Episode Transcript
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0:00
Presented by the US Travel
0:02
Association. Everyone needs a lawyer, even
0:05
the president of the United States. And
0:07
if you've been a Democrat in the White House over the last
0:09
30 years, Bob Bauer
0:12
has in some capacity been your
0:14
guy. Currently,
0:17
Bauer is president Joe Biden's personal lawyer.
0:20
Prior to that, he was general
0:22
counsel for both of Barack Obama's
0:24
presidential campaigns and Obama's
0:26
White House counsel. He
0:28
also served as counsel to Senate Democrats
0:31
during Bill Clinton's impeachment trial. And
0:33
in 2000, he was the top lawyer
0:35
for New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley's presidential
0:37
primary campaign against Al Gore. It
0:40
was in that campaign that Bauer first became
0:42
an expert in a unique political
0:44
art, playing the role of
0:46
his candidate's rival during debate prep.
0:50
In 2020, he helped Biden
0:52
prepare for debates by playing Bernie Sanders
0:54
in the primaries and Donald Trump
0:56
in the general election. It
0:59
was his job to insult and impugn Biden
1:01
the way that Trump would. In
1:03
all of the debate preps,
1:05
and whether it was the Trump debate
1:07
prep or Gore Bradley or others that
1:09
I've done, you cannot be
1:12
afraid of laying down on the
1:14
table something that your candidate
1:16
that you're preparing this for won't like.
1:19
With the first presidential debate less than one week
1:21
away and both Biden and Trump cramming to
1:23
prepare for it, I wanted Bauer
1:25
to come on and help us preview the big
1:27
event. Bauer also has
1:30
a new book out, The Unraveling,
1:32
Reflections on Politics Without Ethics and
1:35
Democracy in Crisis, which
1:37
is an account of his accumulated wisdom
1:39
in decades of work at the highest
1:41
levels of American politics and
1:43
government. Bauer
1:46
and I met downtown in Washington on
1:48
Thursday afternoon and discussed what
1:50
it's like to prepare Biden for a Trump debate,
1:53
whether or not Democratic prosecutors have
1:55
overdone it on pursuing
1:57
legal actions against Trump, whether
1:59
his I
20:00
want to draw a distinction
20:02
for the moment between Trump campaign
20:04
slash Republican National Committee activity and
20:08
what I would call other electional
20:11
denialist or election
20:13
integrity defense activity that you see
20:15
that may be encouraged, but it's
20:18
coming from other sources, again,
20:21
sources of support for what the Republicans are
20:23
claiming about elections. Like the Steve Adkins of
20:25
the world, that kind of thing. Yeah, and
20:27
different nonprofit organizations that show up and file
20:29
suits and different
20:31
election officials now who make claims about
20:33
their authority and we're seeing and have
20:36
seen election officials saying, no, if I'm
20:38
not satisfied with the outcome here, I
20:40
may not certify. I'll just block
20:42
it. And you saw that play out very dramatically
20:44
in Michigan in 2020. That
20:47
is something that we
20:50
might see more of this time around. I wouldn't
20:52
say, by the way, we're going to see it
20:54
widely and across the board if
20:56
I could. And this is more than a footnote. At
21:00
the same time as I'm active in the Biden campaign and I
21:02
discussed this in the book, I'm
21:05
very active on bipartisan voting
21:09
reform and election administration. I
21:11
think that's really important. The two parties have
21:14
to collaborate, if they can at all, to
21:16
protect the system fundamentally and to defend it,
21:18
and in particular, to stand
21:20
up for professional election administration. And
21:23
I will tell you that in the travels that I've
21:25
done around the country recently in battleground
21:28
states with Republicans, with
21:30
Ben Ginsburg and others, I
21:33
find Republican as well as Democratic
21:35
election officials who are really
21:37
determined to do this the right
21:39
way. But I just want to raise the point
21:42
that, yes, there are going to be election officials
21:44
who may be prepared to create trouble. Is
21:46
there anything preemptively that you do
21:48
when you encounter public commentary from
21:51
election officials that telegraph
21:53
that? Well,
21:55
yes. I mean, there are
21:58
things that you can do to lay down markers.
