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Doing “The Best Things First,” with Bjorn Lomborg | Uncommon Knowledge | Peter Robinson | Hoover Institution

Doing “The Best Things First,” with Bjorn Lomborg | Uncommon Knowledge | Peter Robinson | Hoover Institution

Released Tuesday, 25th June 2024
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Doing “The Best Things First,” with Bjorn Lomborg | Uncommon Knowledge | Peter Robinson | Hoover Institution

Doing “The Best Things First,” with Bjorn Lomborg | Uncommon Knowledge | Peter Robinson | Hoover Institution

Doing “The Best Things First,” with Bjorn Lomborg | Uncommon Knowledge | Peter Robinson | Hoover Institution

Doing “The Best Things First,” with Bjorn Lomborg | Uncommon Knowledge | Peter Robinson | Hoover Institution

Tuesday, 25th June 2024
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8:00

for what the Brits disarmingly

8:02

call danger money. You

8:05

get more money because it's more dangerous

8:07

job. You have just revealed how much

8:09

you're willing to risk your life a

8:11

little more for a little more money.

8:13

If you calculate that into what is

8:15

the full worth of one life, turns

8:17

out it's about 10 million. Now, for

8:19

poor countries, the willingness is

8:21

much lower, simply because they have less money and

8:23

they have many more problems. We know that if

8:25

you go to poor countries, you'll

8:28

see people, like

8:30

a whole truckload of people, people

8:32

going on trains and they're hanging out from

8:34

the side, that kind of thing. They also

8:37

wanna arrive alive, but they also have many

8:39

other challenges. And so they'll often accept to

8:41

pay little and have a greater risk of

8:44

death. So we estimate what

8:46

that value is for the low and

8:48

low and middle income countries through a

8:50

lot of complicated measures. The answer is

8:53

it's worth $128,000 per life. Now,

8:57

we actually do it per life year because we think,

9:00

and this is also what the research seems

9:02

to indicate, that people value young

9:05

people that die have a lot of lives

9:07

left over. More than if you save an

9:09

old person, they'll have a couple of years

9:11

and maybe just a couple of months extra,

9:14

that's worth less. So we estimate this.

9:17

Again, there is no way this is

9:19

true, but the

9:21

value of this is it suddenly becomes

9:23

very obvious where you can do incredible

9:25

amounts of good and where you can.

9:27

Okay, okay, so it's a useful methodology.

9:30

Yes. All right. So

9:34

the subtitle of best things first, quote,

9:37

the 12 most efficient solutions for

9:39

the world's poorest. As

9:41

I said, you've settled on a dozen policies that

9:43

would provide the greatest returns. We don't

9:46

have time to go through all 12, but a

9:48

number deal with health. You mentioned

9:50

combating malaria, improving maternal and newborn

9:52

health, addressing chronic diseases. Let's

9:54

take one of these in particular and

9:56

one that I have to confess, I was

9:59

surprised to learn. remains a problem in much

10:01

of the world, and that is tuberculosis.

10:06

So very briefly, what

10:08

is tuberculosis? And

10:10

why would a typical American be surprised

10:13

to learn that it makes your book? Yes.

10:16

Tuberculosis is an infectious disease.

10:18

You typically get it in

10:20

crowded conditions. So it's

10:22

been around forever. We also

10:25

have references in the antique era. But

10:27

it really was only when we started

10:29

building up cities and people living close

10:31

to each other, then we started to

10:33

infect each other. In the

10:35

1800s, every fourth

10:37

person that died in North America

10:40

and in Europe died from tuberculosis.

10:42

This was a huge deal. If

10:45

now I'm giving away the ending. You know,

10:47

in... Shays of Rusch. Dickens,

10:49

Nevels, Nables. Yes, in Moulin Rouge,

10:51

Satine dies from tuberculosis. But

10:54

also in Le Boheme. Oh, God, I'm also

10:56

giving away the answer to the opera. Anyway,

10:59

but, you know, lots and lots of people

11:01

died from tuberculosis. This is a tsunami of

11:03

death. And then we

11:05

fixed it with antibiotics. You

11:07

know, we used to send people off to sanatoriums. It

11:09

probably didn't work, but it kept them away from us.

11:12

But the point is, around 1930, we basically fixed this.

