more than that? Was there obviously
45:03
some information that came down to them? Because
45:05
it's very interesting to
45:08
question which of the two it is.
45:10
You'd wonder and that was like
45:13
an arms race constantly throughout the troubles.
45:15
Anytime the British would have a countermeasure the IRA
45:17
would try and find a way around it and
45:19
so on. Whatever it is, a lot
45:21
of cases the British Army would only really be able
45:23
to research a
45:27
bomb after it's gone off and figure out
45:29
how do they detonate this. So it was always a
45:33
captain mouse game but the IRA in a lot of cases seemed
45:35
one step ahead.
45:36
It
45:40
did, yeah absolutely. What
45:43
I argue in the book is that,
45:46
and my belief is that the troubles
45:49
went on as long as they did because there was a
45:51
number we'll never know, like an unknown number but
45:53
a hugely significant proportion
45:56
of the population of the south
45:58
had sympathies for
46:00
for Republican, militant Republicanism.
46:03
But a large
46:04
percentage of that would be soft, you
46:06
know, would be kind of passive.
46:08
And that
46:09
that population particularly would be
46:12
seriously turned off,
46:13
you know, and you know, disgusted by by
46:16
the killing of Gary and would make those feelings
46:18
known
46:18
verbally to Republicans, but also by saying,
46:21
well, no, you can't use my land anymore. No, I'm
46:23
not going to, you know, help you out anymore.
46:25
So I think the 80s, the 80s was the worst
46:27
year in terms of character fatalities.
46:30
And
46:31
I think actually during the troubles, you know, not
46:33
just the IRA, but there was, there
46:34
was other killings. And I think that's because armed
46:37
robberies,
46:38
you know, it was people who were killed by kind of normal,
46:40
let's say, non non Republican
46:43
armed robbers as well, because I think
46:45
the IRA kind of introduced the gun into robberies.
46:49
A number of Irish Garde were also killed
46:51
by the IRA during the troubles. So I
46:53
put the question to garage if this hurt the IRA
46:56
cause.
46:58
Yeah, I mean, the killings like guy, I
47:00
remember I spoke to a fella, and he
47:03
said to me, you
47:04
know, we accepted that whenever a guard
47:06
was killed, and there was a strict rule within,
47:09
you know, the IRA is actual constitution, General
47:11
Standing Order number eight, was that if you ever
47:13
came up against soldiers,
47:16
Irish Army soldiers, or the guarantee,
47:19
what your priority was was to get away with
47:21
the cashier weapons and to escape. And
47:23
under no circumstances are you ever to engage.
47:26
Now part of that was pragmatic. Part
47:29
of it was you know, they didn't view them as the enemy. Some
47:31
people from the North and the South did, you
47:33
know, and that's a different story. But it
47:36
was pragmatic because they tried, they tried
47:38
to go up against the guards
47:41
in around about late 30s, early
47:43
40s, when you know, death was in power, and you had the Second
47:46
World War. And that's when you had the first offenses
47:48
against the state act, and the state just crushed
47:50
them, you
47:51
know, it executed several IRA members, and
47:53
it just in turn them just rounded up hundreds of them and
47:55
turn them into current.