22:00
and certainly to respond quickly as soon as you
22:02
hear that they're operating on that theory. Right
22:05
now, there is a legal case
22:07
that is developed in Fulton County,
22:09
Georgia, precisely this kind that involves
22:11
both an election official who is
22:13
insisting on, if
22:16
you will, discretionary certification authority rather than
22:18
the ministerial act has widely been accepted
22:20
to be and should be under the
22:22
law and just certifying the results that
22:24
are reported up. The
22:26
state election board itself in rulemaking may
22:29
be, if you will, toying around
22:31
with the authority the election officials have
22:34
to refuse certification. This is not the
22:36
Trump-Racketerring case? No, no, no. This
22:38
is a different Fulton County case. This is a voting case. Well,
22:40
not totally unrelated, but yeah. Well, it's correct. By
22:43
legal subject matter, it's totally unrelated, but you're
22:45
correct. It's not topically unrelated. Yeah.
22:48
You write a lot about campaign
22:50
finance reform in the book. You
22:53
have a very nuanced view of
22:55
political reform. I found it really
22:57
refreshing reading your views. You're very
22:59
aware of unintended consequences when it
23:02
comes to political reform. You basically
23:04
think that the history of campaign
23:06
finance is a history of unintended
23:08
consequences. Refreshingly you say,
23:10
I don't repent in
23:13
terms of your skepticism. I
23:18
can't help but ask one
23:21
more preface to this question. You
23:24
talk about the famous John Edwards case. You
23:27
note that his political career ended
23:29
in another sex scandal that became
23:32
foolishly a criminal prosecution that did
23:34
not move the jury. I
23:38
can't help but notice your criticisms of
23:41
campaign finance, of the Edwards case. It
23:43
seems like you would be very, very
23:45
skeptical of the
23:47
Trump case in
23:49
Manhattan when it comes to elevating
23:52
those bookkeeping
23:56
frauds to a campaign finance
23:59
violation. I
24:02
bet you, Ryan, you know that I'm not going to address that question,
24:05
but you did your job by asking
24:07
it. But surely Bob Bauer does not
24:09
think that a private
24:12
NDA should be a reportable campaign
24:14
finance expense. Well,
24:18
I don't know that you framed the issue of the case correctly
24:20
there. I'm sorry for that. Correct me.
24:22
I'm not a lawyer. I'm not sure
24:24
that's the issue of the case. Or
24:26
the reimbursement. Listen, for professional and representational
24:28
reasons, my commenting on a case like
24:30
that, which by the way is ongoing
24:32
because the- No sentencing. Trump is appealing,
24:34
would be inappropriate. In
24:36
the book- Why would it be inappropriate? Because
24:38
I don't want any confusion between the views that I
24:41
express and the views that
24:43
others that I'm involved with professionally might hold. I
24:45
don't want someone to say, and you can imagine
24:47
it, oh, the Democrats, one
24:50
of the Democrats presidential campaign lawyers or Biden's
24:52
lawyer has said this. Presented
25:00
by the US Travel Association,
25:02
air travel innovations make getting there
25:04
this summer more safe, secure, and
25:07
seamless. In
25:14
writing about this in the book,
25:16
you note that one lesson you learned
25:19
there was to ask
25:21
for forgiveness rather than
25:23
permission when you're out there expressing
25:25
your opinions. One,
25:28
I think that that's the spirit with which we should have
25:30
this conversation. But
25:33
two, did you ask anyone
25:36
about publishing this book? No. You
25:38
didn't ask the president? No. I
25:40
don't think he would have expected me to, but I don't know because I
25:42
didn't ask. My
25:45
day job- This is a big guy. Oh, I'm
25:47
sorry. Please don't go. Let
25:49
me be clear. I, after many, many years in
25:51
private practice and the vast majority of it, some
25:53
38 years taking out
25:55
some time for government work, spent
25:57
at the same law firm, I left my
26:00
law firm so that I could
26:02
devote myself full-time to the legal academy and I'm at NYU
26:05
Law. And the
26:08
reason was that I wanted to get
26:10
away from being
26:12
bound, if you will, in the expression of my
26:14
views, any particular interest that I was thought to
26:16
represent or be responsible for. Now,
26:19
I made a fateful decision. I don't regret in the least.