11:16

So more than 50 years, we

11:18

have fixed this for the rich world. That's

11:21

why virtually nobody dies from tuberculosis in the

11:23

rich world. But in the

11:25

poor world, 1.4 million people still die each

11:27

and every year from this very treatable disease.

11:29

Now, it's hard to treat. You actually need

11:31

to take medication for half a year. If

11:34

you've ever had, you know, like medication for

11:36

two weeks, you know, once you start getting

11:38

better, you start to forget

11:40

to take your medication. And actually

11:42

keeping you on this medication for half

11:45

a year is incredibly important because otherwise

11:47

it starts becoming resistant. You may actually

11:49

make a drug-resistant TB and

11:51

transfer that on. So you want to make

11:53

sure that people take it. You also want

11:55

to find all the people who have it.

11:58

Many people don't go to doctors. do

22:00

this. Trade is fundamentally a good idea because

22:02

if you and I trade, it means you can do

22:04

what you're best at and I can do what I'm

22:06

best at and we end up being better off. That's

22:08

sort of the fundamental point that we realized back in

22:10

the late 1700s. This is a good idea.

22:15

But there's often a lot of vested interests

22:17

too who don't want this trade, right? Because

22:20

if I do what you're better at, I'd

22:22

like you to not be able to trade

22:24

with me because then I get to just

22:26

do my inefficient stuff. So there's a lot

22:28

of reasons why this has been a hard,

22:30

long slog. One of

22:32

the things that economists forgot to

22:34

talk about was the fact that when you do trade,

22:37

some people legitimately lose out. There's essentially

22:39

the rust belt conversation that we've now

22:41

had the last 20 years where we

22:43

realized if you open up for a

22:45

lot of trade for China, some

22:48

people in the US are actually going

22:50

to be working in import exposed

22:53

industries and they're going to lose out. They

22:55

will either have, see their pay cut or

22:57

maybe their job's simply gone. This

22:59

is a real cost of trade. We forgot

23:02

to talk about that. Economists in general just

23:04

simply didn't talk about it. They were just

23:06

all elated about this and that's one of

23:08

the reasons why a lot of the West

23:10

has soured on free trade. It was

23:12

sort of like, sure, they promised us all this

23:14

great stuff and we did get a lot of

23:17

great stuff, but there were also real problems. What

23:19

our research does, and again, I should

23:21

say, this is not me being incredibly

23:23

brilliant. These are some of the best

23:26

economists who've done all these papers based

23:28

on period research and they are the

23:30

ones who did the first model, as

23:32

I understand, the first

23:34

free trade economic model that actually tries to

23:36

estimate not just the benefits that we all

23:38

get better off, but also the cost that

23:40

some people lose their jobs. Turns out in

23:43

the rich world, this is a real issue.

23:45

So for every $7 that the US would

23:49

win by opening up its economy, you

23:51

also lose $1. So that's a real

23:53

dollar loss. That's somebody who ... The

23:55

$7 benefits are diffused and spread out

23:58

across all consumers. Everybody who ... It

24:00

stops at Walmart, gets cheaper clothes and

24:02

toys because of China. But

24:05

in South Carolina where they used to have textile

24:07

mills, they're going to be this town and this

24:09

town and this town and this town are

24:11

going to be wiped out. Exactly. Right.

