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0:00
The New Statesman
0:06
Hello I'm Katie Stallard and you're
0:08
listening to World Review from The New Statesman,
0:11
a twice weekly international news podcast.
0:18
Every Monday we interview a guest for their
0:20
unique perspective and expertise. Then
0:23
later in the week we come together to unpack
0:25
some of the most significant stories in world
0:27
affairs. Today I'm speaking
0:30
to Paul Huang, a research fellow
0:32
at the Taiwanese Public Opinion Foundation
0:35
and a journalist based in Taipei who
0:37
focuses on defence and politics. We'll
0:40
discuss the fallout from Tsai Ing-wen's
0:42
meeting with Kevin McCarthy in the United
0:44
States and the outlook for Taiwan's presidential
0:47
election in January.
0:53
Paul thank you for joining me. It's
0:55
great to have you on the podcast. Thank you Katie.
0:57
Thank you for having me. So we last
1:00
spoke in an amazing
1:02
cafe in Taipei where
1:04
we had, I don't even know how
1:07
to describe the amazing food we ate. It was
1:09
some sort of fried breadsticks wrapped in
1:11
pancake. It was amazing. But
1:13
one of the things I took away from our conversation
1:16
there was
1:17
just how much in general we,
1:20
particularly in the foreign media, are
1:22
missing outside Taiwan.
1:24
So I wanted to start by asking you firstly, I should
1:27
point out that we are recording this as
1:38
Tsai Ing-wen is still in the United
1:40
States and Ma Ying-jeou,
1:43
the former president and member of the rival
1:45
KMT, is still in China. So we don't
1:47
yet know what reaction there
1:49
will be from Beijing to Tsai's activities
1:52
here. But
1:53
as a starting point, could you talk
1:55
a little bit about how those visits
1:58
are being watched in Taiwan? and how
2:00
much attention or not people
2:03
are paying to them. Well, with regard to
2:05
President Tsai's transit through
2:07
the US and her visit to Taiwan,
2:10
several diplomatic allies in
2:12
South America, Central America, her visit
2:14
is not being discussed as widely as she
2:17
and her administration can call, just because
2:19
there's nothing new coming
2:21
out of it.
2:22
She's not meeting with Biden, she's not meeting
2:24
with Anthony Blinken,
2:26
she's not meeting with any high-level US
2:28
officials, she's not making any breakthrough. So
2:31
that's pretty much the end of it. The Taiwanese public
2:34
have for years seen these
2:36
kind of overseas
2:38
visits to Taiwan as a very few diplomatic allies.
2:41
Their reaches are useful, the limit
2:43
is useful, I'm sorry to say it, it's just
2:46
that people are not buying that
2:48
show anymore. The people know we
2:50
are losing then, and the speed as
2:52
they were seeing before, something once
2:54
every year or even two every year, and her
2:57
visit to the US,
2:59
from the US, from the
3:01
table to McCarthy, isn't going to boost her
3:04
support domestically anyway.
3:06
On the other hand, President Ma Yingzhou visited
3:08
me, like many other analysts,
3:11
observers, but also didn't have much
3:14
expectation just because he's not really
3:16
a shock-holder in Taiwan. He's a former president,
3:19
he's a member of the KMT, yes,
3:21
but he's questionable for the kind of influence
3:23
the status he has
3:25
within the KMT. He's not a major player anymore,
3:28
that is for sure. However, in
3:30
the past few days, he's visited to
3:32
China, his speech at the University
3:35
of Hunan, his talks at
3:37
various places, meeting
3:39
with the Chinese Communist Party officials,
3:42
the Chinese government officials, he has been building
3:44
a sting. The kind of things that he's been
3:47
saying
3:47
is in the goal pose,
3:50
it is what they think are the
3:53
goal pose, such as mentioning
3:55
the
3:55
Taiwan's official name, the Republic of China,
3:57
which is
5:48
although
6:00
as you point out, no former president
6:02
and certainly not likely to
6:04
run for office again. On behalf of the KMT,
6:08
offering this vision of what
6:10
could happen if there was a better relationship
6:13
with China. Even the DPP, even Tsai
6:16
Ing-wen,
6:17
since even as early as 2016, when
6:20
she took office,
6:21
said they have been saying that we don't
6:24
necessarily oppose good relations
6:26
with China. We want
6:28
dialogue with China, we want engagement
6:30
with China.
