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0:00
Wonder E Plus subscribers can listen to Tides
0:02
of History early and ad-free right now. Join
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Wonder E Plus in the Wonder E app
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or on Apple Podcasts. Hi,
0:18
everybody. From Wonder E, welcome to another episode of
0:20
Tides of History. I'm Patrick Wyman. Thanks so much
0:22
for being here with me today. We're
0:25
often told that classical Greece lies at
0:28
the root of, quote unquote, Western civilization.
0:31
If we dig all the way down
0:33
into our intellectual and cultural past through
0:35
the Industrial Revolution and the Enlightenment to
0:37
antiquity, maybe we skip the inconvenient Middle
0:39
Ages along the way, then we'll eventually
0:41
wind up in Athens in the fifth
0:43
century B.C. Whether that
0:45
particular formulation of a civilizational genealogy is
0:48
valid in any sense, it's absolutely undeniable
0:50
that the classical Greeks exerted and continued
0:52
to exert a strong influence on a
0:54
variety of different ways. Philosophy,
0:57
literature, art, architecture, political
0:59
theory in all of these ways
1:01
and more, we're still living with the legacy of that
1:03
age. But there's a problem. Whenever
1:06
we step back into the past, we're
1:08
entering something fundamentally foreign in which people
1:10
thought about themselves and the world in
1:13
ways that differ fundamentally from our own
1:15
preconceptions and assumptions. So how
1:17
should we understand ancient Greece and the people
1:19
who inhabited it? Can we really dig into
1:22
their worldview? When we make
1:24
those assumptions about their place in our
1:26
cultural genealogy and their enduring influence, how
1:28
does that distort the reality of their
1:30
world? There is nobody
1:32
better to help us answer those questions than
1:34
today's guest. Greg Anderson is
1:36
professor of history and courtesy professor of
1:38
comparative studies at The Ohio State University.
1:41
He's a specialist on ancient Greece and the
1:43
author of one of my favorite books that
1:46
I read on that period and history more
1:48
generally when I was preparing my episodes entitled
1:50
The Realness of Things Past, Ancient Greece and
1:52
Ontological History. He's also the
1:54
author of The Athenian Experiment, Building an Imagined
1:56
Political Community in Ancient Attica, 508 to 490
1:58
BC. along with
2:01
numerous articles and book chapters. Professor
2:03
Anderson, thank you so much for joining me today. Well,
2:05
thanks so much for having me, Patrick. I'm delighted to
2:08
be here. There's
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State Farm is there. So
2:41
what drew you to the study of Ancient
2:43
Greece in the first place? Well,
2:45
it's a long story and it didn't
2:47
have particularly auspicious beginnings. I have to
2:49
say, I wasn't a particularly good student
2:51
at school or even really
2:53
in college. I decided just that the
2:55
most fun degree to
2:57
do would be a degree in Latin.
2:59
And I was obliged to take Greek
3:02
language as well, as part of that
3:04
degree. And I'd never been
3:06
exposed really to the Greeks much before, but
3:08
I really loved the language. I got a
3:11
sense of the literature that this language was
3:13
used to represent. And I thought that sounded
3:15
way more interesting than the Roman stuff. And
3:18
so from then on, I ended up doing
3:20
an MA and ultimately coming over to the
3:22
States to do a PhD in originally in
3:24
Greek literature, it was meant to be, but
3:27
I gravitated more towards the history while I
3:29
was doing it and ended up being a
3:31
professor of history, originally
3:33
specializing in Ancient Greek history. So that's
3:35
the sort of short version. So you
3:37
say originally specializing, but over the years,
3:40
your interests have kind of changed. How
3:42
have they changed over the years? Well,
3:44
partly as a result of encountering the
3:47
problems with doing Greek history. And
3:50
these began for me when I was back
3:52
as a grad student trying to write a
3:54
dissertation, the problems of
3:57
basic analysis, the kinds of
3:59
categories. and tools we're
4:01
meant to use when we try
4:04
to make sense of ancient Greek experience
4:06
are largely products of
4:09
modern social science. And
4:11
so you are obliged,
4:13
for example, to always separate
4:16
political life from social life, from
4:18
economic life, and then there's this
4:21
thing called religion, which is off
4:23
somewhere in the margins. And
4:27
again, we tend to, you know, the field tends
4:29
to have people who specialize in one or other
4:32
of these different areas. But
4:34
where does that idea come from that,
4:36
you know, these places are just sort
4:39
of naturally divided into these different realms
4:41
of experience? Well, it completely comes
4:43
from our own modern experience, it's got nothing
4:45
to do with the ancient Greeks at all.
4:47
I mean, just to, you know,
4:49
give you a basic response to that,
4:51
it would be to say that, well,
4:53
we're studying here an ancient Greek polis.
4:56
And what is a polis? We
4:58
tend in the modern world to talk about
5:00
it as if it's a miniature nation state,
5:03
and that it has these public
5:06
and private political versus social
5:08
versus economic, all these different
5:10
realms dividing it up. But
5:12
that's not how the Greeks thought about it. They thought
5:14
about it as a kind of,
5:18
I use the word superorganism, if
5:20
you like, a social body made
5:23
up of households. And
5:25
if the nature of your polity is
5:28
that it is a social body made up
5:30
of households, it obviously makes
5:32
no sense to be drawing a
5:34
distinction between public and private, because
5:37
the public is the private and the
5:39
private is the public. And so, you
5:41
know, these very basic kind of analytical
5:43
terms start to be pretty meaningless when
5:46
you study somewhere like ancient Greece, even
5:48
more so when you study other places,
5:51
but they are just part
5:53
of that universal toolbox that we are
5:55
obliged to use, if we
5:57
want to write the kinds of stories.
6:00
about these past times
6:02
and places that will
6:04
get published in academic journals. If
6:07
you start to question some of
6:09
these very fundamental sorts of basic
6:11
tools and categories, then
6:14
people start to raise their eyebrows because
6:16
you're doing things differently to how they
6:19
think a good proper history ought to
6:21
look. And yet, I wonder
6:23
what sort of damage we're really doing
6:26
to these past times and places and
6:29
we impose this modern
6:33
style of social being
6:35
onto them. Because
6:37
in the end, what it involves is
6:39
completely re-engineering past experiences to make sense
6:41
to us so that we
6:44
can understand it. So it's intelligible and
6:46
commensurable with our own experience. But
6:48
if that's such
6:50
an extreme change that you're making, I
6:53
mean, are you really doing history anymore
6:55
at that point? It's
6:57
more like a kind of, I mean, to
6:59
look at it in as positive a way
7:01
as possible, it's more like a kind of
7:03
experiment, really, or subjecting these past times and
7:05
places to this modern modes
7:07
of analysis. Looking
7:10
at it in a less generous way, one could
7:12
say that this is a kind of violent, almost
7:15
colonial appropriation of
7:18
these times and places. That is,
7:20
you are literally forcing these past
7:22
peoples to live according to truths
7:24
and realities that would have made
7:26
no sense to them at all
7:28
at the time. So how
7:31
valid is that as a historical exercise?