24:14

Okay. And that's a real

24:16

problem, but also of course something that a

24:18

smart society ought to be able to handle

24:21

because you have $7 to compensate these guys,

24:23

make sure that they get an education so

24:25

they can go and do something else that

24:27

they can become productive in a 21st century

24:30

economy. We should not all

24:32

be sewing t-shirts and we've kind of learned

24:34

that lesson, but there are many other lessons

24:36

that are waiting out there. But this is

24:38

the reason why a lot of rich countries

24:40

are a little skeptical. But remember, most

24:43

of the poor countries are

24:45

going to be doing the jobs that will

24:47

create more trade for them. So they're going

24:50

to win. So we find that while in

24:52

the rich world, the benefit cost ratio is only

24:54

seven to one, for the poor

24:57

half of the world, it's 95 to one. That's

25:01

why this is a fantastic deal for poor

25:03

countries. And of course also, if you want

25:05

to help poor countries with all their problems,

25:08

you should also say they should have access to

25:10

free trade. Okay. Let me go

25:12

through, because I find it so compelling, a

25:15

few of the facts that you present here

25:17

in Best Things First. You

25:19

note that China cut

25:21

its tariffs from an average of 32% in 1992 to 2.5% in 2020. At

25:28

the same time, they're lifting hundreds of millions

25:30

of people out of poverty. Actually,

25:33

I think it would probably be better to say

25:35

hundreds of millions of Chinese were then able to

25:37

lift themselves out of poverty. All right. India,

25:40

similar story, cuts tariffs from 56% in 1990 to

25:42

6% in 2020. It's

25:46

opening itself to the world. It sees

25:48

its incomes quadruple. You refer

25:51

to a study by Dartmouth economist Douglas

25:53

Irwin showing the declining trade barriers, quote,

25:55

have been a feature of virtually all

25:57

rapid growth developing countries in the past

25:59

half century. South Korea,

26:01

Chile, Vietnam and on it goes.

26:04

Okay, then we come to the heart

26:07

of this argument on trade and

26:09

again this theme that runs

26:11

through the book. One

26:13

study shows, and the theme is economic

26:15

growth, one study shows that

26:17

over the past four decades of economic

26:20

growth, the bottom 20% and

26:23

the bottom 40% generally

26:26

rose in the same proportion

26:28

as the mean equal economic growth

26:30

in a country. As

26:33

the whole economy grows, the

26:36

poor become better off. Prosperity

26:40

really is shared.

26:43

That's the heart of your argument. Well,

26:45

I would actually argue the heart of my argument is

26:48

that this is a cost benefit

26:50

analysis that shows that this is a great idea.

26:52

But one of the concerns that a lot of

26:54

people would have is, well,

26:56

but you're just talking about money and

26:59

sure on average, American and China

27:01

and India are going to get richer, but

27:03

what about the poorest? Aren't they

27:06

going to be left behind? Aren't they

27:08

not going to be part of this

27:10

economy? And the research shows, well, that's

27:12

actually not the concern. They're going to

27:14

grow just as much. Now, again,

27:16

you might argue that you'd like them to

27:18

grow even faster and that's not what happens,

27:20

but they grow just as fast. John Kennedy

27:22

said a rising tide lifts all boats and

27:24

he was right. He was right. Okay. Kudo,

27:27

I'd like to show you a brief video clip,

27:29

Bjorn. The whole topic

27:31

of tariffs to me is

27:33

so simple. Number one, it's great

27:36

economically for us and it brings

27:38

our companies back because if you

27:40

charge tariffs to China,

27:42

they're going to build their car plans

27:44

here and they're going to employ our

27:46

people. They're right now building big plans

27:48

because of Biden. They're building big plans

27:51

in Mexico. So they build a big

27:53

China plant in Mexico. Then they sell

27:55

it across the border with very little

27:57

tax. It's ridiculous. We want.

27:59

them to build their plants in

28:02

the United States. We don't want to

28:04

get cars from China. We want to

28:06

get cars made by China in the

28:08

United States using our workers. But

28:10

it also gives us a big political

28:12

power. Tariffs are tremendously

28:15

powerful in terms of

28:17

stopping wars because they

28:19

don't want tariffs. And frankly I

28:21

can do I made them sing. I

28:24

made other countries sing with

28:26

the threat of tariffs. And if you

28:29

don't have tariffs we have nothing whatsoever

28:31

on them. So this

28:34

guy has half of the country supporting him. Forty

28:37

seven percent I think of the latest poll. How

28:40

does they were. And of course versions

28:43

of this argument appear in

28:45

democracy after democracy after democracy.

28:48

How does a working politician answer

28:52

the argument. So

28:54

I think fundamentally this is one of the challenges.

