Episode Transcript
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8:00
for what the Brits disarmingly
8:02
call danger money. You
8:05
get more money because it's more dangerous
8:07
job. You have just revealed how much
8:09
you're willing to risk your life a
8:11
little more for a little more money.
8:13
If you calculate that into what is
8:15
the full worth of one life, turns
8:17
out it's about 10 million. Now, for
8:19
poor countries, the willingness is
8:21
much lower, simply because they have less money and
8:23
they have many more problems. We know that if
8:25
you go to poor countries, you'll
8:28
see people, like
8:30
a whole truckload of people, people
8:32
going on trains and they're hanging out from
8:34
the side, that kind of thing. They also
8:37
wanna arrive alive, but they also have many
8:39
other challenges. And so they'll often accept to
8:41
pay little and have a greater risk of
8:44
death. So we estimate what
8:46
that value is for the low and
8:48
low and middle income countries through a
8:50
lot of complicated measures. The answer is
8:53
it's worth $128,000 per life. Now,
8:57
we actually do it per life year because we think,
9:00
and this is also what the research seems
9:02
to indicate, that people value young
9:05
people that die have a lot of lives
9:07
left over. More than if you save an
9:09
old person, they'll have a couple of years
9:11
and maybe just a couple of months extra,
9:14
that's worth less. So we estimate this.
9:17
Again, there is no way this is
9:19
true, but the
9:21
value of this is it suddenly becomes
9:23
very obvious where you can do incredible
9:25
amounts of good and where you can.
9:27
Okay, okay, so it's a useful methodology.
9:30
Yes. All right. So
9:34
the subtitle of best things first, quote,
9:37
the 12 most efficient solutions for
9:39
the world's poorest. As
9:41
I said, you've settled on a dozen policies that
9:43
would provide the greatest returns. We don't
9:46
have time to go through all 12, but a
9:48
number deal with health. You mentioned
9:50
combating malaria, improving maternal and newborn
9:52
health, addressing chronic diseases. Let's
9:54
take one of these in particular and
9:56
one that I have to confess, I was
9:59
surprised to learn. remains a problem in much
10:01
of the world, and that is tuberculosis.
10:06
So very briefly, what
10:08
is tuberculosis? And
10:10
why would a typical American be surprised
10:13
to learn that it makes your book? Yes.
10:16
Tuberculosis is an infectious disease.
10:18
You typically get it in
10:20
crowded conditions. So it's
10:22
been around forever. We also
10:25
have references in the antique era. But
10:27
it really was only when we started
10:29
building up cities and people living close
10:31
to each other, then we started to
10:33
infect each other. In the
10:35
1800s, every fourth
10:37
person that died in North America
10:40
and in Europe died from tuberculosis.
10:42
This was a huge deal. If
10:45
now I'm giving away the ending. You know,
10:47
in... Shays of Rusch. Dickens,
10:49
Nevels, Nables. Yes, in Moulin Rouge,
10:51
Satine dies from tuberculosis. But
10:54
also in Le Boheme. Oh, God, I'm also
10:56
giving away the answer to the opera. Anyway,
10:59
but, you know, lots and lots of people
11:01
died from tuberculosis. This is a tsunami of
11:03
death. And then we
11:05
fixed it with antibiotics. You
11:07
know, we used to send people off to sanatoriums. It
11:09
probably didn't work, but it kept them away from us.
11:12
But the point is, around 1930, we basically fixed this.
11:16
So more than 50 years, we
11:18
have fixed this for the rich world. That's
11:21
why virtually nobody dies from tuberculosis in the
11:23
rich world. But in the
11:25
poor world, 1.4 million people still die each
11:27
and every year from this very treatable disease.
11:29
Now, it's hard to treat. You actually need
11:31
to take medication for half a year. If
11:34
you've ever had, you know, like medication for
11:36
two weeks, you know, once you start getting
11:38
better, you start to forget
11:40
to take your medication. And actually
11:42
keeping you on this medication for half
11:45
a year is incredibly important because otherwise
11:47
it starts becoming resistant. You may actually
11:49
make a drug-resistant TB and
11:51
transfer that on. So you want to make
11:53
sure that people take it. You also want
11:55
to find all the people who have it.
11:58
Many people don't go to doctors. do
22:00
this. Trade is fundamentally a good idea because
22:02
if you and I trade, it means you can do
22:04
what you're best at and I can do what I'm
22:06
best at and we end up being better off. That's
22:08
sort of the fundamental point that we realized back in
22:10
the late 1700s. This is a good idea.