26:22
I decided to maintain what I called a little
26:25
pack of legacy clients with whom I had a
26:27
close personal relationship, one of whom was
26:29
Joe Biden, who I didn't
26:31
know decided to run for president and
26:34
became president. And so that
26:36
took that narrow
26:39
band of representations and significantly expanded
26:41
it. So I, in that respect,
26:43
in that area of concern
26:46
about what I say about matters that are
26:48
directly relevant to his administration or to his
26:50
campaign, I have to observe
26:52
constraints. But other than that, I teach
26:54
what I am going to teach and I write what I'm going
26:57
to write. And of course, you say forgiveness rather
26:59
than permission. In
27:03
writing this book, I was mindful. There's an
27:05
attorney-client privilege I want to respect, their client
27:07
confidentiality I want to respect. I
27:09
have stories I would have loved to put in the book.
27:12
Sometimes you tell stories without the name. It's going to
27:14
be a little frustrating. It's a bit of a correct.
27:17
I tried to be sensitive to the
27:19
trust that people have proposed to me, I
27:21
hope, as a lawyer. But
27:23
I also don't want anyone to own a decision about
27:26
what I write. And so no,
27:28
I wrote this book without seeking permission. And
27:30
just so people understand, you are not one
27:32
of these Biden lifers. You met
27:34
Biden via working for the
27:36
Obama campaign. That's correct. I knew him before. I
27:39
had met him when I was doing a lot
27:41
of Senate legal work, campaign work, but
27:43
I did not represent him at the time and I
27:45
didn't come to really know him or represent him personally
27:47
until he became the
27:50
vice presidential pick of President Obama.
27:52
The president has said that he
27:54
would not pardon his son, Hunter
27:56
Biden, but as someone who
27:59
is a friend advisor to
28:01
the president, would
28:03
you recommend that he do that? That
28:05
he changes mind about that? Your
28:09
tenacity is impressive. You're
28:12
well aware that I'm not
28:14
going to respond to a question like that, but
28:16
I admire you for keeping on it. Alright,
28:20
this one I am going to press you
28:22
on because when you talk about the Her
28:25
investigation, your
28:27
whole spiel
28:30
on that is about why
28:32
you couldn't talk about it in real
28:34
time because you needed to protect the
28:36
integrity of the investigation. Okay, that investigation
28:39
is now over. You've
28:41
written about it in the book, so let's,
28:43
I hope we can talk a little bit
28:45
about that and I'd like to start here
28:47
with asking you what your reaction was upon
28:49
reading the first draft of the Her report.
28:52
To be sure, I want to be very clear, the
28:55
only part of the book
28:57
that deals with Her investigation was that
28:59
issue that you just raised, press dissatisfaction
29:01
with the level of transparency they thought
29:04
had been provided by the
29:06
administration. So I addressed that in a chapter on
29:08
the press. Yes. Right. Yes. So I didn't otherwise
29:10
discuss the classified documents investigation, it would have been
29:13
entirely inappropriate for me to do so. I can
29:17
track what I have said in
29:19
letters that had been released as one of
29:21
his counsel and I
29:24
can just
29:26
say generally that, how
29:34
would I put it? I obviously
29:38
had major differences with
29:41
the way the investigation went. I
29:44
think it ended up legally, absolutely legally,
29:46
where it had to end.
29:48
I mean it had to end the way it did because
29:51
there was in my judgment no case to be made to
29:53
the contrary, no matter how much somebody
29:55
might stretch to make that case to the
29:57
contrary. But as you
29:59
know, And I've said this
30:02
publicly. We wrote letters that have
30:04
been released. We wrote letters to both Rob Herr and to
30:06
the department that some of
30:08
the editorializing that Rob Herr did
30:10
in that report that I otherwise
30:12
thought was not assembled very in
30:14
my judgment effectively or well. Assembled.