28:56

This is why it's not happening because

28:58

it's a powerful argument to say we want

29:01

to have our work in

29:03

our nation and that's how it should

29:05

work. That feels right except

29:07

for when you realize that the reason

29:09

why you're so well off is because

29:11

everyone in the world do what they

29:14

do best and we all

29:16

trade. This is what we found for

29:18

the last couple hundred years. Now there's

29:20

no doubt that Donald Trump could get

29:22

everyone to sing if you if you

29:24

threaten with stuff. Yes I would sing

29:27

too if he was going to threaten

29:29

me with tariffs. But it doesn't mean

29:31

it's a good argument. Fundamentally putting tariffs

29:33

on anything simply means it becomes more

29:35

expensive for Americans and it

29:37

becomes less efficient for the whole world. It

29:39

also becomes worse for China which is why

29:41

they're singing. But the fundamental point here is

29:44

again to remember surely this

29:46

is about making the world as well off

29:48

as we can rather than

29:50

just simply getting I

29:52

actually I don't want someone to sing. I

29:54

want the world to be better off. Right.

29:58

Bjorn there is One

30:00

topic that appears

30:02

nowhere in best things

30:05

first. I thought, well, there's 12 of

30:07

these. There has to be one that addresses this.

30:11

And well, here I have another video

30:13

to play for you. The

30:16

only existential threat humanity faces, even

30:18

more frightening than a nuclear war, is

30:23

global warming going above 1.5 degrees in the next

30:25

10 years. It

30:29

would be real trouble. There's

30:31

no way back from that. Climate

30:35

change, Bjorn, is the only existential threat

30:38

to humans. And

30:41

you don't put it in best things first. Is it because

30:43

you don't think it's a threat or because there's no efficient

30:45

way of addressing it? So it's

30:47

a little of both. So fundamentally, global warming

30:49

is a real problem. It's

30:51

not an existential threat. Any

30:54

kind of estimates, even the worst kind

30:56

of estimates, will still leave

30:59

us with 80 percent more likely, with

31:01

97 percent of what we

31:03

would otherwise have. So remember, by the end

31:05

of the century, we're likely, according to the

31:08

UN, to be, say, 450 percent

31:10

as rich per person as we are today. Because

31:13

of global warming and because of the problems, there

31:15

will be more problems and benefits. We

31:18

will feel like we're only 434 percent as rich.

31:21

That's a problem. But it's not the end of

31:23

the world. It actually will be much, much better off. The planet

31:25

is not going to be reduced to a cinder. No.

31:29

And this is more sort of a politician or

31:32

a campaigner talking. That's

31:34

just not what the climate science is

31:36

telling us. Again, there's a real problem.

31:40

But then you have to ask, what can

31:42

you do about it? And in

31:44

the short run, the things you can do

31:46

about it, so for instance, putting a carbon

31:48

tax, which most economists would say is a

31:50

good idea, is also very

31:52

expensive. So what we find is typically

31:54

that carbon tax will deliver two dollars

31:56

back on the dollar, which is a

31:58

nice thing to do. Yeah. have enough

32:00

money and if you have enough policy

32:02

capital you should also be doing this.

32:05

But it's not the first thing you should

32:07

be doing. So these are the 12 best

32:10

things and we've defined best by saying

32:12

they deliver more than 15 dollars

32:14

back on the dollar. Climate change

32:17

in any shape form away is

32:19

far away from that. Now there are some things that

32:21

are great. And I also mentioned that we we estimate

32:23

in the for climate

32:26

change you should for instance focus on research

32:28

and development into green energy you know make

32:30

green energy incredibly much cheaper through innovation and

32:32

everyone will buy it. That will be a

32:34

game changer. And of course then you can

32:36

get China, India and Africa and everybody else

32:38

on board if you could do that. Even

32:41

that very very effective policy is

32:43

still going to be you know it's going

32:45

to cost a hundred billion dollars a year.