22:15
But there's often a lot of vested interests
22:17
too who don't want this trade, right? Because
22:20
if I do what you're better at, I'd
22:22
like you to not be able to trade
22:24
with me because then I get to just
22:26
do my inefficient stuff. So there's a lot
22:28
of reasons why this has been a hard,
22:30
long slog. One of
22:32
the things that economists forgot to
22:34
talk about was the fact that when you do trade,
22:37
some people legitimately lose out. There's essentially
22:39
the rust belt conversation that we've now
22:41
had the last 20 years where we
22:43
realized if you open up for a
22:45
lot of trade for China, some
22:48
people in the US are actually going
22:50
to be working in import exposed
22:53
industries and they're going to lose out. They
22:55
will either have, see their pay cut or
22:57
maybe their job's simply gone. This
22:59
is a real cost of trade. We forgot
23:02
to talk about that. Economists in general just
23:04
simply didn't talk about it. They were just
23:06
all elated about this and that's one of
23:08
the reasons why a lot of the West
23:10
has soured on free trade. It was
23:12
sort of like, sure, they promised us all this
23:14
great stuff and we did get a lot of
23:17
great stuff, but there were also real problems. What
23:19
our research does, and again, I should
23:21
say, this is not me being incredibly
23:23
brilliant. These are some of the best
23:26
economists who've done all these papers based
23:28
on period research and they are the
23:30
ones who did the first model, as
23:32
I understand, the first
23:34
free trade economic model that actually tries to
23:36
estimate not just the benefits that we all
23:38
get better off, but also the cost that
23:40
some people lose their jobs. Turns out in
23:43
the rich world, this is a real issue.
23:45
So for every $7 that the US would
23:49
win by opening up its economy, you
23:51
also lose $1. So that's a real
23:53
dollar loss. That's somebody who ... The
23:55
$7 benefits are diffused and spread out
23:58
across all consumers. Everybody who ... It
24:00
stops at Walmart, gets cheaper clothes and
24:02
toys because of China. But
24:05
in South Carolina where they used to have textile
24:07
mills, they're going to be this town and this
24:09
town and this town and this town are
24:11
going to be wiped out. Exactly. Right.
24:14
Okay. And that's a real
24:16
problem, but also of course something that a
24:18
smart society ought to be able to handle
24:21
because you have $7 to compensate these guys,
24:23
make sure that they get an education so
24:25
they can go and do something else that
24:27
they can become productive in a 21st century
24:30
economy. We should not all
24:32
be sewing t-shirts and we've kind of learned
24:34
that lesson, but there are many other lessons
24:36
that are waiting out there. But this is
24:38
the reason why a lot of rich countries
24:40
are a little skeptical. But remember, most
24:43
of the poor countries are
24:45
going to be doing the jobs that will
24:47
create more trade for them. So they're going
24:50
to win. So we find that while in
24:52
the rich world, the benefit cost ratio is only
24:54
seven to one, for the poor
24:57
half of the world, it's 95 to one. That's
25:01
why this is a fantastic deal for poor
25:03
countries. And of course also, if you want
25:05
to help poor countries with all their problems,
25:08
you should also say they should have access to
25:10
free trade. Okay. Let me go
25:12
through, because I find it so compelling, a
25:15
few of the facts that you present here
25:17
in Best Things First. You
25:19
note that China cut
25:21
its tariffs from an average of 32% in 1992 to 2.5% in 2020. At
25:28
the same time, they're lifting hundreds of millions
25:30
of people out of poverty. Actually,
25:33
I think it would probably be better to say
25:35
hundreds of millions of Chinese were then able to
25:37
lift themselves out of poverty. All right. India,
25:40
similar story, cuts tariffs from 56% in 1990 to
25:42
6% in 2020. It's
25:46
opening itself to the world. It sees
25:48
its incomes quadruple. You refer
25:51
to a study by Dartmouth economist Douglas
25:53
Irwin showing the declining trade barriers, quote,
25:55
have been a feature of virtually all
25:57
rapid growth developing countries in the past
25:59
half century. South Korea,
26:01
Chile, Vietnam and on it goes.
26:04
Okay, then we come to the heart
26:07
of this argument on trade and
26:09
again this theme that runs
26:11
through the book. One
26:13
study shows, and the theme is economic
26:15
growth, one study shows that
26:17
over the past four decades of economic
26:20
growth, the bottom 20% and
26:23
the bottom 40% generally
26:26
rose in the same proportion
26:28
as the mean equal economic growth
26:30
in a country. As
26:33
the whole economy grows, the
26:36
poor become better off. Prosperity
26:40
really is shared.