7:33
And what's the alternative? Because, well,
7:36
I mean, when I was
7:38
coming through the ranks, there really isn't an
7:40
alternative. So I guess you
7:42
could say that my primary project as
7:44
a Greek historian was to try and
7:47
make one, you know, to
7:49
come up with an alternative way that
7:51
seems like it could produce more meaningful
7:54
and dare I say more ethically
7:58
positive, less ethical. perfectly dubious
8:01
results, and that is
8:03
to do this thing which the book
8:05
calls ontological history. What it really involves
8:08
is basically studying every past time and
8:10
place, every past people we know about,
8:13
on their own terms, in
8:15
their own worlds of experience. Now that
8:18
doesn't mean we're looking at all
8:20
these peoples in little silos, that they
8:22
have no contact with anybody else, or
8:25
they're just existing in kind of isolation.
8:27
Of course, there is interaction between these
8:29
different worlds, but I think if we
8:32
begin from the premise that they are
8:34
different worlds, we're going to produce more
8:36
meaningful results. I mean, at
8:38
the very least, on the most practical level,
8:40
the kinds of evidence that you read, obviously
8:44
if it's written evidence from the
8:46
time itself, the voices you're going
8:48
to be hearing are speaking to
8:50
truths or taking for granted truths
8:52
and realities which are meaningful to
8:54
them, which are going to be very
8:56
different from the kinds of truths that are meaningful to
8:59
us, the ones that have been so colored,
9:01
conditioned, shaped by modern scientific
9:03
thought. So
9:06
right away, the evidence is going to
9:08
start to make a bit more sense,
9:10
dare we say. You're going to be
9:13
not reading against the grain of it
9:15
all the time and saying, well, okay,
9:17
they talk about X, Y, and Z.
9:19
Isn't that somewhat similar or comparable to
9:21
X, Y, and Z in our world?
9:24
And then, as it were, substituting our world's
9:26
X, Y, Z for theirs and hoping that
9:28
it sort of makes enough sense. And of
9:30
course, it will make a sort of sense
9:32
to us. But if it isn't going
9:34
to have made any sense to the people themselves, are
9:37
we not misrepresenting their experiences?
9:41
What does writing a meaningful history
9:43
really involve? Should it
9:45
abide by what we recognize as truths
9:48
and realities or what the people at
9:50
the time recognize as truths and realities?
9:52
And I say pretty
9:54
uncompromisingly that it should
9:56
be the truths and
9:59
realities that were the time. That's what history
10:01
ought to be about. And if you
10:03
consistently do that across the whole
10:05
historical field and all these different
10:07
bibles back across the millennia, then
10:10
all of a sudden your whole sense of the
10:13
human story is going to change pretty drastically.
10:15
When I read your book, when
10:18
I read The Realness of Things Past, it really
10:20
appealed to me on a basic level because these
10:22
are problems that I deal with
10:24
all the time in trying to communicate
10:26
with a popular audience. So how
10:28
do you take these elements of past
10:31
experience and past lives and put them
10:33
in terms that are understandable to people
10:35
today? And one
10:37
of the fundamental things that
10:39
I find I have to avoid is the
10:42
idea of simplification. That if I'm
10:44
reading that there's this sense among a certain
10:47
kind of academic that writing for popular audiences
10:49
means kind of dumbing your work down. And
10:52
that's absolutely not true. What you're doing is
10:54
translating. But the act of translating
10:56
something, as anybody who's come up through a
10:58
classics department knows and has spent a lot
11:00
of time translating texts, that you are
11:03
not absent from the act of
11:06
translation. That your sense for what
11:08
matters is playing a
11:10
fundamental role in what you
11:12
emphasize, what you leave out, what you choose
11:14
to focus on. Even the kinds of things
11:16
that you select to talk about in the
11:18
first place, the kinds of source material that
11:20
you talk about, all of those things are...
11:22
And there's this idea, again, I think among
11:24
lay people about bias, that the sources are
11:26
biased or that the history is biased.
11:28
And it's so much more fundamental than
11:31
that, right? That it's baked into the
11:33
worldview. It is not separable from the...
11:36
There's no sense in which the content of
11:38
the texts is separable from the worldviews of
11:40
the people who were writing those things down.
11:43
Yeah, no, absolutely. And that's where
11:45
the challenge of doing this alternative
11:47
kind of a history begins. Because
11:50
so often the truths and realities that
11:52
they take for granted and live by,
11:54
and as you say, are baked into
11:56
their everyday life practices,
11:58
their normal... norms of thought,
12:00
their norms of speech, etc.
12:04
These aren't spoken about explicitly, because why
12:06
would you need to speak about them?
12:08
They're just taken for granted. And
12:11
so, of course, in the scholarly world, there
12:13
is this sense, well, if
12:15
it isn't written somewhere then there's no
12:17
evidence for it, which
12:19
is completely, in a way,
12:22
you're going to miss some maybe
12:24
the most important foundations of
12:26
life in that time and
12:28
place, because of course the people at
12:30
the time felt no need to talk about it, because
12:32
everyone knows this. So
12:35
that's part of the challenge.
12:38
The way I would describe the approach is
12:41
precisely that you have to look at
12:43
what people do in their everyday lives.
12:45
In other words, when you're thinking of
12:48
what are the Greeks' assumptions about what's
12:51
real and what's true, I would
12:53
say first of all, don't go on
12:55
what the philosophers tell you, because
12:57
the Greek philosophers are renegades.
12:59
For the most part, they're people who
13:01
are pushing against the grain of
13:04
what the common sense was at the time.
13:06
What we're interested in is what was the
13:08
common sense? And
13:10
Aristotle doesn't represent Greek thought. Plato
13:13
doesn't represent Greek thought. These guys
13:15
are pushing against the grain of
13:17
what Greek thought actually was. Yes,
13:20
indirectly they can reveal to us
13:22
what it was, because that's the
13:24
thing they're critiquing or pushing. It's
13:26
the implicit object of
13:28
their critiques. But
13:30
what, as it were, the lived
13:32
truths of the Greeks were is
13:34
what is baked into their
13:37
everyday life practices, and those begin
13:39
with ritual practices. Certainly,
13:42
the studies of classical Athens
13:44
are incredibly preoccupied with what
13:46
people call Athenian democracy, as
13:50
if that really is the central
13:52
truth, as it were, of the ancient
13:54
Greek, or certainly the
13:56
ancient Athenian experience. most
13:59
important thing that's true. Athenians spend most time
14:01
doing among all of their different
14:03
activities. What do they
14:06
invest most time in? What do they
14:08
invest most importantly, most of their resources
14:10
in? It is ritual
14:12
activities. These are going on all
14:15
the time at all levels, from
14:17
household levels, neighborhood levels, right up
14:19
to the big sanctuaries and the
14:21
great processions and sacrifices of the
14:23
Panathenaia, the main festival of Athena.
14:26
And these involve vast investments
14:29
of time, effort, energy, resources.
14:31
I mean, something
14:33
like the Parthenon or even
14:36
the famous golden ivory statue of
14:38
Athena that stood in the Parthenon,
14:40
which apparently cost more to produce than the
14:42
temple itself did. But the Parthenon was
14:45
by far the most expensive
14:47
temple the Athenians had ever built and
14:49
may have been somewhat more expensive than
14:51
even the temple of Zeus and Olympia.