32:47

So three times the total cost of this

32:50

project. And that will deliver

32:52

say about eleven dollars back on

32:54

the dollar. And this assumes essentially

32:58

first world growth rates that we care a

33:00

lot about the future because we are pretty safe

33:02

right now. This is not where most people

33:04

in the poor half of the world is. If

33:06

your kids are dying or have a risk

33:08

of dying tonight if they don't have enough food

33:10

if you have bad education there's not good

33:15

jobs or corruption all

33:17

kinds of other problems. This

33:19

is what you worry about not what the temperatures is

33:21

a hundred years ago. A hundred

33:23

years ahead. Now in a rich world

33:26

we can care about both. I'm not saying we

33:28

should do nothing about climate but I'm simply saying

33:30

this is what we should do first. One more

33:32

question about climate. And by the way I don't

33:34

want you and I have recorded whole

33:36

shows on this very topic and our viewers can

33:39

find them on YouTube and listeners can find

33:41

them on Apple podcast. You've written books about

33:43

this. You know the

33:45

material and viewers can find more of your on

33:47

climate. But for present

33:49

purposes what is it about

33:52

climate change. The

33:54

climate is changing. There's no but why

33:56

has it fix

34:00

the attention of the Western world to such

34:02

an extent that Joe Biden

34:05

can say preposterous things like

34:08

climate change represents an existential threat. When

34:10

as you point out, the science indicates

34:12

no such thing, not even close to

34:14

any such thing. What is there about

34:17

human psychology, the state of the West,

34:19

that we find ourselves fixating on something,

34:22

overstating the problem enormously? And

34:25

I think I might argue, I would tend

34:27

to suspect that it's distracting us from

34:30

real tangible good that we could

34:32

actually do. Why? Oh,

34:34

absolutely. For the same reason

34:36

that a poll early could get away with

34:39

more than 50 years ago to say, yeah,

34:41

we've already lost the game, we're all going

34:43

to dine, or many, many people, many billions

34:46

are going to dine and

34:48

start starvation. Doom is fantastically

34:50

good TV. So,

34:53

obviously, you're just going to constantly

34:56

argue this. So if you think about

34:58

what was before climate change, we worried

35:00

a lot about acid rain. Do you

35:02

remember that? Yes, yes, yes, I do.

35:04

In the 1980s. Again, acid rain was

35:06

a real problem in mainly

35:09

lakes, in for instance, in Norway

35:11

and in Canada, some

35:13

vulnerable lakes. There were some real

35:15

issues near

35:17

Czechoslovakia, where there was

35:19

a lot of air pollution that actually killed some forests.

35:22

But most people thought, and this is how the media

35:24

portrayed it, that we're going to be, you know, there's

35:26

going to be no forest by the year 2000. And

35:29

of course, that turned out to be entirely

35:32

wrong. Totally untrue. But it was a

35:34

great TV for 10 years. And this

35:36

is essentially the same issue. There's a

35:38

real problem underlying this, but we're fixing

35:40

it badly, partly because we're scared, witless,

35:42

and do all kinds of dumb things.

35:44

But as you also point out, it

35:47

means we end up forgetting all the

35:49

other important problems. But remember, the

35:51

people who actually live the poor half of the

35:53

world, the 4 billion people who live in low

35:56

and low and middle income countries, they

35:58

know that while they all. They also care

36:00

about climate change. They do actually care about

36:03

the fact that we could save their kids

36:05

from dying from easily curable infectious diseases tonight.

36:07

Why aren't we? Because we're

36:09

not focusing on smart things first. The

36:13

question of what we already spend, best things first,

36:16

quote, this book doesn't try to reanalyze

36:18

everything the world is already spending money

36:21

on. There may well be useful

36:23

changes to countries current policies on one issue or

36:25

another, but that's a discussion for elsewhere,

36:28

close quote. Here's

36:30

a quotation from the Wall Street Journal.

36:32

On the Inflation Reduction Act of

36:35

2022, a couple of years

36:37

ago, Big Biden now

36:39

being portrayed during this presidential campaign is a

36:41

Big Biden accomplishment. The

36:43

act includes 1.2 trillion in

36:46

supposed climate spending over the next decade.

36:49

Wall Street Journal quote, apart from wartime,

36:51

we doubt there has ever been a

36:53

bigger splurge of government subsidies. This

36:56

acts 1.2 trillion in subsidies will

36:58

inevitably cause investment distortions and

37:00

un-seek, unseen economic damage, close

37:02

quote. I can see why

37:05

Bjorn Lomborg wants to

37:07

keep the focus on this

37:09

specific list of things we can achieve

37:12

and not get drawn into different arguments.

37:15

But, but all

37:18

you need is 35 billion a year to

37:20

accomplish every task in this book that's

37:24

350 billion dollars over a decade. Don't

37:27

you feel at least a little urge to pipe

37:29

up when you see the

37:31

United States wasting 1.2 trillion

37:33

dollars over a decade and what is,

37:36

or some substantial portion of that is

37:38

very clearly a payoff to political constituencies.