30:18
Meaning I thought the report in
30:20
a number of respects just did
30:23
not meet my expectations for how
30:26
it would be done. I mean, there's already
30:28
a controversy about how much
30:30
special counsels should say. As you recall, when
30:32
these regulations were promulgated, the idea
30:34
was to get away from the hundreds of
30:36
pages that the so-called independent counsels from a
30:38
prior era had produced and
30:40
then generate what was essentially,
30:43
I'm almost quoting from the regulations, not quite
30:46
a limited confidential report to the attorney general
30:48
who in turn would make a decision
30:50
about what to release in the public interest. But
30:52
the report received would focus on whether a
30:54
case should be brought or declined. And
30:57
it would be limited in character to that
30:59
objective. And now we have these tomes that
31:02
come out. Mueller, Herr. Absolutely. So are we
31:04
back? Durham. Durham. Yes. And
31:06
I think that's very regrettable. It's
31:10
unfortunate. And by the way- And that extends to the
31:12
Mueller case as well? It
31:17
is difficult as
31:19
a process matter as
31:22
much as I think Bob Mueller was committed to
31:24
writing volume one to warn the American public about
31:26
the extent of foreign government
31:28
interference in our elections to take
31:30
the 400 page report that he produced
31:32
in every aspect of it and say it
31:36
conform to what my expectations would have been
31:38
if reports under the special counsel rules. But
31:40
that's the report that he wrote. And that
31:42
was the report the attorney general, although as
31:44
we know, Bill Barr reluctantly then
31:46
passed on to the Congress and then
31:49
released to the American public. And
31:51
of course, in the
31:53
hands of Bob Mueller, it
31:56
might be very different than the hands of somebody else. Like
31:59
her. So you can say- Bob Mueller's
32:01
a professional. Well, or John Durham. Let's
32:03
not forget John Durham. You're
32:06
probably right. It sounds like you would rank him down
32:08
at the bottom of those three. Well, let me
32:11
just say something about that. I just think it's
32:13
worth remembering this. And that is, John
32:16
Durham took two cases to
32:18
trial and lost both of them almost instantly. And
32:22
yet, he wrote 300
32:24
pages to vindicate, you know,
32:26
the position he'd taken all along was that
32:28
there was some irregularity in
32:31
this whole investigation of the connection between the
32:33
Trump campaign and the Russians and so forth.
32:36
But he took his main cases to trial and he
32:38
lost them both and he lost them like
32:40
within a day or two. And the jury came back and
32:42
said, no, go. And yet, 300 plus
32:45
pages, unedited, untouched by
32:47
anybody else, went from John Durham to
32:49
the world in connection with
32:51
the whole business of trying to persuade people
32:54
of his view, his political view, that
32:57
the Department of Justice had been corrupted and
32:59
people around the department had been corrupted to
33:03
take after Donald Trump over this whole Russian
33:05
allegation. And that's not how these regulations were
33:07
expected to work. So my
33:09
colleague, Jack, I'm sorry. Do you think
33:11
that her a
33:13
Trump appointee was
33:15
partisan in the way he pursued that case?
33:19
I don't want to characterize him in that way. I certainly
33:22
think in many respects, he was misguided, but
33:24
I'm not going to say that he had
33:26
a political agenda. I didn't have any indication that
33:28
he had a political agenda. But
33:30
the editorializing in the report was,
33:33
first of all, in my view, flatly
33:35
inconsistent with departmental guidelines for the way
33:37
third parties are treated or subjects
33:40
who are not charged or third
33:43
parties are treated in reports like that. And
33:46
I truly do not understand it. There's
33:48
so much political pressure under the independent
33:50
counsel statute, it was thought to
33:53
result in independent counsel investigations that
33:55
never ended or that created pressures
33:57
to prosecute. But.
36:00
odd arrangement that produced
36:02
a famous dissent from Justice Scalia, but
36:04
an odd arrangement under which the
36:07
judiciary was involved in an appointment and
36:09
supervision. And it wasn't good for
36:11
the judiciary. That did not work out well at
36:13
all, and it was ill-conceived in the first instance.
36:16
So the notion was, let's return it to the Department
36:18
of Justice and provide enough
36:21
independence so that the public can have
36:23
confidence in the special prosecutor's
36:25
ability to escape any kind of political pressure,
36:28
but let's not disturb the Attorney General's role
36:30
as head of the Department and
36:32
ensure that the Attorney General has
36:34
adequate opportunity and a
36:37
conceded authority to learn
36:40
about the investigation as it unfolds, to
36:43
supervise it as appropriate. But
36:45
every decision, from whether the charges should be
36:47
brought to the major investigative decisions
36:49
are ones under the Attorney General's supervision. But what
36:51
happens? Special counsels are referred
36:53
to as independent counsels. The independent
36:56
counsel mindset takes hold. The press reports it as
36:58
a major sin if there
37:00
is any possible involvement by DOJ and the supervision
37:02
of the special counsel. And so
37:04
it's all collapsed back into something that looks
37:06
awful like the independent counsel statute.