14:53
It was built a decade
14:55
or so later, a decade or two, I
14:57
think. It may
14:59
have been, it certainly was comparable expense. And
15:02
I once tried to work out in
15:04
sort of contemporary ancient terms what
15:07
it meant in everyday life terms. That
15:10
is, how long could a whole polis have lived on
15:12
with the money that it cost to build the Parthenon?
15:14
And it worked out as a polis of say 20,000
15:16
people could have lived for more than a year on
15:21
the actual expenditures on the Parthenon
15:24
alone. And that's just one temple.
15:26
I mean, these are colossal expenditures. Yes,
15:28
of course, the Athenians spend a lot
15:31
on their military endeavors, but this
15:33
is the central truth of their lives. The central
15:35
truth of their lives is that they are not
15:37
alone in the world. Not only
15:40
do they have all kinds of other humans
15:42
around, but they have this whole population of
15:44
non-humans. Some people say as
15:46
many as 200 different gods in Attica
15:48
alone. And of course, all of
15:50
those gods, they have to develop
15:53
relations with them. And relations
15:55
primarily are developed through ritual
15:57
activities. So the way
15:59
we should think about all of these
16:02
sacrifices and offerings and so forth, these
16:04
are ecological activities. They're not
16:07
religion in the sense of
16:09
piety and belief and faith.
16:12
It isn't even really a matter of belief
16:14
or faith. It's a matter of central truth,
16:16
as true for us as the law of
16:18
gravity is, you know, that God's
16:22
control, the conditions of all existence. You're
16:24
not here alone. They are immediately present
16:26
among us, and we have to get
16:28
along with them. So the rituals are,
16:31
in a way, a kind of
16:33
social interaction with these divinities, trying
16:35
to maintain good, positive relations. Of
16:37
course, they're asymmetrical because they're gods.
16:39
They're much more powerful than we
16:42
are. But that's the
16:44
central truth of Athenian experience. But you
16:46
wouldn't get that impression from reading most
16:49
modern source, you know, handbook
16:51
or textbook discussions of it because they
16:53
always begin with the political as if
16:55
that's the central truth. Because that's the
16:57
central truth for us because it's all
16:59
about power. Well, in
17:01
their world, human power paled into
17:04
insignificance beside divine power. And
17:06
the gods are the ultimate governors
17:09
of their world, and humans are
17:11
obliged to accept their
17:13
humble place in the scheme of things
17:15
and to get along with these beings
17:17
who are far more powerful than they
17:20
are. One of the
17:22
fascinating things about your
17:24
work and about this particular book is
17:27
the way in which it denaturalizes our
17:29
sense of what Athens was. And because
17:32
we have this whole complicated relationship with
17:34
classical Greece in general and Athens in
17:36
particular, and these kinds of insights
17:38
sound pretty shocking when they're talking about a
17:40
place that a lot of people think they
17:42
know really well, you know, it's like if
17:44
you go to like people who travel a
17:46
lot, if they go to London and wander
17:48
off the beaten path, they're going to find
17:50
a London that is quite different from what
17:52
they think they recognize it from movies. The
17:55
kinds of dynamics that you're talking about
17:57
with these other forces just omnipresent in
17:59
people. people's lives, it's almost easier to comprehend
18:01
when it's a place in the past that
18:04
you don't know as well. So I'm thinking
18:06
of Shang China, where there's this incredibly sophisticated
18:09
and complicated set
18:11
of relationships that exist between people
18:13
who are alive in the present
18:15
and ancestral spirits, natural spirits, and
18:17
that you have to be engaged
18:19
in a constant dialogue with those
18:21
spirits. And the really
18:23
the fascinating thing that has always occurred
18:25
to me when I'm reading the Oracle
18:27
Bone texts and good scholarship on them
18:30
is how insignificant even
18:32
the Shang King seems
18:34
in comparison to these forces that
18:37
he's desperately trying to juggle and
18:39
govern and appease with sacrifices of
18:41
various kinds. And
18:44
if that is your starting
18:46
point for understanding these
18:48
people, and as it should be our starting
18:50
point for understanding life in ancient Athens, then
18:52
that is a radically different thing than one
18:55
in which powerful political figures are assumed to
18:57
be in control of their own destiny and
18:59
standing at the apex of a socio-economic, socio-political
19:01
hierarchy. Absolutely. And so
19:05
a mistake so often made by Western
19:07
scholarship, because let's face it, even
19:10
people who do modern scholarship,
19:12
even if you're from Africa or Asia
19:14
or other parts of the world, you
19:17
are still obliged to talk in this,
19:19
what is ultimately a Western kind of
19:21
a way about these past experiences. And
19:24
so the mistake often made when
19:26
you think about, let's say, monarchies
19:28
of one kind or another is
19:31
that we assume all monarchs are
19:33
something like a kind of Henry
19:35
VIII or Louis XIV or some
19:37
all-powerful absolute monarch of more recent
19:39
times, that they're all sort of different
19:41
variant forms of the same thing. When
19:44
as you say, absolutely, often
19:47
the monarchs concerned are made of
19:49
a somewhat different substance from the
19:53
people that they have control over because
19:55
they may be descended from gods or
19:57
they may have some special mandate from
19:59
God. gods obviously in the Chinese
20:01
context, the Chinese imperial context, when the
20:03
emperor is a son of heaven and
20:07
given this role. And as you say, I
20:09
mean, right through, I'm not an
20:11
expert on Chinese imperial history, but I've studied
20:13
to a point for the Ming era quite
20:15
a bit. And I mean, as
20:17
you like you were saying before, the
20:20
amount of attention that has to be
20:22
paid to things like the movements of
20:24
planets and stars and so forth, because
20:27
this is the gods communicating their will
20:30
and the whole job of the
20:32
emperor is to align behavior among
20:36
all under heaven, particularly the
20:38
humans, with the timeless way
20:40
of heaven. So it's a
20:42
unified whole coordinated. And I
20:44
mean, to of course hierarchical,
20:46
but this is not some
20:48
individual being who is ruling
20:50
for himself and dominating for
20:52
his own purposes, as
20:55
would be the case maybe in
20:57
a more modern-ish type of a
20:59
context. This isn't a world
21:01
of individuals at all. Sure, you know, we can
21:03
look at the personalities of some of these
21:05
different rulers and see that some of them
21:08
are maybe kind of cruel or self-indulgent
21:10
or whatever. But ultimately,
21:14
their role there is shaped
21:16
by, in the Chinese case,
21:18
centuries of tradition about
21:20
what is expected of this
21:22
person. And you
21:24
know, it's all relational. It's
21:26
not about individuals at all.
21:28
They've derived their power from
21:30
outside. It's not something that's just a property
21:33
of their own. And they
21:35
can't just rule for themselves as individuals.