26:43
That's the heart of your argument. Well,
26:45
I would actually argue the heart of my argument is
26:48
that this is a cost benefit
26:50
analysis that shows that this is a great idea.
26:52
But one of the concerns that a lot of
26:54
people would have is, well,
26:56
but you're just talking about money and
26:59
sure on average, American and China
27:01
and India are going to get richer, but
27:03
what about the poorest? Aren't they
27:06
going to be left behind? Aren't they
27:08
not going to be part of this
27:10
economy? And the research shows, well, that's
27:12
actually not the concern. They're going to
27:14
grow just as much. Now, again,
27:16
you might argue that you'd like them to
27:18
grow even faster and that's not what happens,
27:20
but they grow just as fast. John Kennedy
27:22
said a rising tide lifts all boats and
27:24
he was right. He was right. Okay. Kudo,
27:27
I'd like to show you a brief video clip,
27:29
Bjorn. The whole topic
27:31
of tariffs to me is
27:33
so simple. Number one, it's great
27:36
economically for us and it brings
27:38
our companies back because if you
27:40
charge tariffs to China,
27:42
they're going to build their car plans
27:44
here and they're going to employ our
27:46
people. They're right now building big plans
27:48
because of Biden. They're building big plans
27:51
in Mexico. So they build a big
27:53
China plant in Mexico. Then they sell
27:55
it across the border with very little
27:57
tax. It's ridiculous. We want.
27:59
them to build their plants in
28:02
the United States. We don't want to
28:04
get cars from China. We want to
28:06
get cars made by China in the
28:08
United States using our workers. But
28:10
it also gives us a big political
28:12
power. Tariffs are tremendously
28:15
powerful in terms of
28:17
stopping wars because they
28:19
don't want tariffs. And frankly I
28:21
can do I made them sing. I
28:24
made other countries sing with
28:26
the threat of tariffs. And if you
28:29
don't have tariffs we have nothing whatsoever
28:31
on them. So this
28:34
guy has half of the country supporting him. Forty
28:37
seven percent I think of the latest poll. How
28:40
does they were. And of course versions
28:43
of this argument appear in
28:45
democracy after democracy after democracy.
28:48
How does a working politician answer
28:52
the argument. So
28:54
I think fundamentally this is one of the challenges.
28:56
This is why it's not happening because
28:58
it's a powerful argument to say we want
29:01
to have our work in
29:03
our nation and that's how it should
29:05
work. That feels right except
29:07
for when you realize that the reason
29:09
why you're so well off is because
29:11
everyone in the world do what they
29:14
do best and we all
29:16
trade. This is what we found for
29:18
the last couple hundred years. Now there's
29:20
no doubt that Donald Trump could get
29:22
everyone to sing if you if you
29:24
threaten with stuff. Yes I would sing
29:27
too if he was going to threaten
29:29
me with tariffs. But it doesn't mean
29:31
it's a good argument. Fundamentally putting tariffs
29:33
on anything simply means it becomes more
29:35
expensive for Americans and it
29:37
becomes less efficient for the whole world. It
29:39
also becomes worse for China which is why
29:41
they're singing. But the fundamental point here is
29:44
again to remember surely this
29:46
is about making the world as well off
29:48
as we can rather than
29:50
just simply getting I
29:52
actually I don't want someone to sing. I
29:54
want the world to be better off. Right.
29:58
Bjorn there is One
30:00
topic that appears
30:02
nowhere in best things
30:05
first. I thought, well, there's 12 of
30:07
these. There has to be one that addresses this.
30:11
And well, here I have another video
30:13
to play for you. The
30:16
only existential threat humanity faces, even
30:18
more frightening than a nuclear war, is
30:23
global warming going above 1.5 degrees in the next
30:25
10 years. It
30:29
would be real trouble. There's
30:31
no way back from that. Climate
30:35
change, Bjorn, is the only existential threat
30:38
to humans. And
30:41
you don't put it in best things first. Is it because
30:43
you don't think it's a threat or because there's no efficient
30:45
way of addressing it? So it's
30:47
a little of both. So fundamentally, global warming
30:49
is a real problem. It's
30:51
not an existential threat. Any
30:54
kind of estimates, even the worst kind
30:56
of estimates, will still leave
30:59
us with 80 percent more likely, with
31:01
97 percent of what we
31:03
would otherwise have. So remember, by the end
31:05
of the century, we're likely, according to the
31:08
UN, to be, say, 450 percent
31:10
as rich per person as we are today. Because
31:13
of global warming and because of the problems, there
31:15
will be more problems and benefits. We
31:18
will feel like we're only 434 percent as rich.