37:11
One thought about what
37:13
the Mueller Prosecution Team intent tried to
37:16
do here was to
37:18
inform not just the public debate, but
37:20
perhaps the congressional debate about whether impeachment
37:22
might be appropriate. But of course, one
37:24
of the steps that was taken in
37:26
the independent counsel repeal was to
37:30
take away from somebody like
37:32
a special counsel what the independent
37:34
counsel previously had, which was the
37:36
authority to actually report to the
37:38
Congress that they had found evidence
37:41
of potentially impeachable offenses. And that's what Ken
37:43
started with Bill Clinton. He went to the
37:45
Congress and said, I have
37:48
found evidence of impeachable offenses.
37:51
By the way, amazing as it
37:53
is to think back and became one of
37:55
the lead witnesses for the Republican in the
37:57
House impeachment proceeding. Yeah. Part
38:00
of the legal team for the Senate Democrats. That's correct. But
38:02
that's not the way things should go. That's not the way
38:04
things should go And he of
38:06
course all of the evidence and witnesses
38:09
were then turned over to Congress in
38:12
the fight over the her report It's
38:16
up to the Attorney General for instance The
38:18
president said he didn't want the
38:20
audio recordings of his interview with
38:22
the special counsel released to Congress
38:25
Was he able to do that under the independent counsel rule?
38:28
Would he have been able to do that? Or
38:30
it would have been up to the independent counsel him or herself That
38:35
is a good question I'm
38:37
not sure in every application. I had the answer off the top
38:40
of my head. Do you think? That
38:42
was the right decision not to hand over the tapes Another
38:45
question asking me that goes to what I can't discuss
38:48
Why I can't express an opinion about something like that. That's
38:50
not my call to make Publicly whatever
38:52
I have ever said on that topic is something I
38:54
have to keep to myself. All right, it's not in
38:57
the book Imagine if I were
38:59
your lawyer wouldn't you want me to be this circumspect of
39:01
course you would There
39:04
all right, but this is something you write about
39:06
which I found really interesting is You're
39:09
you are harshly critical of Democrats
39:12
in 2022 Supporting
39:14
MAGA candidates in GOP primaries
39:16
you talk about how former
39:19
senator Claire McCaskill Once
39:22
bragged about in Politico magazine, I
39:24
believe Pioneering that it really became
39:26
a thing in 2022. I remember
39:29
a lot of Democrats I remember a lot of
39:31
political observers at the time saying this
39:33
didn't work out so well in 2016 Whatever.
39:36
Everyone wished Trump did was
39:38
the nominee you think it's a bad idea I'm
39:41
very troubled by it. By the way, I think
39:44
very highly a player McCaskill on this I have
39:46
clearly a disagreement with her I don't even know
39:48
what she thinks about it at the present time
39:51
And she certainly is not the only one since
39:53
then who I mean she I haven't heard her
39:55
expressive opinion since then others have clearly acted on
39:57
that basic theory that I Pelosi
39:59
was leading, Polisian Schumer, he was very
40:02
important, you know, top, top Democratic officials
40:04
in the 20, in charge of the
40:06
2020 mid, 2022 midterms who, you know,
40:09
gave the go ahead for that. It worked out. It
40:14
worked in the midterms. Anyway, lay
40:16
out your case of concern about it. Let
40:19
me just begin with a practical point, which is
40:21
not an ethical point. The practical point is be
40:23
careful what you wish for. And
40:26
I just think it's a very dangerous game to play.
40:31
The idea that you would spend money to persuade people
40:33
to vote for someone you actually think is dangerous if
40:35
they were to win office raises for
40:37
me some significant questions. And then
40:39
a concern that's related to
40:41
that is it is
40:43
fundamentally a concerted effort to spend money
40:45
to deceive voters. And
40:48
explain that because I don't think that is
40:51
intuitive to a lot of political
40:54
minded listeners who listen to this. I think like as
40:56
you point out in the book, a lot of people
40:58
just think, oh, that's smart. Yes.
41:00
Right. And they're sort of, you
41:02
know, yes. Explain why it's dishonest.
41:06
It is an attempt
41:08
to how would you call
41:10
goad voters into voting for
41:12
somebody that you are confident that
41:16
should they care about this, they
41:18
wouldn't vote for if they knew they couldn't win. In
41:20
other words, you're saying to the voters, vote for this
41:23
person, vote for Ryan Lizza because
41:25
he's a true conservative, right? And
41:27
they vote for Ryan Lizza. Maybe by the
41:29
way, they're also encouraged to see some of
41:32
this coming if they know what's coming from
41:34
Democrats because they think, why? If the Democrats
41:36
think this is a true conservative, this must
41:38
be a really true conservative. They're scared of
41:40
him. Right. Exactly. And they're touting that candidate's
41:42
bona fides as a conservative candidate.