21:37
They are ultimately trying to
21:39
keep a whole cosmos going is
21:41
really what the, at least in
21:44
theory, that's what it's about. Not to
21:46
say that some emperors may not have
21:48
violated some of the principles. I'm sure
21:51
that happened. But the theory is what
21:53
matters. And I think our job as
21:55
historians, first of all, is to establish
21:57
the theory of how things are meant
21:59
to work. work. And then we
22:01
can start to measure actualities
22:03
against that. But the theory will be
22:05
very different from anything a modern social
22:08
scientist is going to tell you that
22:10
it is. So let's begin from the
22:12
assumption of complete difference rather than beginning
22:14
from the assumption of some commensurability. Begin
22:17
from the assumption of complete difference and
22:19
build it up from the bottom of
22:21
the ground, foundations of being coming
22:24
first, looking at the practices. What
22:27
kind of a world do those practices
22:29
take for granted? What would the world
22:31
have to be like for those practices
22:33
to be meaningful exercises
22:36
in sustaining the life of a population?
22:38
That's the sort of question you have
22:40
to ask to try to get inside,
22:42
as you put it, the way these
22:45
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bluenile.com, code AUDIO. There's
24:01
something that occurs to me as we're
24:03
talking. I just finished writing an episode
24:05
about the early imperial ambitions of Carthage,
24:07
and so part of that
24:09
was the Battle of Hamera in 480
24:11
BC, and the Carthaginian general, during that
24:13
battle, all of the accounts say
24:15
that he was sitting in camp conducting sacrifices.
24:18
And when you read modern accounts of this, there's
24:20
kind of almost this like sneering tone of, well,
24:22
he wasn't out on the battlefield, he was sitting
24:25
back there conducting sacrifices. But
24:28
even though this guy lost the battle, it was a
24:30
disastrous battle for the Carthaginians, set their ambitions
24:32
back decades, if you think that's what Carthage was
24:34
up to. I'm not convinced about, but that's a
24:36
whole other thing. The Carthaginian celebrated
24:38
him. He became a kind of a national
24:40
hero, and there are statues of him, and
24:42
there are people naming their children after him,
24:44
and you know, this is a celebrated figure,
24:47
because he was doing exactly what he was
24:49
supposed to be doing. He's the general in
24:51
charge. He's supposed to be looking after the
24:53
kind of cosmic well-being of this body of
24:55
people. The way that you do that is
24:57
by sacrificing. That's not a distraction from the
24:59
job of commanding your troops in battle. That
25:01
is the job, and it's not something I talked
25:04
about much in that episode, but it occurs to
25:06
me as we're chatting about it, I'm like, this
25:08
is, oh no, he was perfectly fulfilling the role
25:10
that he thought he was, the kind of cultural
25:13
role that he thought he was supposed to fulfill
25:15
in that moment. Absolutely, and there's
25:17
an Athenian example of that as well,
25:19
a similar kind of thing with the
25:21
Sicilian expedition so-called 415 to 413. The
25:23
Athenians go off
25:26
on this, well, a
25:29
chaotic enterprise to Sicily, which
25:31
ends up being utterly disastrous,
25:33
right in the middle of
25:35
the Peloponnesian War. All they
25:37
do is succeed in creating
25:39
yet more enemies, enemies who
25:41
ultimately catastrophically defeat them, such
25:43
that their whole navy is
25:45
destroyed in the harbor of Syracuse, and
25:47
they end up having to try to
25:49
escape across land, not knowing even
25:51
how they're going to get back to Athens.
25:53
And of course, it all comes to a
25:55
horribly violent and gory end, and
25:58
the Athenian commander, Most often blamed for
26:01
that fiasco is Nikias, the guy who
26:03
was trying to persuade them not to
26:05
go in the first place. One
26:07
of the things that is held that can be held against
26:09
him or is held against him is the
26:11
fact that, very similar to your
26:14
Carthaginian general, he delayed
26:16
the Athenian departure by boat from
26:18
Sicily, recognizing this was a futile
26:20
enterprise, by, I think, 27 days
26:24
because the omens were not right for leaving.
26:28
Now I don't know all the ancient sources
26:30
that ever talked about this, but I'm
26:33
guessing that probably not all
26:36
of them would have found fault with him for
26:38
doing that because, again, as you say, that's sort
26:40
of what he's obliged to do. To
26:42
our modern eyes, it looks like, well,
26:44
what a fool, you know, what a
26:46
superstitious idiot for delaying what was obviously
26:48
an escape from an
26:51
incredibly perilous situation such that the
26:53
escape ended up being – the door ended up
26:55
being slammed shut and they couldn't escape in the end.
26:58
But in a way, you know, he was doing
27:00
what he thought was the right thing to do.
27:03
And of course, the soothsayers
27:05
and so forth in the camp, they're
27:08
human and they're fallible, so maybe
27:10
they were misinterpreting the signs. But
27:13
he was following the right procedures, and
27:16
we probably shouldn't blame him for that. Sticking
27:19
with this example of ancient Greece
27:21
here, because there are so
27:23
many people over such a long period of
27:25
time who have been so invested in seeing
27:28
ancient Greece and Athens in particular as
27:30
the beginning of something, right? How
27:33
does that impact the
27:35
way that we read the sources themselves, the way
27:37
that we understand this particular time and place? So
27:40
I mean, on a basic level, we're
27:42
inclined to see more familiarity than difference for that
27:44
reason, but what are the implications of that? How
27:46
do we get – and how do we get
27:48
around it? No, a
27:50
very good question. And I think
27:52
obviously, probably the thing that most
27:54
– the modern, both scholars and
27:56
lay people are most preoccupied with,
27:58
the Athenians in particular. is
28:00
democracy. That
28:03
really is the, yes,
28:05
we honor their drama,
28:07
their tragedies, comedies, philosophy,
28:09
oratory, their
28:11
artwork, architecture even. But
28:14
it's the democracy that really makes it all
28:16
so much more meaningful and resonant for us,
28:18
I think. And so
28:21
when modern scholars read democratia
28:23
in an ancient text, they
28:25
automatically translate it as democracy.
28:27
Because of course, we get
28:29
our word from the Greek
28:31
word. But the
28:33
problem is that democratia
28:35
means something radically different in antiquity
28:38
than it would do in the
28:40
present. Because the worlds are
28:42
different. They belong to different worlds. And
28:46
I think we just have to accept that fundamental
28:48
thing. You know, a modern
28:50
democracy, as we understand it, with
28:52
our enlightenment style of values and
28:54
ideals and so forth, is all
28:57
about empowering individuals. It's
28:59
about one person, one vote, and all of
29:01
that is sacred constitutional rights
29:03
to vote. And largely, our citizenship
29:06
is a political, legal kind of
29:08
a citizenship, guarantees of rights to
29:10
be represented and to vote. So
29:14
we assume that's really what's at
29:16
stake in ancient democratia. And
29:18
it isn't, to put it very
29:20
bluntly. Democratia is
29:23
an example of what the Greeks call
29:25
polytia, a way of managing a polis.
29:28
And it refers, as numerous
29:30
ancient sources will tell you, to a
29:33
much broader field of experience than what
29:35
we today call political. It's
29:38
a whole, we can call it way of
29:40
life, would be a better translation for polytia.