31:21
That's a problem. But it's not the end of
31:23
the world. It actually will be much, much better off. The planet
31:25
is not going to be reduced to a cinder. No.
31:29
And this is more sort of a politician or
31:32
a campaigner talking. That's
31:34
just not what the climate science is
31:36
telling us. Again, there's a real problem.
31:40
But then you have to ask, what can
31:42
you do about it? And in
31:44
the short run, the things you can do
31:46
about it, so for instance, putting a carbon
31:48
tax, which most economists would say is a
31:50
good idea, is also very
31:52
expensive. So what we find is typically
31:54
that carbon tax will deliver two dollars
31:56
back on the dollar, which is a
31:58
nice thing to do. Yeah. have enough
32:00
money and if you have enough policy
32:02
capital you should also be doing this.
32:05
But it's not the first thing you should
32:07
be doing. So these are the 12 best
32:10
things and we've defined best by saying
32:12
they deliver more than 15 dollars
32:14
back on the dollar. Climate change
32:17
in any shape form away is
32:19
far away from that. Now there are some things that
32:21
are great. And I also mentioned that we we estimate
32:23
in the for climate
32:26
change you should for instance focus on research
32:28
and development into green energy you know make
32:30
green energy incredibly much cheaper through innovation and
32:32
everyone will buy it. That will be a
32:34
game changer. And of course then you can
32:36
get China, India and Africa and everybody else
32:38
on board if you could do that. Even
32:41
that very very effective policy is
32:43
still going to be you know it's going
32:45
to cost a hundred billion dollars a year.
32:47
So three times the total cost of this
32:50
project. And that will deliver
32:52
say about eleven dollars back on
32:54
the dollar. And this assumes essentially
32:58
first world growth rates that we care a
33:00
lot about the future because we are pretty safe
33:02
right now. This is not where most people
33:04
in the poor half of the world is. If
33:06
your kids are dying or have a risk
33:08
of dying tonight if they don't have enough food
33:10
if you have bad education there's not good
33:15
jobs or corruption all
33:17
kinds of other problems. This
33:19
is what you worry about not what the temperatures is
33:21
a hundred years ago. A hundred
33:23
years ahead. Now in a rich world
33:26
we can care about both. I'm not saying we
33:28
should do nothing about climate but I'm simply saying
33:30
this is what we should do first. One more
33:32
question about climate. And by the way I don't
33:34
want you and I have recorded whole
33:36
shows on this very topic and our viewers can
33:39
find them on YouTube and listeners can find
33:41
them on Apple podcast. You've written books about
33:43
this. You know the
33:45
material and viewers can find more of your on
33:47
climate. But for present
33:49
purposes what is it about
33:52
climate change. The
33:54
climate is changing. There's no but why
33:56
has it fix
34:00
the attention of the Western world to such
34:02
an extent that Joe Biden
34:05
can say preposterous things like
34:08
climate change represents an existential threat. When
34:10
as you point out, the science indicates
34:12
no such thing, not even close to
34:14
any such thing. What is there about
34:17
human psychology, the state of the West,
34:19
that we find ourselves fixating on something,
34:22
overstating the problem enormously? And
34:25
I think I might argue, I would tend
34:27
to suspect that it's distracting us from
34:30
real tangible good that we could
34:32
actually do. Why? Oh,
34:34
absolutely. For the same reason
34:36
that a poll early could get away with
34:39
more than 50 years ago to say, yeah,
34:41
we've already lost the game, we're all going
34:43
to dine, or many, many people, many billions
34:46
are going to dine and
34:48
start starvation. Doom is fantastically
34:50
good TV. So,
34:53
obviously, you're just going to constantly
34:56
argue this. So if you think about
34:58
what was before climate change, we worried
35:00
a lot about acid rain. Do you
35:02
remember that? Yes, yes, yes, I do.
35:04
In the 1980s. Again, acid rain was
35:06
a real problem in mainly
35:09
lakes, in for instance, in Norway
35:11
and in Canada, some
35:13
vulnerable lakes. There were some real
35:15
issues near
35:17
Czechoslovakia, where there was
35:19
a lot of air pollution that actually killed some forests.