47:56
And so the IRA knew that we can't do this, we can't
47:58
afford to take on the state
48:00
and you know one of the reasons that the South
48:03
never introduced the internment was they never had a strong
48:05
enough reason to and the IRA knew that
48:07
as well it's like if we start killing Garreds or we make
48:09
that a policy they'll introduce it and they'll crush
48:11
us so there was a very there was a very pragmatic
48:13
bent to it but yeah just to get
48:16
back to it there was a guy who was saying to me he said look we accepted
48:18
that if
48:19
Garred was killed the gloves came off
48:21
that was the term he used you know they
48:23
would round up every known republican within the area
48:26
and you'd be
48:27
beaten you'd just be beaten you know in the
48:30
station to the point of hospitalization as
48:32
has happened in many many occasions
48:34
and they accepted that so we you know we didn't
48:36
want that no it's like even someone who says
48:38
i don't care if Garred dies but i don't want them to because
48:40
yeah yeah and they've you know they're
48:42
gonna they're gonna find weapons that are in transit
48:45
because this person didn't know that they you know that
48:47
this was happening at times they were going about their
48:49
other public activity they're gonna find weapons
48:52
there also was the case of i guess the blind eye
48:55
you know but in maybe some cases i don't know where
48:57
to be but probably with the irish army as
48:59
well like
49:00
if they're not coming
49:01
for us on you know
49:04
i think there was many cases of just turning
49:06
the other way turning the other way those are heading north
49:08
across the border you know i don't know what you agree just for
49:10
you but i feel like that probably happened to go a bit
49:12
it did yeah absolutely i mean you
49:15
know down here i know people
49:17
it's people who would have been involved in the 50s so they
49:19
would have been kind of middle aged in the 70s 80s
49:22
and still involved but on the margins and Garred's
49:24
saying that saying look just don't do anything
49:27
blatant don't force me
49:28
to come after you
49:30
and that you know that was that was said to people
49:32
across the 26 counties
49:36
and you mentioned in your book that i guess port
49:38
leash prisoned and i guess this was probably in the wake
49:40
of i think was it the killing of garred d or was it the
49:42
targeting of
49:44
prison officers in port leash that suddenly
49:46
the
49:47
port leash prison guards just elected
49:49
the prison just became very severe
49:51
i don't know was it for all inmates or was it just for
49:54
uh paramilitary inmates or why why
49:56
was it like that was just a bad bad a
49:59
badly run prisoner or was it was
50:01
there just a lot of animosity between the two groups?
50:03
I think just to correct
50:05
one thing, they never paragated
50:08
wardens in Port Leish. The
50:11
chief warden was killed, and it was by
50:13
the IRA, but that was against
50:15
policy. So there
50:17
was a policy of never actually going after, because
50:20
they could make life very tough for
50:22
prisoners inside.
50:23
What
50:25
happened was things apparently got really
50:27
bad in 1976. It
50:29
was actually Martin Ferris said to me that he believes
50:31
that the Irish government, when they seen
50:34
the phasing out of special
50:36
category status, basically political prisoner status
50:38
in the North in 1976, and
50:41
then you had led to the dirty protest,
50:43
and the I'm sorry, the blanket, and then the dirty protest.
50:46
Ferris believes that the Irish government
50:48
were bringing their policies in line with
50:51
what was going on in the North.
50:52
So no more kind of toleration
50:54
of Republican trappings within the prison, whether
50:58
that's playing clothes or the ability to
51:00
drill in the square and have a military
51:03
structure within the prison.
51:04
So it was the 76s when it got very
51:06
bad, and you had a hunger strike in 77. You
51:09
had one in 75, but you had a big one in 77.
51:12
Quite a few people who were on that
51:14
hunger strike died in their early 40s.
51:17
People like Pat Ward from Donegal,
51:19
McBrody and Clare. Not
51:22
Hulconnel even, it was adjutant, the IRA. He
51:24
died very young, I believe it was because of the hunger
51:26
strike.
51:27
But it got very bad at that point.
51:30
Now, in fairness, you know, like,
51:32
well, there was a lot of kind of pressure,
51:34
you know, and brutality brought on
51:36
the Republican business. They were also trying to escape
51:38
an awful lot. I think so
51:41
the bomb importation, so on. So life was
51:43
very tough for the Warders as well.
51:45
But it got progressively
51:48
worse. It didn't get better. It got worse for about a decade.
51:50
And the visiting conditions were terrible.
51:53
You were maybe 12 foot away from
51:55
your family member. Those
51:58
visits cut short because...
51:59
people spoke Irish, any kind of criticism
52:02
of government that
52:04
be cut short. You had people who would travel from
52:07
Donegal back then, it was about a six hour trip
52:09
one way. And they would just be told,
52:12
no, you're not allowed to do your son today. Things like this.
52:14
So it was very bad within
52:16
the prison.