29:42
So democratia is a way of life. And
29:45
what it really is about is how a
29:47
demos, which conceives of
29:49
itself as a unitary
29:51
body of people, our
29:53
united body of households, as we
29:56
said before, or like where
29:58
the households are the cells of this world. The
30:00
organism. And so
30:02
democracy here is really about
30:04
how the cells and the
30:07
whole manages itself. From.
30:09
Day to day. So. The cells
30:11
are managing themselves in their households
30:13
and this of causes where women
30:15
make some of their major contributions
30:18
to the lives of the policy.
30:20
And it's why the Athenians coal
30:22
women or the T Days members
30:24
of the Bullets either. So often
30:27
you read it in modern scholarship
30:29
about how women were denied citizenship
30:31
and ah, you know, will refuse
30:33
citizenship when the seasons themselves Cold
30:35
women Politi days the exact feminine
30:38
equivalent of poly tie which means
30:40
male. Members of the Polish The Gym
30:42
we always translate as citizens. So.
30:45
Modern scholarship is very inconsistent on
30:47
that, and it really has no
30:49
way of making sense of female
30:51
citizenship. In scare
30:54
quotes because. It
30:56
sees citizenship in Athens in largely
30:58
political terms. If you vote your
31:00
citizen, if you don't, you're not.
31:03
When. Again and we have
31:05
to see it. And as the Athenians
31:08
understood it, this is about a or
31:10
a way of life. That's what Democracy
31:12
years. It's the version of apology the
31:15
Athenians subscribed to. Women are members of
31:17
the most. They. Manage the
31:19
households with jobs to cells
31:21
of the social body without
31:23
which the social body will
31:25
die. And so. I
31:28
mean, that's hardly a more important role
31:30
to be playing an Ancient Athens. They.
31:33
Are literally in a way governing. The.
31:35
Cells of the D most
31:37
itself. So that's where democracy
31:39
of really begins at home.
31:42
With all the things women in particular
31:44
do. To. Make life
31:46
possible. Then you have
31:48
the neighbourhood level. the so called deems.
31:50
There were one hundred and thirty nine
31:53
neighborhoods and advocates which really are. Groups
31:55
of households coming together to manage themselves. They
31:58
can leave and make their own law. They
32:00
have their own sacrifices. Are you know there
32:02
is a real level of sort of autonomy?
32:04
Their. Then. When we
32:07
get groups of deems coming together to form
32:09
the ten tribes. And they
32:11
all the bodies that are responsible
32:13
for supplying regiments for troops, squadrons
32:16
of cavalry and they provide contingents
32:18
for the council of five hundred,
32:21
which is where the agenda for
32:23
the assembly meeting saw, as I'm
32:25
sure you know, ah is prepared
32:28
be no continually. Ah, the
32:30
council A five hundred is like this. Body.
32:33
Which is the sort of relay between the
32:35
d most of Athens and the outside world
32:37
you want to do business. Words as seen
32:39
in the most. You've gotta go through the
32:41
council and the council fixes the items that.
32:44
D most can discuss when it
32:46
meets to make it's final decisions,
32:49
about what we'd call policy laws
32:51
and so forth. Then you get
32:53
the D most as a whole
32:55
Meeting which takes place outdoors on
32:57
top of the Panic's Hills roughly
32:59
forty times eight years. as many
33:01
as five to six thousand usually
33:04
show up for these meetings. And
33:06
of course, this isn't the entire
33:08
male population of Athens, but. They
33:10
are understood to be acting in
33:13
the name of the whole. Services.
33:16
As it's they were all that. So.
33:18
They don't bother counting who's there for
33:20
how many voted for eggs and ham
33:22
and he voted for why. The final
33:25
decision is really all that matters. and
33:27
it's a majority vote and whatever d
33:29
most votes for by majority is what.
33:31
The people of Athens have voted for.
33:34
And is the same in the law courts.
33:36
The judges the judge panels there again are
33:39
all acting in the name of the most
33:41
as a whole they're not. They're as individuals
33:43
there that to be de mots to be
33:46
acids. And. So.
33:48
This is democracy or in action
33:50
and it's sort of at all
33:52
levels from the households, neighborhoods, tribes,
33:54
and then finally up where you
33:57
get these situations where. A
34:00
critical mass of Athenians are present who
34:02
are acting as d most so there
34:05
would also include festivals of course the
34:07
big ones like the planets in a
34:09
for Athena itself and you've got women
34:11
and balls that they are, you know,
34:13
full members of demons as so. You.
34:16
Know, I've pushed back very strongly
34:18
against those who insist that women
34:20
are excluded from the citizen bodies.
34:22
Well, you know that's because with
34:24
thinking about citizenship in modern times
34:26
political terms and we absolutely have
34:29
to get past that idea because.
34:32
They don't look at it like that. In
34:34
their, well, it's all relational. The
34:36
household can't exist as units by
34:38
themselves, nevermind individuals within ourselves. The
34:41
Ross know a senior and individuals
34:43
in the modern sense. Everyone's depends
34:45
for their lives, on their households
34:47
and on their Pollard's No one
34:49
can exist without those things. And
34:52
of course, the Polish depends on
34:54
the God supporting it and the
34:56
lens mother Arctic Air as it
34:58
were supporting and nourishing the people.
35:00
So you've got this book. What
35:03
I call in the book, a
35:05
cosmic ecology. The. You have to
35:07
think about. That's really what the
35:09
policies. It's nothing like a modern
35:11
nation state at all. It is
35:13
a cosmic ecology of God's land
35:15
and people. There's. A
35:17
lot that I want to unpack there. and
35:19
that's the best explanation I've ever heard of
35:21
what a polish actually is for. Think it's
35:23
it's, it's it's because there's. Even.
35:25
Quite sophisticated. Modern.
35:28
Analysis or explanations of.
35:31
Greek. Political life and especially of Athens. They
35:33
always spend time talking, but the apparent contradictions,
35:35
right? This while you have this, this is
35:37
a radical democracy. How can these people be
35:39
left out? Or how can these people not
35:41
be included? How can women? I think this
35:43
as like. You're asking the wrong
35:46
questions at that point right year he
35:48
are. You are looking at this through
35:50
the wrong set of lenses because there
35:52
is no apparent contradiction. When. viewed
35:54
from their perspective said these things just arts
35:56
and trying to i was running up against
35:59
us from recently I was trying to talk about
36:01
what it means to be a citizen of a polis,
36:03
and that you can't switch your
36:06
membership from one polis to another
36:08
that this is, this
36:10
is at fundamental odds with what that means,
36:12
because you are not an individual who's picking
36:14
up these categories of identity, that is, at
36:17
the root of who you are and why
36:19
you matter and how you fit exactly which
36:22
is in relationally with all of these other
36:24
things, whether those are, you know, what we
36:26
would consider to be supernatural forces or ecological
36:28
forces, place, like that those are all bound
36:31
up together, you can't separate them out like
36:33
strands on a loom. Absolutely.