35:22
But most people thought, and this is how the media
35:24
portrayed it, that we're going to be, you know, there's
35:26
going to be no forest by the year 2000. And
35:29
of course, that turned out to be entirely
35:32
wrong. Totally untrue. But it was a
35:34
great TV for 10 years. And this
35:36
is essentially the same issue. There's a
35:38
real problem underlying this, but we're fixing
35:40
it badly, partly because we're scared, witless,
35:42
and do all kinds of dumb things.
35:44
But as you also point out, it
35:47
means we end up forgetting all the
35:49
other important problems. But remember, the
35:51
people who actually live the poor half of the
35:53
world, the 4 billion people who live in low
35:56
and low and middle income countries, they
35:58
know that while they all. They also care
36:00
about climate change. They do actually care about
36:03
the fact that we could save their kids
36:05
from dying from easily curable infectious diseases tonight.
36:07
Why aren't we? Because we're
36:09
not focusing on smart things first. The
36:13
question of what we already spend, best things first,
36:16
quote, this book doesn't try to reanalyze
36:18
everything the world is already spending money
36:21
on. There may well be useful
36:23
changes to countries current policies on one issue or
36:25
another, but that's a discussion for elsewhere,
36:28
close quote. Here's
36:30
a quotation from the Wall Street Journal.
36:32
On the Inflation Reduction Act of
36:35
2022, a couple of years
36:37
ago, Big Biden now
36:39
being portrayed during this presidential campaign is a
36:41
Big Biden accomplishment. The
36:43
act includes 1.2 trillion in
36:46
supposed climate spending over the next decade.
36:49
Wall Street Journal quote, apart from wartime,
36:51
we doubt there has ever been a
36:53
bigger splurge of government subsidies. This
36:56
acts 1.2 trillion in subsidies will
36:58
inevitably cause investment distortions and
37:00
un-seek, unseen economic damage, close
37:02
quote. I can see why
37:05
Bjorn Lomborg wants to
37:07
keep the focus on this
37:09
specific list of things we can achieve
37:12
and not get drawn into different arguments.
37:15
But, but all
37:18
you need is 35 billion a year to
37:20
accomplish every task in this book that's
37:24
350 billion dollars over a decade. Don't
37:27
you feel at least a little urge to pipe
37:29
up when you see the
37:31
United States wasting 1.2 trillion
37:33
dollars over a decade and what is,
37:36
or some substantial portion of that is
37:38
very clearly a payoff to political constituencies.
37:40
So as you've said, we've had that
37:43
conversation many times and I find that
37:45
one of the things I really appreciate
37:47
about this book is it does not
37:49
try to say, here's what you shouldn't
37:52
do. You're an idiot,
37:54
all that kind of stuff. This is about
37:56
saying here are 12 amazing things. Whatever
37:59
else it is that we're going to do. we're doing, should
38:01
we do that first? And
38:03
then we can get- Then you're such a sweet
38:05
upbeat guy. Well, but it's also, you know, look,
38:07
it's a question of realizing there's
38:09
much more power in getting everybody on
38:11
board with saying, oh yes, we should
38:14
actually do this. We will do
38:16
lots of other things that everybody will disagree on, that's
38:18
fine, but we should do
38:20
this first. Okay. I just want
38:22
you fighting some fights alongside me, but I understand
38:24
you want to be- I do that. All right.
38:27
All right. Here's
38:30
a last question for you. I
38:32
address you as a friend. Here
38:35
you are in your trademark
38:38
t-shirt and jeans, a
38:41
man very proud of his native country of
38:43
Denmark, which is so often held up as
38:45
a socialist paradise. And
38:49
yet in this book, you
38:52
engage in benefit
38:54
cost analysis and close calculations
38:57
of the con- and you ceaselessly
39:00
extol the benefits of economic growth.