52:17
And
52:18
there was, as I say, brutality. And there
52:21
was a lot of strip searching.
52:23
Strip searching, I
52:25
think people might be familiar with this if you've ever seen the film
52:27
Hunger. But it's not as simple, take
52:30
your clothes off and stand there. It was a really brutal
52:32
exercise and you'd be spread over
52:34
and there. Yeah. And what they would deliberately
52:36
do is they would check your anus first
52:39
and then your mouth with the same gloves.
52:41
It was deliberate humiliation and
52:43
brutality. So, but
52:46
what ended up happening was this was very
52:48
well known. Amnesty were raising
52:50
this regularly.
52:53
The Irish Council of Civil Liberties were raising this regularly,
52:55
but it wasn't really, it wasn't getting traction.
52:57
The government didn't care. But what actually happened was
52:59
the Port Leish Prison Officers Association came
53:01
out and said, we don't want to do this. We're
53:04
being told to brutalize these people.
53:06
And if we don't, we're getting bullied within
53:08
our jobs. And
53:10
we're being called provolovers. And we're being, you know,
53:13
like it's being spread that we're actually sympathizes.
53:16
We don't want to have to do this kind of stuff. So
53:18
it was a really, really odd situation that was
53:20
happening in Port Leish, where apparently it was a small
53:22
number of wardens, senior
53:24
wardens who were directing this and guards
53:26
who were allowed coming drunk. That was
53:29
the accusation, but it was several priests
53:31
attested to this. Guards coming in drunk and
53:34
picking fights with the prisoners, you know, and
53:36
then attacking them like, you know, several guards
53:38
to one prisoner kind of thing and reading
53:40
out their letters and making fun of, you know, the letters
53:43
and the spelling within the letters and stuff like
53:45
this, just kind of deliberately kind of humiliating
53:47
things. Dehumanizing, yeah. Yeah, dehumanizing.
53:50
The thing is, they finally got to a point where there was
53:53
almost
53:53
a compromise reach and they actually
53:56
scaled back for the first time in nearly 10 years. They
53:58
in 10 years, they had.
53:59
more humane visiting conditions now,
54:02
but in a couple of weeks the IRA tried to escape, mass
54:04
escape, you know, so it's just like straight
54:07
away it comes back in, well look, glad you had your jazz
54:09
and your ruin. Yeah. It
54:11
was an impossible position I guess. Exactly, yeah. We
54:14
then moved on to talking about Dublin in the early 80s,
54:16
which was in the grip of a heroin epidemic. I
54:19
asked Gerhard, what connection, if any, the
54:22
IRA had to this epidemic?
54:24
Yeah, it's an ongoing
54:26
debate really, actually, the extent
54:28
of the relationship. Like, I borrowed
54:30
a term in the book and I
54:32
wrote a paper on this years back, it
54:35
was the big bluff.
54:36
So,
54:37
I mean, you had this heroin epidemic and
54:39
just to say about that, like, Dublin in 1981,
54:43
82 had a higher heroin rate, addiction rate,
54:45
among teenagers than New York or Paris
54:47
or Brooklyn. It
54:48
was the worst in the Western world. I
54:51
think in some parts of Dublin, it was 12, 13% of 16 year
54:55
olds who were addicted to heroin, like, unimaginably
54:58
horrific.