36:35
And, you know, again, we're
36:37
best emphasizing about
36:40
the relationship between the people and the
36:42
land itself. Of course, the Athenians had
36:44
this, I mean, in
36:46
modern texts, refer to it as a
36:48
belief. But to them, it's just taken
36:50
for granted presupposition that their ancestors ultimately
36:53
were born literally from the soil of
36:55
Attica. And so every
36:57
household there is a kind of lineage
37:00
in the sense that, I mean,
37:02
we could call it crudely, a sort of family business,
37:04
if you like, that you are born,
37:06
it's something that already pre-exists
37:08
you, you're born into it. And if you're
37:10
female, you leave your birth
37:12
house to marry into your husband's
37:15
house to perpetuate his household, his
37:17
oikos, as the word they would
37:19
use. And so it's
37:22
the continuous life of all these
37:24
lineages that are made possible by
37:26
the land that nurtures them all.
37:29
And that's, again, as you say,
37:31
the relational basis of it all. So
37:33
in other words, the Athenians themselves, in
37:35
a way, they are made of something
37:38
different from even their closest neighbors, you
37:40
know, because they're made of a different
37:42
land, even though the gods they
37:44
relate to, we could
37:47
say they're the same gods as the
37:49
gods, the Megarians, or the Thevens relate
37:51
to, but they are, in
37:53
a way, there's a metaphysical boundary,
37:55
I think that's what I would call
37:57
it, between Athens and other polys. Because
38:01
the Athenians behave as if they
38:03
have their own pantheon of gods,
38:05
their own Athena's, their own Apollo's.
38:07
And there are multiple Athena's, there's
38:09
not just one, different avatars, if
38:11
you like, of Athena, as many
38:13
as 200 altogether. And
38:16
yes, some of them may look very like the
38:18
Athena's and the Apollo's of all the other Polys
38:20
as well. But as far as the
38:22
Athenians are concerned, they have their own Athena and
38:24
their own Apollo and their own Zeus. So
38:28
they are, to a point, a
38:30
certain, like a self-contained microcosm. And
38:33
so you could talk then about
38:36
a Greek macrocosm, I suppose, where
38:38
you've got lots of similar related
38:40
kinds of practices and
38:42
behaviors, ways of life going on.
38:45
And that in turn is distinctly,
38:47
metaphysically different from the Persians and
38:49
from the Scythians and the Thracians
38:51
in the world, the non-Greeks in
38:53
the world beyond that. But
38:56
I think it is meaningful to talk about
38:58
even Athens itself as, to
39:01
a point, a self-contained world of
39:03
experience with its own kind of
39:05
metaphysical rules. So
39:08
for example, when someone,
39:11
let's say a traitor or a
39:13
murderer, they are
39:15
executed and their body is thrown beyond
39:17
the borders of Attica, because that would
39:19
be a polluting, polluting force to bury
39:21
in the soil of Attica, the very
39:24
mother which gave birth to us. Does
39:26
this body not then pollute next door,
39:29
the neighbors that you're chucking the body
39:31
in? No, it doesn't.
39:33
No one cares about that, because in
39:35
a way, Athens has its own metaphysical
39:37
laws of being that prevail only within
39:40
that polis. Of course, the
39:42
laws are similar to the ones that other
39:44
polis use too. But there
39:46
is a recognition of a
39:48
separation between these different polis
39:51
worlds. And. It would
39:53
be the same with the Romans in
39:55
Italy as well. They have their homarium
39:57
and their various, which is effectively a
39:59
metaphysical world. landry around the edge of
40:02
Roman soldiers. The physical once. And
40:04
they would recognize themselves as being a
40:06
fundamentally different world from budget. How the
40:08
say binds the Etruscans. A you know
40:11
all the other retaliate people. so us
40:13
and a guy. I think this is.
40:16
Just a much more common feature
40:18
of zone modern experience than modern
40:20
scholars have recognized. so. If.
40:23
We begin from the assumption that these are distinct
40:25
world's I think we're going to make a lot
40:27
more sense of. whom. What they
40:30
were and. It may
40:32
make it harder for us to
40:34
tell stories about cultural ancestors. like
40:36
the Athenians, you know we are,
40:38
that's descendants. Well. I
40:40
have a good I. I. I
40:42
would say that from this alternative
40:45
perspective we clearly it aren't what
40:47
we take to be the League.
40:49
Greek is what people in the
40:51
early Modern age, the Enlightenment age
40:54
determined was what the Greeks were
40:56
all about and. You
40:58
know, shaped modern life accordingly but it
41:00
was so conditioned by it's a modern.
41:03
Sensibility, Your sense of what
41:05
the world is ready made of That.
41:08
Is pretty unrecognizable compared to the
41:10
as it were the ancient original.
41:17
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thirty days. Vivid audible.com/wondering
42:01
Pod or text wonder He
42:03
Pod to Five Hundred Five
42:06
Hundred That's audible.com/wonder He Pod
42:08
or text wondering Pod to
42:11
Five Hundred Six Hundred. Ever.
42:21
Think about the saw it for for
42:23
a whole bunch of different reasons but
42:25
the the desire to. Find parallels
42:28
in the Ancient World. The find parallels
42:30
and roots in the Ancient world. It's
42:32
good business. It would be good business
42:34
for someone in my line of work
42:36
and or amid being totally honest like
42:38
I could write could turn out a
42:40
steady stream of pieces talking about the
42:42
parallels between this particular thing that happened
42:44
in the ancient world and today I
42:46
am from make pretty solid living a
42:48
doing that but I think. If.
42:50
You're actually trying to understand things
42:52
that are happening in the United
42:54
States in the Twenty First century.
42:57
It's You're probably better off reading
42:59
about reconstruction for reading about the
43:01
immediate Antebellum period reading about Chauncey
43:03
Calhoun. Or you're better off reading
43:05
about. You know, the. Banana
43:08
Wars in the Nineteen twenties
43:10
and Eighteen thirties. Those are
43:12
far better. Parallels.
43:15
For modern experience because they're so
43:17
much closer inside? Yeah, No, absolutely.
43:20
And and I would add that
43:22
I do note from having been
43:24
pursuing this kind of general line
43:26
of inquiry now for many years
43:29
from boredom fifteen years ah and
43:31
trying to educate myself as far
43:33
as possible about all kinds of
43:36
other non modern people's posts a
43:38
extinct an extent both past and
43:40
present. My general sense is that
43:42
you know the Athenians. Actually, the
43:45
end of a lot more in common
43:47
with lead say indigenous Amazonians than they
43:49
do with us because there are certain.
43:52
Basic. i mean i'm talking at
43:54
a very very very kind of
43:56
foundational level here basic kind of
43:58
laws of being that Athenians would
44:00
subscribe to and that Amazonians
44:03
would subscribe to, that we
44:06
moderns have broken with to
44:08
make this thing we call
44:10
modernity basic ideas about precisely
44:13
relational basis
44:16
of social being. So for
44:18
example, the idea that we
44:20
have fundamental relations with the
44:22
particular lands that make our
44:24
lives possible, or that
44:26
we are surrounded in our
44:29
world by non-human beings, whether
44:31
they are gods or
44:33
whether they are animals
44:37
and plants and trees and winds and
44:39
stones and rivers that have a personality,
44:41
a personhood of their own. The
44:44
humans are not by themselves. They have
44:46
to get along with all of these
44:49
non-human others, however one
44:51
conceives of them. And
44:53
therefore, we are accountable to all of
44:55
these non-human others. We can't just do
44:57
what the hell we like. And
45:01
it seems to me one of
45:03
the signature features of our modernity
45:05
is precisely this thought that the
45:07
whole world is just this arena
45:09
where we can shape that arena
45:11
to our best interests, regardless of
45:13
the interests of all the other
45:15
non-humans there, whether we are thinking
45:17
of them as spirits, gods,
45:20
or plants and animals that have
45:22
their own personalities and interests.