41:45
But when what they're really trying to do is
41:47
to have the voters focus on
41:49
that without realizing that
41:51
the game that's being played is to put
41:54
the most beatable Republican candidate on the ticket.
41:57
And as you know, in other
41:59
contexts like micro-targeting. We
42:03
have a significant issue with the
42:06
manipulation, disinformation,
42:08
disinformation, fake AI,
42:10
various kinds of
42:12
targeting practices with manipulating the
42:14
electorate. This
42:16
particular form that you and I are discussing, that
42:19
kind of manipulation by which
42:21
you try to persuade them that the candidate
42:23
they really want and who is the most
42:25
beatable is the candidate they should nominate, is
42:28
that the moment
42:30
the example that we should most
42:32
worry about it is the most
42:34
troubling of all the potential examples
42:36
in that category? Maybe not, especially
42:39
given deepfakes, AI. But
42:43
I think it's something it's
42:45
worth really thinking hard about and I am not a
42:47
fan of it. I think
42:50
what happens eventually is this all catches
42:52
up to the
42:55
political process because
42:58
voters ultimately conclude that policy
43:01
is a dirty business. The
43:03
people that they expect to lead the country or who
43:05
are vying to lead the country are constantly pulling the
43:07
wool over their eyes. It's just
43:09
filthy. It's a tough business.
43:11
I'm all in favor of waging hard,
43:14
tough campaigns. I'm all in favor
43:16
of putting before the electorate
43:18
a very tough characterization of your opposition, even
43:21
if it's not a characterization that your opposition
43:23
necessarily thinks is fair. I'm not worried about
43:25
any of that, but there have to be
43:27
some lines or ultimately the process
43:29
itself falls into discredit and that's what we're
43:31
dealing with right now. What's
43:33
interesting is when you're writing about these things,
43:36
a recurring theme is you're obviously
43:38
a Democrat and I want Democrats to win
43:40
and work for the president and are playing
43:43
Donald Trump in debate prep. I'm
43:48
not going to get you to talk about that anyway. But
43:52
you repeatedly express concern about things
43:54
that you don't like on the
43:56
Republican side being
43:59
imported. to the
44:02
democratic side. And in the example we
44:04
just talked about, you know, that was
44:06
something that the democrats themselves are doing.
44:09
What are the ones that concern you? What
44:11
are the norm violations of the last 10
44:13
years that you worry that your own party
44:15
might say, you know what, this is
44:17
just how it's done now and we
44:19
need to do that. What are the ones
44:21
that you want to tell democrats, no, that's
44:23
a line we shouldn't ever cross. So
44:26
I don't... The ones that are
44:28
legitimately on the table. I
44:31
don't know that I'm worried that Republican
44:33
practices in the Trump era are being
44:35
imported into the Democratic Party. The Democratic
44:37
Party is standing pretty strong against Trump
44:39
politics. I'm not worried the democrats are
44:42
stepping away from that. But
44:44
there is a kind of ends
44:46
just to minds of means mentality, particularly
44:49
at a time of polarization and, if
44:51
you will, an existential politics in which losing
44:55
is unthinkable. There's
44:57
a danger that unless we think
44:59
hard about these practices and norms and what's required
45:01
to keep them alive, some
45:04
of these ends, means, resolutions
45:07
are going to weaken. But I
45:09
don't... I wouldn't look at the Democratic Party today
45:11
and say, oh, I think they're heading the way of Donald Trump. I
45:13
don't say that in the book. Well, one quote, this is one
45:15
I wrote down, but I thought it was in several places. This
45:19
was on the dangers of election denialism spreading.
45:22
So in 2024, will Republicans
45:25
supporting the Republican candidates... I
45:28
might have a typo here. Have a
45:30
ready-made argument for rejecting the results of
45:32
a lost election. So do
45:34
their adversaries, who may make the
45:37
case that the rules clamping down
45:39
on voter access achieved their partisan
45:41
goal, but made impossible acceptance of
45:43
the results. That's
45:50
what I was talking about when I... Oh, I see.
45:52
I see. Criticisms of
45:54
election denialism, concern that
45:57
these tools... And that does happen in
45:59
politics.
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