39:04
So I put it to you Bjorn, that
39:07
you are running a scam. You
39:10
look like a
39:12
cheerful Scandinavian progressive, but
39:15
you're actually bougie. You're
39:18
actually a capitalist,
39:20
Bjorn. Defend
39:22
yourself. I'm not sure I
39:24
need to defend myself. I think, you know,
39:27
if you look at most of the Scandinavian
39:29
countries, they're unabashedly capitalist. This is why they're
39:31
rich. They're also just very aware
39:33
that they want to recycle some of that
39:35
revenue into good schools and other kinds of
39:37
good things. We could have
39:39
a whole show on that conversation,
39:41
but fundamentally we have learned
39:44
very clearly if you're poor, you're
39:46
vulnerable to pretty much everything. If
39:48
you're not poor, you're much more
39:50
resilient to pretty much everything. This
39:53
is an argument of how we can
39:56
make a very large portion of the
39:58
world have much better starting positions. Remember,
40:00
if you start out and
40:02
you're really smart, yes, but if
40:04
you're really smart, but if you
40:06
die from an easily curable infectious disease in
40:08
the first years of your life, or if
40:11
you don't get a good education, or if
40:13
you don't get good nutrition, or if you
40:15
get into all of these other problems, you're
40:17
not going to get anywhere. This is a
40:19
way to make sure that much more of
40:22
the world get a fighting chance to actually
40:24
live the life that you and I and
40:26
many others in the rich world live. Okay.
40:29
I said that was the last question. Here's the last question. I
40:31
lied to you. This
40:33
book has been out about a year now. Any
40:37
response? Do you see the UN saying, oh,
40:39
you know, Lombard makes
40:41
a point. We
40:44
need a tight, reasonable, almost modest list
40:46
of items that we can actually achieve
40:48
and we'll rank them in quarter of
40:50
RO. What a good idea.
40:53
Let's do it. I don't see it happening
40:55
in the federal government of this country. I'm
40:57
not aware that USAID has shifted. Who's
41:00
responding to you? This is
41:02
compelling. First of all, the
41:04
UN surprisingly, not surprisingly, decided
41:06
to say, oh my God, we're failing on
41:08
all these tasks. So give us much more
41:10
money, which is the
41:13
standard approach of any bureaucracy. I
41:15
understand why they'd say it. I also understand why they
41:18
wouldn't embrace this book. I mean, it's
41:20
essentially saying you should have done it differently. But
41:22
the main point here is to say
41:25
that a lot of people within USAID,
41:27
a lot of people in the administration
41:29
and everywhere else, a lot of people
41:31
that do philanthropy
41:34
realize that this is some of the things that
41:36
they should do. Now I'm arguing for all 12
41:39
points, but the reality is that most people will
41:41
pick up on one or two and say, oh,
41:43
I want to do that. I want to help
41:45
doing that. And that's exactly what this is about.
41:47
This is not about getting everything right. It's about
41:49
getting things slightly less wrong, right? Getting it in
41:51
the right direction. And what we're doing
41:54
now is we're working with a lot of governments
41:56
around the world in trying to take their priorities.
41:58
So I just came back from. Tonga in
42:00
the South Pacific, where,
42:02
you know, it's a fairly small nation, but
42:05
they have their own priorities. And
42:07
what we've done is to go through all
42:09
their priorities and say, of all these things,
42:11
what does the economic literature tell us is
42:13
an incredibly good investment? What is not? And
42:16
try to help them both spend their own
42:18
money, but also, you know, New Zealand and Australia
42:20
spends a lot of money in these countries. And
42:23
often they feel a little bit like they
42:25
get pushed from New Zealand and Australia what
42:27
the answer is. Now they suddenly have an
42:29
argument of saying, no, this is actually what
42:31
the literature tells us is the most effective
42:33
thing for Tonga. We're doing the same thing
42:35
for Namibia, for Uzbekistan,
42:37
for many other places
42:39
around the world. And
42:42
I think that's how you make change. Yes,
42:44
I would love to get everybody on board
42:46
right away, but this is not how that
42:48
works. It's simply getting people slightly more towards...
42:50
But that's two smart things. But that's the
42:52
fact that it's not rich philanthropists or even
42:54
rich countries that seem to be responding. It's
42:57
poor countries. Yes. Who
42:59
are responding? Because this is about poor
43:01
country problems. Obviously, if you're trying to
43:03
sell, you know, the Inflation Reduction Act,
43:05
this is not your main thing. Tonga
43:07
is not fair about that. But, well,
43:09
Tonga cares less about that and more
43:11
about the fact that they want better
43:13
healthcare, they want better infrastructure, they want
43:15
better education, these very, very simple things.
43:18
And that's where you really have a
43:20
big chance to influence. Bjorn Lomborg, just
43:22
back from Tonga, author of
43:24
Best Things First. Thank
43:26
you. Thank you. For Uncommon
43:28
Knowledge, the Hoover Institution and Fox Nation,
43:31
I'm Peter Robinson.
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