6:31
However, Beijing refused to talk
6:33
to them. Why? Because
6:35
they see them, they see Tsai, they see DPP
6:38
as having an agenda that is
6:40
pro-Taiwan independence,
6:43
the dual independence. Even so
6:45
for Tsai Ing-wen's administration at least, it's
6:48
just not the case. She has no such agenda
6:50
that we can be sure. She
6:52
has done literally nothing to
6:54
move the goalposts in terms
6:56
of Taiwan's digital independence
6:58
anywhere more than they
7:01
already were. But
7:03
because of this preconception that
7:05
Beijing had, and also because
7:08
Beijing had no reason
7:10
not to go in, it doesn't
7:13
need to talk to Tsai government
7:16
as much as Tsai needs to talk to them. So
7:18
they can choose who they talk to. So
7:21
you see how it turned out
7:23
that Beijing is using its relation
7:25
with Taiwan, this is cross-relation
7:28
as
7:29
Tsai-ge-beetle saying, we don't like this government
7:31
power, so we're not going to talk to you. And
7:34
that really hurt
7:35
the DPP and Tsai in the long run in
7:38
the last few years. Tsai
7:39
is term limited. So
7:42
she, as you said, came to power in 2016, but
7:44
will stand down at the next
7:46
election.
7:48
Can you give us a sense of how closely contested
7:51
that election is likely to be?
7:53
And whether
7:56
at this stage it looks like the DPP
7:58
will stay in power, or if there's a rule,
9:48
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Hi, I'm Anoush and I host the New Statesman
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to the New Statesman podcast. You can subscribe
10:43
now wherever you get your podcasts. That
10:46
was a great
10:49
dinner.
10:53
So great. I
10:55
just got a car. Oh, the one I just sold at Carvana. What?
10:58
When did you do that? When you were still looking at the menu,
11:01
I went on Carvana.com and all I had to do was enter
11:03
the license plate or VIN, answer a few questions
11:05
and got a real offer in seconds.
11:06
You picked up the car already? No, I parked around
11:08
the corner, but they are picking it up tomorrow and
11:11
paying me right on the spot. Oh, no wonder you
11:13
picked up the check. About that, I thought
11:15
we were going halfsies.
11:32
Do you think there is a balance for
11:35
Beijing to strike in its response
11:38
to Tsai's meeting with McCarthy
11:41
in
11:42
terms of if it reacts very
11:44
strongly, is there a
11:46
danger that it could push
11:49
voters who, as you say, are
11:51
now a little bit re-examining the
11:53
DPP and their record over the last eight
11:55
years? If Beijing reacts too strongly,
11:58
does that actually help? the DPP's
12:01
case push voters towards
12:03
them. What do you think the calculation will
12:05
be? For starters,
12:06
I don't think Beijing's calculation
12:09
is based
12:10
on the calculation
12:13
on when to actually
12:14
move on to Taiwan, to attack
12:17
Taiwan, to go to
12:19
that final military
12:21
option. I don't think that decision
12:23
rests on
12:26
Tai's visit to some country or
12:28
her talk with some
12:31
US politicians.
12:32
That's not how Beijing made
12:34
its decision. They
12:36
don't want to be pushed. They don't want to
12:39
be pressured into
12:41
doing something as big as invading
12:43
Taiwan.
12:44
On that one, they have
12:46
their own timetable, which
12:49
again I don't have no idea nor
12:52
do any of these US
12:54
observers, analysts, or even
12:56
officials, who claim they have some
12:59
magical number, 2025, 27. No,
13:01
still
13:02
exists. Only Beijing, only
13:04
decision makers in Beijing know.