54:59
And the governments,
55:01
successive governments did nothing about
55:03
this, you know, and this is, you know, this is kind of reports
55:06
coming out of Trinity, subsequently about
55:08
this, like drugs, the government did nothing, they
55:10
didn't really care. Now, Gerhard's have come out since
55:13
and said, we wanted to go after drug dealers,
55:15
but we were told to go after our militaries,
55:17
you know, that like,
55:19
but you know, if you're the kind of person
55:21
living in somewhere like Crumlin, you know, and
55:23
you're worried about your kids, you don't care about,
55:26
you just know the guards aren't doing anything. You can literally
55:28
see the drug dealers, they just hang outside all
55:31
day dealing drugs and there's no guards. So,
55:34
they did, they, families in
55:36
like, North inner city Dublin, went to the,
55:39
the Fish Library first, were still big
55:41
at the time, in a kind of secretive
55:43
way and asked them, they said, look, here's the names
55:45
of the drug dealers, here's dresses, will you go and shoot
55:47
them? And
55:48
they said, no, we don't do that. And then
55:50
they went to
55:52
the professionals and they said, will you do this? They
55:54
said, no, look, we don't do that. And
55:56
the provisionals, it was a very pragmatic thing as
55:58
well. It's like, well, if we start doing this,
55:59
guards are going to come down on us. We're trying
56:02
to prosecute this conflict in the north. So it was a
56:04
very pragmatic thing,
56:05
but at the end of the day,
56:07
there were
56:08
huge numbers of Dublin people involved in the IRA
56:11
or on the margins of it in those
56:13
areas.
56:14
So
56:15
it was their kids
56:16
who were with this problem. So
56:19
the other neighbors were saying, why can't you do something?
56:21
You know where there's guns. Why can't you go? You
56:24
don't even have to just go and threaten
56:26
them. They know who you are. They'll be afraid of you. And
56:28
so it kind of,
56:30
you know, it was very, um, nothing, none
56:32
of this was planned. It's kind of evolved.
56:34
So the first way they did it was they just, you
56:36
know, a group of people went to a drug dealer. So they gave them
56:38
an ultimatum to get out. They didn't. So
56:40
the whole, almost like the whole community
56:43
went in and removed their furniture and
56:45
they formed a line so that everyone touched it so that
56:47
everyone was culpable. So the guards would have to prosecute,
56:50
you know, 60 people or whatever it was.
56:52
And they, and that worked. Now,
56:54
you can come, you know, and people have come and criticized
56:57
and they've criticized at the time and said, well, look, you didn't address
56:59
the issue. The drug dealers went somewhere else and
57:01
dealt drugs. But it's like, if you're the, if
57:03
you're the family member, like you don't care, like you
57:05
just, you got rid of it. Get out of my back, Arden. Yeah,
57:08
exactly. And like, how can you blame anyone for,
57:10
you know, for doing that, you know, and
57:12
not thinking about, you know, well, how do we systematically
57:14
address this issue? But what happened
57:17
was it was kind of let no one then to, because
57:20
you had some very prominent people like Christy
57:22
Burke who was Sinn Féin. He wasn't elected rep at
57:24
the time, but he was the kind of representative in the area
57:26
around North Hardik Street.
57:28
He
57:30
was, he had been, like
57:32
he'd been in jail at twice at that point in the 70s for IRA
57:34
membership. He was caught in a training camp.
57:37
And
57:38
I don't know if he was in the IRA at the time, you
57:41
know, but he was certainly in Sinn Féin. And he
57:43
was known, he was a known Republican. John
57:45
Noonan was another one.
57:46
They were, so they were always put at the front of
57:48
these marches, you know, when they would march
57:50
to a drug dealer's house and so that,
57:53
and that's the big bluff. It was kind of, well, Arden,
57:55
you know, is this an IRA thing? Is it not? And so people,
57:57
the drug dealers would be afraid. But you
57:59
know,
57:59
was also let known to these groups and
58:02
as they started coalescing actually formalizing to
58:04
concern parents against drugs and foreign branches around the
58:06
city it was let known look if
58:08
something happens. Well if drug dealers
58:10
kick back we'll get involved
58:13
but
58:14
without ever getting the sanction of
58:16
the leadership
58:17
of the IRA that they would never have allowed that.
58:19
Now the thing is and it did happen
58:21
you know there was a guy who was involved to concern parents against drugs
58:24
was shot in the legs
58:25
and but very shortly after that
58:27
a known criminal was abducted by
58:29
the IRA and he was held for nearly a fortnight
58:31
and then they tried to abduct Martin Foley
58:34
the viper and it was five guys
58:36
were caught or four were caught and one got away and
58:38
the guys happened
58:41
to
58:42
you know neighbors called when they saw him being
58:44
abducted from his house.