37:40

So as you've said, we've had that

37:43

conversation many times and I find that

37:45

one of the things I really appreciate

37:47

about this book is it does not

37:49

try to say, here's what you shouldn't

37:52

do. You're an idiot,

37:54

all that kind of stuff. This is about

37:56

saying here are 12 amazing things. Whatever

37:59

else it is that we're going to do. we're doing, should

38:01

we do that first? And

38:03

then we can get- Then you're such a sweet

38:05

upbeat guy. Well, but it's also, you know, look,

38:07

it's a question of realizing there's

38:09

much more power in getting everybody on

38:11

board with saying, oh yes, we should

38:14

actually do this. We will do

38:16

lots of other things that everybody will disagree on, that's

38:18

fine, but we should do

38:20

this first. Okay. I just want

38:22

you fighting some fights alongside me, but I understand

38:24

you want to be- I do that. All right.

38:27

All right. Here's

38:30

a last question for you. I

38:32

address you as a friend. Here

38:35

you are in your trademark

38:38

t-shirt and jeans, a

38:41

man very proud of his native country of

38:43

Denmark, which is so often held up as

38:45

a socialist paradise. And

38:49

yet in this book, you

38:52

engage in benefit

38:54

cost analysis and close calculations

38:57

of the con- and you ceaselessly

39:00

extol the benefits of economic growth.

39:04

So I put it to you Bjorn, that

39:07

you are running a scam. You

39:10

look like a

39:12

cheerful Scandinavian progressive, but

39:15

you're actually bougie. You're

39:18

actually a capitalist,

39:20

Bjorn. Defend

39:22

yourself. I'm not sure I

39:24

need to defend myself. I think, you know,

39:27

if you look at most of the Scandinavian

39:29

countries, they're unabashedly capitalist. This is why they're

39:31

rich. They're also just very aware

39:33

that they want to recycle some of that

39:35

revenue into good schools and other kinds of

39:37

good things. We could have

39:39

a whole show on that conversation,

39:41

but fundamentally we have learned

39:44

very clearly if you're poor, you're

39:46

vulnerable to pretty much everything. If

39:48

you're not poor, you're much more

39:50

resilient to pretty much everything. This

39:53

is an argument of how we can

39:56

make a very large portion of the

39:58

world have much better starting positions. Remember,

40:00

if you start out and

40:02

you're really smart, yes, but if

40:04

you're really smart, but if you

40:06

die from an easily curable infectious disease in

40:08

the first years of your life, or if

40:11

you don't get a good education, or if

40:13

you don't get good nutrition, or if you

40:15

get into all of these other problems, you're

40:17

not going to get anywhere. This is a

40:19

way to make sure that much more of

40:22

the world get a fighting chance to actually

40:24

live the life that you and I and

40:26

many others in the rich world live. Okay.

40:29

I said that was the last question. Here's the last question. I

40:31

lied to you. This

40:33

book has been out about a year now. Any

40:37

response? Do you see the UN saying, oh,

40:39

you know, Lombard makes

40:41

a point. We

40:44

need a tight, reasonable, almost modest list

40:46

of items that we can actually achieve

40:48

and we'll rank them in quarter of

40:50

RO. What a good idea.

40:53

Let's do it. I don't see it happening

40:55

in the federal government of this country. I'm

40:57

not aware that USAID has shifted. Who's

41:00

responding to you? This is

41:02

compelling. First of all, the

41:04

UN surprisingly, not surprisingly, decided

41:06

to say, oh my God, we're failing on

41:08

all these tasks. So give us much more

41:10

money, which is the

41:13

standard approach of any bureaucracy. I

41:15

understand why they'd say it. I also understand why they

41:18

wouldn't embrace this book. I mean, it's

41:20

essentially saying you should have done it differently. But

41:22

the main point here is to say

41:25

that a lot of people within USAID,

41:27

a lot of people in the administration

41:29

and everywhere else, a lot of people

41:31

that do philanthropy

41:34

realize that this is some of the things that

41:36

they should do. Now I'm arguing for all 12

41:39

points, but the reality is that most people will

41:41

pick up on one or two and say, oh,

41:43

I want to do that. I want to help

41:45

doing that. And that's exactly what this is about.