45:24
And I mean, in the end, I
45:26
suppose the most fundamental difference between the
45:28
modern and non-modern ways of being are
45:32
that the non-modern ways try
45:34
to adapt human practices to
45:38
the fabrics of the planet, whereas
45:41
modern ways adapt the fabrics of
45:43
the planet to human practices. The
45:46
other way around, in a way, it's
45:48
kind of reversing the causal arrows there.
45:51
You know, so many of the so-called
45:53
achievements of modernity that we
45:55
celebrate are about our ability
45:58
to manipulate the fabrics of
46:00
the planet. the planet, whether
46:02
it's agricultural, industrial, technological,
46:04
or right down to
46:07
cellular levels. Obviously,
46:09
some of these things have been useful
46:11
and helpful in productive things, curing certain
46:14
kinds of diseases. But it
46:16
is clearly a patent in modernity, which
46:18
is this sense of
46:20
humans as this all-powerful kind
46:22
of beings, and the
46:26
planet for us is just this sort
46:29
of clay for us to
46:31
mold to fit our own
46:34
interests, particularly capitalist interests, because that's
46:36
obviously the way of life on which
46:38
our lives are all staked, whether we
46:40
like it or not. Whereas
46:42
with non-modern peoples, whether it's
46:44
the Egyptians, the Greeks, the
46:47
Chinese, or Amazonians, or
46:49
Andeans, or Native American peoples,
46:52
they tend to be, because
46:54
they are not inhabiting the
46:56
world by themselves. They
46:58
don't see creation as something there
47:01
for humans to use for their
47:03
own interests. They see
47:05
instead massive populations of non-human
47:07
beings with whom they have
47:09
to get along. And those
47:11
non-humans have their own processes
47:13
of life, etc., to which
47:15
humans have to adapt themselves.
47:17
So human practices will always
47:19
be adjusted to the needs
47:21
of the fabrics of the
47:24
planet, as we would see it, whereas
47:26
we adjust the fabrics of the planet
47:28
to our human needs. That
47:31
to me is as fundamental as it gets
47:33
as a difference. Now, people might say, that's
47:35
so broad brush, it's almost pointless or useless,
47:38
but I do think there is a general
47:40
plan that can be identified. It's
47:43
hard to overstate how much
47:45
the world changes when everybody
47:47
is an individual, and that's
47:49
your fundamental unit of social
47:51
being, versus you
47:53
matter as an individual, as part
47:56
of broader sets
47:58
of overlapping communities. Like
48:00
that is dramatically different. And this
48:02
is like, it's the hardest thing
48:04
to explain as a pre-modern historian
48:06
to modern people about the
48:08
past is that you're not just on
48:11
your own. Like there are no libertarians
48:13
in the past in
48:15
the deep human past. They just don't exist. Because
48:17
like, I remember I did
48:19
an episode on John Calvin
48:22
in Geneva, which seems from the modern
48:24
point of view, or a 21st century
48:26
point of view, to be this incredibly
48:28
dystopian survey like panopticon of existence
48:31
to live in where if you find yourself
48:33
needing to go to the bathroom on the
48:35
way home and you stop in an alley
48:37
out of sight and you relieve yourself, you're
48:39
going to wind up in front of a
48:41
court and you're going to end up in
48:43
massive trouble. And just trying to understand,
48:45
I got a lot of questions from
48:47
people trying to understand how could people live in this? Why
48:49
would they subject themselves to this? Why would they
48:51
do this? Why would they move from long distances
48:53
away to be part of this community? And
48:56
they did it because you're
48:58
not an individual. Your
49:00
actions affect the collective
49:03
salvation of everybody who is involved
49:05
in this project. And if
49:08
that is the moral and spiritual
49:10
valence of every action that you
49:12
take, then of course the whole
49:14
community has to surveil you at
49:16
all times because their spiritual well-being,
49:18
which is the highest possible thing
49:20
that you can be concerned with,
49:22
depends on it. And that's
49:25
pretty, you know, that's 400, 500 years ago. That's
49:27
not that long ago. No, not long ago. And
49:30
obviously that is at the time when things
49:32
are starting to change. You
49:34
know, I mean, clearly the Protestant
49:37
Reformation has a significant role to
49:39
play in the formation of what
49:41
ultimately is going to become secular
49:43
modernity. But no, you're absolutely right.
49:46
And that brings up another point
49:48
really, which is that often
49:50
for the peoples that we might study from the
49:52
past, whether it's 500 years
49:54
ago in Geneva or whether it's thousands of years
49:56
ago, some other time and place, they're pretty much
49:59
in the same place. occupations are not
50:01
just with their immediate material everyday lives.
50:03
There is a whole other life, and
50:05
obviously for Christians, a far more important
50:08
life that is the everlasting eternal life
50:10
that they devote their earthly
50:13
lives to seeking and to
50:15
ensuring. And so, you know,
50:18
does social science, modern social science have
50:20
within it the kind of tools that
50:23
can really make sense of experiences like that? Well,
50:25
of course it doesn't because the tools are all
50:27
secular, and they take for granted that there's no
50:29
such thing as God, there's no such thing as
50:31
heaven, no such thing as eternal life. So
50:35
again, the limitations of these modern
50:37
tools are just so striking. And
50:40
I guess I can only say that I
50:43
hope people over time will come to recognize
50:45
these shortcomings. Not to say they aren't of
50:47
any value at all, but that
50:49
they seriously can distort
50:51
the accounts that you're
50:54
trying to produce of past existence
50:56
when, you know, the
50:58
life you're trying to study is actually of
51:00
only secondary importance to the people actually living
51:02
it, because the primary life is the life
51:04
to come, in the world to come. So
51:07
we have to take the existence of that
51:09
world to come seriously if we're going to
51:11
take their lives seriously. See,
51:14
this is exactly what I have enjoyed
51:16
about reading your work and talking
51:18
with you about all of this is the
51:21
idea of taking that seriously, of
51:23
taking their categories of understanding
51:26
the world, their concepts, their
51:28
perspectives, of treating that as
51:31
the object to be recovered
51:33
instead of an obstacle
51:35
in the way of what we're actually trying to
51:37
get to. Yes. You know, that's,
51:40
I really appreciate that. And I've taken so much
51:42
of your time here before we finish.