58:45
What
58:46
had happened then was basically the
58:49
Sinn Féin particularly which was starting to get much more
58:52
of a become more of an equal partner in the relationship
58:54
it was always the poor cousin in the 70s but
58:56
in the 80s was becoming much more powerful post
58:59
hunger strike they saw what was happening and
59:01
they and they could see and Sherry Adams had this
59:03
famous line you can't get votes
59:05
in Ballymun for doors being kicked
59:07
down in Bally Murphy you know we need to actually get involved
59:10
in activism in the south
59:11
and they saw that and they and they
59:13
and like subsequently I mean 1999 because it
59:16
was there was several like iterations of concerned
59:18
parents but 1999
59:19
good
59:22
number was like the highest Sinn Féin
59:24
vote terms in the council elections
59:27
that it happened since the 20s in Dublin and half
59:30
of those people were prominent in
59:32
the anti-drug movement.
59:33
I still remember science one place in
59:35
Dublin and I still remember science up saying needle-free zone
59:38
you know so yeah it's something that it obviously was a
59:41
massive issue
59:42
yeah I like the thing just done
59:45
like on crime in general think well
59:47
drugs right it's it's it's a couple of things
59:49
one is it'll alienate communities there in but
59:51
to they are those communities you know so they
59:53
don't like drugs either yeah you know
59:56
and there'll be a lot of like
59:57
alcohol aside almost straight edge you
59:59
know in the in the
59:59
mentality. Grass is
1:00:02
as bad as heroin kind of thing.
1:00:03
But the other element to that, and this
1:00:05
is one of the reasons also why the IRA shop
1:00:08
petty criminals in the north, particularly
1:00:10
in Belfast, it's not just because they're preying
1:00:12
on their own communities, it's because they are the
1:00:15
people that the police will pick up and turn out
1:00:17
to be an informer, because they have leverage
1:00:19
on them because they're dealing drugs or something. So that's
1:00:21
why you don't want criminals in your community if
1:00:23
you're the IRA, it's because they are the people
1:00:25
who the guards or the REC are going to
1:00:27
use as informers.
1:00:30
In one of the previous episodes, I covered
1:00:32
the discovery of the Exund, which was a ship
1:00:34
laden with weapons, explosives and ammunition
1:00:37
destined for Ireland. It
1:00:38
turned out that this shipment was the fifth shipment
1:00:40
to come into the country in recent years from Libya, but
1:00:44
the first to be caught.
1:00:46
With the realization that there was a significant amount
1:00:48
of weapons in the Republic of Ireland, the
1:00:50
Irish Guardi launched what became known as Operation
1:00:52
Mallard, as an attempt to find some
1:00:55
of these weapons. I
1:00:57
asked Geroid about the efficacy of this operation.
1:01:02
Yeah, yeah, largest operation, security
1:01:04
operation in the history of the state.
1:01:06
So 60,000 homes searched.
1:01:08
And was it, would it be considered very
1:01:10
successful or was it moderately successful? No,
1:01:13
no, it was a failure.
1:01:15
So
1:01:18
it was, it was an immediate failure. And subsequent
1:01:21
years, they got a lot of Libyan weapons. But
1:01:23
Mallard was a time bound operation.
1:01:27
What had happened was when they realized all these weapons
1:01:29
had actually landed in the country.
1:01:31
So as I say, like 60,000 houses, they even
1:01:34
searched islands off the coast,
1:01:36
they searched them, mobile home parks, they searched
1:01:38
boats on the rivers, or on the Shannon,
1:01:40
you know, in Loch Rean, in Loch Third. They searched
1:01:43
anywhere they could find and they got almost nothing.