41:47

This is not about getting everything right. It's about

41:49

getting things slightly less wrong, right? Getting it in

41:51

the right direction. And what we're doing

41:54

now is we're working with a lot of governments

41:56

around the world in trying to take their priorities.

41:58

So I just came back from. Tonga in

42:00

the South Pacific, where,

42:02

you know, it's a fairly small nation, but

42:05

they have their own priorities. And

42:07

what we've done is to go through all

42:09

their priorities and say, of all these things,

42:11

what does the economic literature tell us is

42:13

an incredibly good investment? What is not? And

42:16

try to help them both spend their own

42:18

money, but also, you know, New Zealand and Australia

42:20

spends a lot of money in these countries. And

42:23

often they feel a little bit like they

42:25

get pushed from New Zealand and Australia what

42:27

the answer is. Now they suddenly have an

42:29

argument of saying, no, this is actually what

42:31

the literature tells us is the most effective

42:33

thing for Tonga. We're doing the same thing

42:35

for Namibia, for Uzbekistan,

42:37

for many other places

42:39

around the world. And

42:42

I think that's how you make change. Yes,

42:44

I would love to get everybody on board

42:46

right away, but this is not how that

42:48

works. It's simply getting people slightly more towards...

42:50

But that's two smart things. But that's the

42:52

fact that it's not rich philanthropists or even

42:54

rich countries that seem to be responding. It's

42:57

poor countries. Yes. Who

42:59

are responding? Because this is about poor

43:01

country problems. Obviously, if you're trying to

43:03

sell, you know, the Inflation Reduction Act,

43:05

this is not your main thing. Tonga

43:07

is not fair about that. But, well,

43:09

Tonga cares less about that and more

43:11

about the fact that they want better

43:13

healthcare, they want better infrastructure, they want

43:15

better education, these very, very simple things.

43:18

And that's where you really have a

43:20

big chance to influence. Bjorn Lomborg, just

43:22

back from Tonga, author of

43:24

Best Things First. Thank

43:26

you. Thank you. For Uncommon

43:28

Knowledge, the Hoover Institution and Fox Nation,

43:31

I'm Peter Robinson.

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From The Podcast

Uncommon Knowledge

For more than two decades the Hoover Institution has been producing Uncommon Knowledge with Peter Robinson, a series hosted by Hoover fellow Peter Robinson as an outlet for political leaders, scholars, journalists, and today’s big thinkers to share their views with the world. Guests have included a host of famous figures, including Paul Ryan, Henry Kissinger, Antonin Scalia, Rupert Murdoch, Newt Gingrich, and Christopher Hitchens, along with Hoover fellows such as Condoleezza Rice and George Shultz.“Uncommon Knowledge takes fascinating, accomplished guests, then sits them down with me to talk about the issues of the day,” says Robinson, an author and former speechwriter for President Reagan. “Unhurried, civil, thoughtful, and informed conversation– that’s what we produce. And there isn’t all that much of it around these days.”The show started life as a television series in 1997 and is now distributed exclusively on the web over a growing network of the largest political websites and channels. To stay tuned for the latest updates on and episodes related to Uncommon Knowledge, follow us on Facebook and Twitter. For more than two decades the Hoover Institution has been producing Uncommon Knowledge with Peter Robinson, a series hosted by Hoover fellow Peter Robinson as an outlet for political leaders, scholars, journalists, and today’s big thinkers to share their views with the world. Guests have included a host of famous figures, including Paul Ryan, Henry Kissinger, Antonin Scalia, Rupert Murdoch, Newt Gingrich, and Christopher Hitchens, along with Hoover fellows such as Condoleezza Rice and George Shultz.“Uncommon Knowledge takes fascinating, accomplished guests, then sits them down with me to talk about the issues of the day,” says Robinson, an author and former speechwriter for President Reagan. “Unhurried, civil, thoughtful, and informed conversation– that’s what we produce. And there isn’t all that much of it around these days.”The show started life as a television series in 1997 and is now distributed exclusively on the web over a growing network of the largest political websites and channels. To stay tuned for the latest updates on and episodes related to Uncommon Knowledge, follow us on Facebook and Twitter.

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