13:06
And we know
13:10
that the calculation
13:12
is determined by factors
13:15
that's really
13:17
more have to do with fundamentals. The
13:19
fundamental means the
13:21
military balance
13:23
between Taiwan and China across the
13:25
street,
13:26
or the imbalance, or how in balance
13:29
that is. We know the Chinese People's Liberation
13:31
Army has already surpassed Taiwan's military
13:34
in
13:34
both quantity and quality,
13:37
but
13:37
by how much? They increase the
13:39
edge over Taiwan every year. At some
13:42
point, they're going to look at it and say,
13:44
this
13:45
is probably enough. We don't need any
13:47
more. Not
13:49
just edge over Taiwan, but over the United
13:53
States as well. Some people would say catching
13:55
up to the United States. In many areas,
13:58
the Chinese POA over the United States,
13:59
already surpassed the
14:01
US military or
14:03
the
14:04
US allies military.
14:06
The Japan South Defense Force,
14:09
even countries like Australia,
14:12
those VOA, they're more capable,
14:17
they're more numerous, they're more in a better
14:20
position to strike than the US and its allies
14:22
in the region. That's just a fact. I
14:25
think that as the military imbalance
14:27
increases, it
14:31
becomes more
14:33
and more likely that China will strike. They will
14:35
not be reacting to, say,
14:37
Tsai's
14:38
meeting with Karsi.
14:41
Just because of that, they attack. Not
14:43
really how they made that decision. You
14:45
write a lot about the military, have a lot of expertise
14:48
in this area. I think, particularly from
14:50
where I am here in the US, there is this perception
14:52
that the Ukraine war has
14:55
marked this really important change.
14:58
There is now a concerted shift taking place
15:00
and Taiwan is moving rapidly
15:02
towards asymmetric capabilities. It's
15:05
building up its training, it's undergoing
15:07
reforms.
15:09
But from what you see
15:11
there, how accurate a picture is that? What
15:13
do you think is the reality of the pace at which
15:16
those reforms are taking place?
15:18
Oh, it's all talks. There
15:20
is no change. It's not even
15:22
a symbolic change. All
15:24
that we have seen is
15:27
just public relations. They create something
15:30
to mislead international media,
15:32
to mislead foreign observers,
15:35
and concerned parties such as the United States
15:37
government, the American Institute
15:39
in
15:40
Taiwan, supposedly showing
15:43
them that Taiwan had made some changes in
15:45
improvement. When there is not, they are still doing
15:47
the exercises the same way they have been doing it. That
15:51
was 10, 20, 30 years ago, nothing has been changed.
15:54
They are still pretending the POA
15:57
today is the same as the POA 20, 30 years ago.
15:59
as for other things that they
16:02
have put in their propaganda
16:04
such as the reform on the resources.
16:06
I can tell you there's no reform in the resources and
16:09
everything's still since then.
16:10
It's the same thing that
16:13
we have seen
16:14
over all these years. The Taiwan's
16:16
administrative national defense and the politicians
16:19
in charge
16:20
which right now is the Taiwan government,
16:23
they are not committed
16:24
to reform. I made this
16:27
statement based on my years of research
16:29
and observation
16:31
as a defense analyst.
16:32
I have nothing any change in that direction
16:35
that that will matter. I don't
16:37
see a commitment there. I don't see it
16:39
sincere and
16:41
I see the problem being the
16:43
ruling government, the Thai government.
16:46
It's just not committed. It's all about
16:48
show. They're
16:49
too tough but they don't act tough
16:52
and that's the
16:54
fundamental problem with Taiwan's defense
16:56
and security today. There doesn't seem to
16:58
be any adult in charge
17:00
of Taiwan's military and
17:02
security apparatus. There's
17:05
no one that is there to
17:07
to outline the strategy. We
17:09
know the military balance is going up.
17:11
The ink balance is going off the chart.