1:01:45
And I mean, literally, you could count on one hand
1:01:47
kind of the amount that they got. And
1:01:49
when you consider it was thousands
1:01:52
and thousands of AK-47s, you know,
1:01:54
hundreds of general purpose machine guns and billions
1:01:57
of rounds and, you know, and everything in grenades
1:01:59
and- pistols and they got none of it
1:02:02
and what they did uncover was
1:02:05
bunkers
1:02:06
and purpose build bunkers on farmland
1:02:08
in several places
1:02:10
that were waiting they were basically primed for
1:02:12
to be used as storage points so it's
1:02:14
almost like they were you
1:02:16
know it was great that they got these because then these
1:02:18
bunkers could never be used but they're almost too
1:02:20
early
1:02:21
what had happened was that the weapons that had come in
1:02:24
were stored in master dumps there
1:02:26
was only three or four of them
1:02:28
in the monster we'll just say monster
1:02:31
and these are you know and we're talking like massive massive
1:02:33
underground things that couldn't be picked up by
1:02:35
aerial
1:02:36
surveillance because that's what they that's
1:02:38
how they found some of these bunkers and it couldn't be picked
1:02:40
up by metal detectors that were too deep
1:02:42
or any kind of like leader lighter or anything
1:02:45
that was available at the time and
1:02:47
they were going to be broken up and moved into these
1:02:49
smaller bunkers which are still sizable
1:02:52
bunkers but that hadn't happened yet so
1:02:54
the guards were too early when they swooped and
1:02:57
the soldiers and
1:02:58
they didn't have enough intelligence to find these master bunkers
1:03:01
never did they never found them I mean they continued
1:03:04
up until decommissioning
1:03:07
it was almost like they didn't have an official name but
1:03:09
it was almost like got mallard you know dragged out
1:03:11
that they still kept doing and that's where they were a bit more successful
1:03:14
it was almost like you know it was almost bursting at
1:03:16
the seams it was it was only like apart
1:03:18
from once you move them out of these master dumps
1:03:20
it was almost too much so that you know the guards
1:03:23
and I'm not to undermine their successes
1:03:25
yeah exactly almost invariably with
1:03:27
so much of it
1:03:28
well what was that the thing the quote jarting's
1:03:30
book was enough weapons to start a civil war and
1:03:33
whim so
1:03:36
with a massive amount of weapons what
1:03:38
position were the IRA in by the end of
1:03:40
the 80s
1:03:42
I'm not sure is to be honest
1:03:44
like materially yeah they were in the best position
1:03:47
in the history of the organization you know
1:03:49
we even go back to the 20s materially they were
1:03:51
in that
1:03:52
but they almost they didn't have the you
1:03:54
know the capacity to use what
1:03:57
they had they didn't that go to exploit what they had
1:03:59
And you're right, you know, the
1:04:02
intelligence game was really wrapping up.
1:04:04
Brilliant book if
1:04:06
you haven't read it or if you have a guy
1:04:08
called Lee Heade, the intelligence
1:04:11
war against the IRA.
1:04:12
But he basically systematically
1:04:15
kind of addresses all the, let's
1:04:17
say all the accepted narrative
1:04:20
about how the British had
1:04:22
kind of got on top of the IRA by the 90s. And
1:04:24
really, you know, and it's an academic book. It is
1:04:27
a bit dry, but it's very
1:04:29
convincing and compelling that, like
1:04:32
his argument is that by no means had the British
1:04:34
got on top of the IRA in terms of intelligence by the
1:04:37
time of the ceasefire and therefore the ceasefire was
1:04:39
not as a result of like they
1:04:41
were constantly changing tactics. You
1:04:43
know, in the early 70s, 71, 72, the
1:04:45
IRA, you know, Eamonn McCann famously said,
1:04:48
like Derry City Centre looked like it
1:04:50
had been hit by the blitz.
1:04:51
Like they, there was, you know, at one point, I think there was only two
1:04:53
shops on the main street in Derry that were open
1:04:56
and being bombed.
1:04:57
You know, and that was the economic bombing campaign. And then they
1:04:59
had, you know, they were trying different tactics. Yeah,
1:05:02
and then they manned over in the UK and like, yeah,
1:05:04
and was it reducing scorched earth
1:05:06
kind of where they were going after barracks?