51:44
Can I just quickly say something, Patrick? And
51:47
not because I don't want to give the
51:49
impression that I'm some, you know, virtuosic theorist
51:52
type of person here. You
51:54
know, I should say that in other disciplines, people
51:57
have been moving in this direction for quite
51:59
a while. cultural anthropology in particular
52:01
for more than 20 years. I'll
52:03
be honest, and I confess, I wasn't aware
52:06
of that when I first started going this
52:08
direction myself as a historian. But
52:10
this kind of approach, this
52:12
what I would call a
52:14
pluriversal or many worlds approach
52:17
to understanding human life in
52:19
the past and the present and maybe the
52:22
future, is I wouldn't
52:24
say it's become completely mainstream,
52:26
but it's certainly fairly commonplace
52:28
in cultural anthropology now, and
52:30
it is in various other fields. Of course,
52:33
in fields like indigenous studies,
52:35
particularly where the academics
52:37
involved have an indigenous background, I
52:39
mean, they know better than anyone
52:42
that humans have lived in a
52:44
pluriverse of many different worlds, not in
52:47
a universe of just one. And
52:50
I have to think, and I hope, that
52:52
this kind of perspective will
52:55
become more widespread
52:57
over time, be more conventional,
52:59
because it's very hard to
53:01
see what's really wrong with it,
53:04
why we shouldn't think of it this way.
53:06
There are all kinds of reasons why we should, which
53:09
I could list for you. But anyway, I'm sorry
53:11
I interrupted. No, no, no, no. I
53:15
was trying to find a way to kind of put a bow
53:17
on it, and I think that does a really good job of
53:20
it, because even if it
53:23
can feel frustrating to have to
53:25
abandon categories that seem so familiar
53:27
and safe to us, to abandon
53:29
the idea of universals or easy
53:31
translations, it can be really
53:33
hard. I mean, I had one
53:35
more anecdote. I
53:39
had this really eminent Irish professor of history
53:41
when I was doing my master's degree, and
53:43
I remember him freaking out, literally
53:45
freaking out, because this manuscript that he
53:47
thought was a particular date turned out
53:50
to be that that date was
53:52
wrong, but they didn't know what the right date was.
53:54
They couldn't figure out the right date. And this was
53:56
so disturbing to him that he kept
53:59
using the date that he knew to be wrong,
54:01
because the idea of not having a
54:03
date was so bothersome to him. And
54:06
a truly eminent guy and a
54:08
wonderful historian, but he was so
54:11
bound to needing to know when this
54:13
manuscript had been compiled, that he was
54:16
willing to make what is
54:18
what was obviously a mistake in order
54:20
to hang on to it. And I think that's
54:22
the problem writ large is like, we talk ourselves
54:24
into thinking that these categories are useful, because
54:27
we're like, well, what better option do
54:29
we have? And you're pointing
54:31
toward a more difficult, but honestly, in the
54:33
long run, a better option. So for that...
54:36
I mean, I hope so. And
54:38
again, the implications go way beyond academic
54:40
history. I mean, again, and this would
54:43
be where it's, you know, it's helpful
54:45
to read what people in other fields
54:47
are, how
54:49
they are developing these ideas and pursuing them.
54:51
And again, of course, we have all kinds
54:54
of, you know, indigenous
54:56
activists and artists and intellectuals
54:58
out there who are
55:01
fighting for their very existence to preserve
55:03
their existence as peoples, not just in
55:05
the US, but all over the globe
55:07
at this point, these decolonization
55:10
projects where, you know, in this
55:12
ultimately, I guess you could say
55:14
the fight is to not
55:17
just for their culture or to preserve
55:19
sacred artifacts and these sorts of things,
55:21
the way modern people might look at
55:23
it, but to preserve what for them
55:25
counts as a world in the first
55:28
place, to a world of
55:30
their own choosing, as
55:32
it were, rather than having to
55:34
submit to the modern techno scientific
55:37
capitalist world that has been forced
55:40
upon them from every different direction for
55:42
hundreds of years now. I
55:44
mean, it's remarkable the kind of resilience
55:46
one sees here. But that's ultimately what's
55:48
at stake there. And quite
55:51
a lot of the scholarship in other fields
55:53
which pushes
55:55
this more pluriversal way of thinking is
55:59
studied. interactions
56:01
between contemporary indigenous peoples
56:03
and modern authorities, and
56:05
how the indigenous claims
56:08
are often translated into modern
56:11
terms and thereby diminished
56:14
and made easily dismissible because
56:16
it seems to be that those
56:18
claims are just based on folklore
56:21
or primitive beliefs when of
56:23
course the modern authorities know what's really
56:25
true and what's really real. Well,
56:28
I don't know, there's a certain level
56:30
of arrogance involved there and I
56:32
think it is quite possible
56:34
to make the case that what
56:36
we take to be reality in
56:38
this modern techno-scientific world of ours
56:41
is no more ultimately real than
56:43
all these other different worlds that thousands of
56:46
other peoples have lived by across time
56:48
and space. One
56:51
can make the argument on a philosophical
56:53
theoretical grounds. It's not as if the
56:55
idea of an objective reality has not
56:57
been challenged many, many
57:00
times over at least the past hundred
57:02
years or more. But
57:06
in the end, you have to want to go there.
57:08
As you say, particularly academics I've
57:11
found tend to be the most resistant
57:13
because they may be partly because they
57:15
have a stake in keeping things as
57:18
they are. Their careers are
57:20
built on the conventional
57:22
ways of doing things so they feel
57:25
threatened by this alternative. Maybe
57:27
it's an inherent conservatism. They like to think
57:29
they're experts in something and all of a
57:31
sudden the rugs pulled out from beneath them
57:33
as it might feel. And it's
57:35
like, whoa, we have to start again. Who
57:37
wants to do that? I
57:40
also find young people are much more receptive to
57:42
these kinds of ideas than older people tend to
57:44
be. I did a
57:46
TED talk which has been seen by quite a
57:48
few million people at this point from all over
57:50
the world. And it's clear that
57:53
the positive reception from younger people
57:55
is very forthcoming.
57:59
And I just find it with my own students on an everyday
58:01
basis at Ohio State that they are more
58:04
receptive than they used to be to these
58:06
alternative ways of thinking. Those are all
58:09
reasons to feel optimistic. Yeah. And
58:11
when your new book is done
58:13
on the Pluriverse, I cannot
58:16
wait to read it. Professor Anderson, thank you so
58:18
much for your time. It's been an absolute pleasure
58:20
chatting with you. And likewise here, Patrick. Thanks so
58:22
much for having me. Thank you. If
58:27
you like Tides of History, you can listen early
58:29
and ad-free right now by joining Wundery Plus in
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58:37
Before you go, tell us about yourself
58:39
by filling out a short survey at
58:42
wundery.com/survey. Thanks
58:51
so much for joining me today. Be sure
58:53
and hit me up if you'd like to
58:55
chat about anything we've talked about on Tides
58:58
or something you'd like to see. You can
59:00
find me on Twitter at Patrick underscore Wyman
59:02
or on Facebook at Patrick Wyman MMA or
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on other topics at PatrickWyman.substack.com. Tides of History
59:09
is written and narrated by me, Patrick Wyman.
59:11
A sound engineer is Sergio Enriquez. Tides
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