17:14
Something needs to be done. So
17:15
some people, some
17:18
responsible and smart people have come
17:20
up and spoken now
17:22
about this. They have proposed various
17:25
alternatives and strategies such
17:27
as the overall defense concept
17:30
and other framework. They have their
17:32
opposing cons. They have their
17:35
strengths and weaknesses. But those
17:37
people, they are sincere
17:39
people. They want to propose these kind of changes.
17:42
The issue is the Ministry
17:44
of National Defense
17:45
and Taiwan's government. They don't take any of this
17:47
seriously. For them, at the end of the
17:49
day, it just all
17:50
comes down to
17:53
press release, a parade for
17:55
media and
17:57
some Facebook posts. to
18:00
get the politicians elected in the next election.
18:02
And that's all I care. I think looking at
18:04
this from outside Taiwan, there is a tendency to
18:06
reduce the main issue to be
18:09
fundamentally security, first, second,
18:11
third. What should we understand
18:13
about actually where security ranks
18:16
in terms of voters' concerns? What are the
18:19
other important issues
18:21
that people are looking at as they approach the next
18:23
election or likely to be?
18:25
I think people are, despite government's
18:27
best efforts in misleading the
18:29
public over the years,
18:32
I think more and more people are beginning to see
18:35
the things are not what they have been told. What
18:37
our polls found last year
18:39
that more people say that they are not
18:42
confident in Taiwan military's
18:44
ability to resist a Chinese invasion.
18:47
And then the majority of people
18:49
always say
18:50
they are not confident Taiwan can stand on
18:52
its own. They cannot defend
18:54
against China if the United States is intervene.
18:58
In addition to that, there are also other indications
19:00
such as
19:01
most majority of people, they don't
19:03
believe that the United States will intervene
19:06
militarily to defend Taiwan, in
19:08
China and Taiwan. So all these polls, they
19:11
told us that the
19:14
Taiwan's public, they are more and more
19:16
aware,
19:17
becoming aware that
19:20
there is a problem there.
19:24
They knew that China has been growing
19:26
economically, technologically and militarily,
19:29
and something is not going right with Taiwan's
19:31
military, Taiwan's preparation.
19:34
And so at some point that
19:36
this public leg of confidence
19:38
going to Taiwanese
19:40
public's political preference,
19:42
they're going to say, since our partition,
19:45
just don't, they don't
19:47
seem to be serious, they don't seem to be
19:49
serious in fixing our military, then maybe
19:51
we need to consider
19:53
what we are voting for, what we are calling
19:55
our politicians to do, but
19:58
in short, then
19:59
That's a really bad thing because we know
20:02
the majority of Taiwanese public,
20:06
the majority position is they
20:08
want Taiwan to be independent in
20:11
the long term.
20:12
Majority of Taiwanese say they are Taiwanese.
20:15
They're not Chinese, they're not Chinese or Taiwanese,
20:17
just Taiwanese. And therefore, in response
20:20
to what Taiwan's politicians are responsible,
20:23
the
20:24
thing to do will be to
20:25
see their opinion for what, for their
20:28
consensus for why it is.
20:30
And to formulate a strategy to
20:32
defend, to if not pursue
20:34
a long term independence, at least to build
20:37
out some sort of
20:38
capability of Taiwan can say
20:41
like this forever and not be taken,
20:43
not be subjugated by China. But
20:45
that's not what the current government is doing, talking
20:48
tough and doing nothing. It's not going to help. Unfortunately,
20:50
we are out of time. So let me thank
20:52
you so much for your expertise and
20:54
say thank you to Paul Huang for joining me today.
20:57
Thank you, Katie.
21:01
This has been World Review from The New Statesman.
21:04
You can read all our international coverage on
21:06
our website, newstatesman.com. If
21:09
you've enjoyed this episode, please like,
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subscribe and leave a nice review. The
21:14
producer has been Adrienne Bradley. The
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team will be back later in the week. I'm Katie
21:18
Stalard. Thanks for listening and until
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next time.
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