1:05:08
Exactly. And so this is the
1:05:10
thing is like, you know, in the,
1:05:12
in the early 80s, they went back to attacking
1:05:15
barracks in England
1:05:17
and, you know, there was several, you know, and soldiers,
1:05:20
you know, the Hyde Park and the Regent Park bombing. And then there was
1:05:22
like deal barracks and, and, um,
1:05:24
Woolwich and stuff. But you
1:05:26
know, they hadn't done the economic bombing in London
1:05:28
by that point. 92 was the first big one.
1:05:31
So you know, it's funny when you think about the
1:05:33
weapons that come in from Libya, at no point
1:05:36
at that time, were they thinking of,
1:05:38
you know, that that strategy. So their
1:05:40
strategy was constantly evolving. So it's hard to say
1:05:42
like,
1:05:43
at any given point, what they have,
1:05:45
what they have lost, because there were strategies they didn't
1:05:47
even know that they were going to adapt, you know, even
1:05:50
a few years before when they were engaged on this, you
1:05:52
know, and as we know, like what happened
1:05:54
in London, like, that's what, you
1:05:56
know, my view anyway, that's what brought British to the table.
1:05:59
He's talking about the Canary Wharf bombing
1:06:02
here, which was a bombing that the IRA carried
1:06:04
out in London in 1996, which
1:06:06
caused £150 million worth of damage
1:06:08
and two fatalities.
1:06:10
Yeah, I mean they were literally told, they were told
1:06:12
by Lloyds, they said we can't guarantee
1:06:14
any building in London anymore. Frankfurt was
1:06:16
on the precipice of taking over as
1:06:18
being the prime financial capital Europe
1:06:21
at the time. It was angling to do it and all
1:06:23
those banks were looking to jump
1:06:25
right at the time when the British went into negotiations.
1:06:28
So you know the IRA didn't notice at the time, it was kind
1:06:30
of reported but they didn't, maybe they weren't keeping
1:06:32
an eye on it to that point that it wasn't their main priority.
1:06:34
But like
1:06:35
how close, you know, Britain
1:06:37
wasn't going to face bankruptcy or anything, but how
1:06:39
close they were to kind of losing that prime position
1:06:41
in Europe financially
1:06:43
is something that's really worth thinking about.
1:06:46
And just to say like the final thing on that,
1:06:48
you know although there was some Zemtex using those bombs
1:06:50
that was that was homemade explosives, you know that was stuff
1:06:52
they could have done in 1970 in terms of like their capabilities.
1:06:55
So it's kind of mad to think like what
1:06:57
did the Libyan weapons actually do and some people
1:06:59
would argue that they
1:07:00
were just used as leverage in the negotiations.
1:07:03
Well the stat I came across, but again
1:07:05
how do you answer this properly like is that damn
1:07:08
near all of the bombs post 1987 contained
1:07:11
some amalgamation of Zemtex I guess.
1:07:13
But so they were still using the fertilizer
1:07:15
bombs then as they were still kind of the bread and butter.
1:07:18
Big time yeah.
1:07:21
As we winded down the interview I asked Geroge
1:07:23
if there was anything else he wanted to mention that hadn't
1:07:25
come up during her chat.
1:07:27
I'll just tell you like there's a funny anecdote,
1:07:29
it's not even funny anecdote, but it's an anecdote
1:07:32
about the accident
1:07:34
I was talking to someone about this
1:07:36
not too long ago.
1:07:38
One of the things that it actually did was it introduced
1:07:40
a kind of a problem
1:07:42
for the IRA
1:07:43
where people became lackadaisical
1:07:45
with their weapons.
1:07:47
So like before that there was such a premium
1:07:50
you know it was so rare to get
1:07:52
an assault rifle or a good weapon or something that
1:07:54
you'd use it again and again. So like let's say
1:07:56
you were
1:07:57
driving you know and you were bringing it somewhere to an arms
1:07:59
dollar.
1:07:59
And you might get you get caught by the guards
1:08:02
and that you
1:08:03
know They were able to trace that weapon to several different
1:08:05
crimes and then you go to jail for these things and you you
1:08:07
had nothing To do with it. So it was very dangerous,
1:08:09
you know to be caught with a wet a hot weapon basically
1:08:12
Yeah,
1:08:13
because of the accent or sorry because of
1:08:15
the shipments that came in pre accent People
1:08:18
were using weapons and throwing them away almost
1:08:20
and it actually had to come down from above like
1:08:22
that You can't do this. You know, you have you have to keep
1:08:24
these, you know
1:08:25
But that just shows how much
1:08:27
they had that you know for the first time in
1:08:29
their existence that they could just be like I don't
1:08:32
you know, I've used this once I don't want to be caught with this
1:08:34
because you know I shot a British soldier with it So
1:08:36
let's just dump it and there was it lads work
1:08:39
will run out eventually if you keep doing this
1:08:41
So why did why did they come to the peace table?
1:08:44
Why did they come to peace talks then for just four or five
1:08:46
six years later
1:08:47
if they were in such a strong position Yeah
1:08:49
my view like this just my
1:08:51
own personal view of it and you know
1:08:53
and I would disagree with you know, like other
1:08:56
people who've been on the podcast is I
1:08:59
Think
1:09:00
you look at people like
1:09:02
Jerry Adams Danny Morrison
1:09:04
their kids were in the early 20s
1:09:07
The lot of them at the time or teenagers
1:09:10
and they just said like we can't pass this
1:09:12
on to them You
1:09:13
know and that's something that I you know,
1:09:15
I struggle with sometimes and I talked to Republicans in
1:09:17
the south
1:09:18
Who saw they sold out. It's like well, you weren't living
1:09:20
there, you know, you weren't seeing your grandchildren
1:09:23
You know you grew up with it in the early 70s and now your grandchildren
1:09:25
are growing up with it You'd do anything to make
1:09:27
sure that doesn't happen, you know
1:09:29
And I don't think people account for the human
1:09:31
element enough of like, you know I mean
1:09:33
you talked to anyone who has kids, you know, and it's like
1:09:36
who's who would willingly pass that on to their children
1:09:38
You know growing up with that kind of horrific
1:09:41
just routine violence you know
1:09:43
was talking to a felon in Belfast there recently
1:09:46
and
1:09:46
The family friend
1:09:49
and he was talking about the Saracens showed a big
1:09:51
huge armored cars He says, you know They drive
1:09:54
them deliberately down the streets the narrow streets of the
1:09:56
cars parked on both sides and just tear the wind
1:09:58
the wing mirrors off You know and just destroy the cars
1:10:01
and they just do that for the crack.
1:10:02
And I was saying, and
1:10:04
I said, can you remind me what's a Saladin? Because I remember,
1:10:06
you know, that's another kind of armored car. And he just said, oh,
1:10:08
it's a Saracen with a .50 cal on top.
1:10:11
And he just think like, had
1:10:13
like, you know, a city Belfast and you've
1:10:15
a 19 year old who's in this thing
1:10:17
and he's sitting there with a heavy machine gun, a
1:10:20
belt fed, heavy machine gun truck. And you think
1:10:22
like, would you want your kids
1:10:24
to grow up seeing that and the danger
1:10:26
of that and a trigger hat? You know, so I
1:10:28
thought, personally, that's my view of
1:10:30
why it ended, you know?
1:10:34
That brings us to the end of my chat with Eric. If
1:10:38
you enjoyed hearing what he had to say, his
1:10:40
new book is called Abroad Church, volume
1:10:42
two,
1:10:43
the provisional IRA in the Republic of Ireland,
1:10:45
1980 to 1989.
1:10:47
And you can get it over on irishacademicpress.ie.
1:10:51
The previous volume is also available to purchase there.
1:10:55
I really enjoyed this interview and
1:10:57
I want to take the time again to thank him for this very
1:10:59
eye opening and interesting chat.
1:11:02
If you enjoyed this episode, please do let me know and
1:11:04
I might have him on again for a chat. So
1:11:07
that's it from me. Thanks and
1:11:09
see you next time.
1:11:15
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